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HEARINGS 


SUBCOMMITTEE ¢ OF THE 
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS 
UNITED STATES SENATE | 


(sixty. -KIGHTH CONGRESS 
)RIRST SESSION 


_ pubstanr to 


18; Res. 50 


: ‘ DECLARING {HAT THE SENATE OF THE UN. TED ST ‘TES 
| FAVORS THE RECOGNITION OF THE PRET a 
SOVIET GOVERNMENT IN RUSSIA 


e. ree ” JANUARY 21, 22, anv 23, 1924 lel bee 
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RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. ~~ 





MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1924. 


t 
: 
} UNITED STATES SENATE, 
4 SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON ForrEIGN RELATIONS, 
y Washington, D.C. 
The subcommittee met, pursuant to the call of the chairman, at 
11 o’clock a. m., in room 224, Senate Office Building, Senator William 
__E. Borah presiding. 

Present: Senators Borah (chairman), Lenroot, Pepper, and Swan- 
son. ; 

(The subcommittee thereupon proceeded to the consideration of 
_ Senate Resolution 50, which reads as follows:) 
2 'S. Res. 50, Sixty-eighth Congress, first session. ] 


_ Resolved, That the Senate of the United States favors the recognition of the 
_ present Soviet Government of Russia. 


Senator Boran. The committee requested that the Secretary of 
State transmit to it certain information. You are here to present 
that information ? 7 | 
ss Mr. Youne. Yes, sir; and I hand you this letter from the Secre- 
ary of State. 
™ Senator Boran. I will read this letter: 
| {> THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 
th, & Washington, January 21, 1924. 

d & My Dear Senator Boran: In accordance with your request, I transmit here- 
'~with pertinent information at the command of the Department of State re- 
',/Specting propaganda carried on in the United States, directed from Russia, 
**aimed at the overthrow of the institutions of this country. While this is very 
— voluminous, you will find it to the point. 
'. In addition, important information of a confidential nature will be made 
vailable to your committee for consideration in executive Sesson, 
SS I am, by dear Senator Borah, 

Very sincerely yours, 


Mi ee, 8 













= 


CH. 


CHARLES K. HUGHES. 


i iN Hon. Wirtt1amM FE. Boray, 
United States Senate. 


Inclosure. ‘ 
Mr. Young, will you give your name and official position? 


SY 


ry 


i STATEMENT OF MR. EVAN E. YOUNG, CHIEF OF THE EASTERN 
? EUROPEAN DIVISION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 


a 


_ Mr. Youne. The envelope marked “A,” members of the committee, 
.. contains translations and photostatic copies from the soviet press of 
* the official statements of officials of the so-called Soviet Government 
2 1 


2, RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


with reference to the relation of the Russian Communist Party to the 
soviet régime. 

Senator Swanson. Are you sufficiently acqualiiae with the con- 
tents of these to give us a short summary of each ? 

Mr. Younc. Mr. Kelley is the Russian expert of the division, and 
he will give you the contents and will be able to translate from the 
Russian anything that you desire. 

Senator Lenroor. Was it your thought to present this matter in 
this way and just go over the documents separately ? 

Mr. Youna. In any way the committee desires. 

Senator Boran. I assume that you have this matter arranged in 
what you consider the logical order? 

Mr. Youne. Yes, sir; precisely. 

Senator Boran. It occurs to me that we had better take up each 
item as we go along, if that suits you. 

Mr. Youne. We will do it in any way that is convenient to the 
committee. 

Senator Borau. Then take up this one first. 

Mr. Youne. Shall I state the reasons why these are submitted, 
etc. ? 

Senator Boran. Yes. 

Mr. Youne. These are submitted to show the relation of the Rus-. 
sian Communist Party to the soviet régime. These are submitted to 
show that the Russian Communist Party controls what is known as 
the Soviet Government of Russia. I do not suppose, Mr. Chairman, 
that you want these extracts translated, read now. It would take a 
great many hours. 

Senator Boran. What are the dates upon these documents? They 
run back to what time ?. 

Mr. Youne. The first is to December 10, 1919. Then they are 
December 31, 1921; December 29, 1921; December 28, 1922; April 22, 
1923; December 29, 1921; April 18, 1923; April 20, 1928, April 20, 
1923 May 12, 1928, “May ab 1923, April 28, 1923, September 16, 1928 ; 
April 21, 1923; and November 1, 1923. 

Senator Boran. Mr. Young, are those excerpts from editorials? 

Mr. Youne. Not so much from editorials, though there are a 
numb-r of editorials here, Senator. You might, if you have time, 
glance at this, and it will give you a general idea of the formation of 
the party and its general relation to the Government. 

Senator Borau. Are these translations, each of them a translation 
of an entire statement, or are they paragraphs or excerpts from 
longer statements ? 

Mr. Youne. This is an entire statement. They will vary. 

Senator Boran. I see attached to this translation quite a lengthy 
photostatic copy of a speech. 

Mr. Youne. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Is this translation here a paragraph from that 
speech ? 

Mr. Young. It is marked there, so that the committee will know 
what part has been translated. 

Senator Boraw. Then the remainder constitutes the entire article? 

Mr. Youne. Yes. Now, if you will hear Mr. Kelley. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. S 


STATEMENT OF MR. ROBERT F. KELLEY, OF THE DIVISION OF 
EASTERN EUROPEAN AFFAIRS, DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 


Mr. Ketter. This document, No. 2, isa translation from Economic 
Life, of December 10, 1919. It gives the composition of the All- 
Russian Congress of Soviets. This indicates that particular part of 
the report of that congress which contains the information that has 
been translated. 

Senator Borau. I take it this marked No. 3 is the translation of a 
portion of an editorial from the Pravda. 

Mr. Kerrey. No. 3 is a portion of a report. 

Senator Boran. Printed in what? 

Mr. Ketiny. Printed in the Pravda No. 296, of December 31, 1920. 

Senator Borau. Is that a full translation of the entire report, or 
is it simply a paragraph from it? 

Mr. Ketrey. That is a translation of the report of the committee 
on credentials, in so far as it contains statistics in relation to the com- 
position of the congress. 

Senator Swanson. What is the Economic Life? 

Mr. Ketrry. The Economic Life is the official organ of the Su- 
preme Council of People’s Economy of the so-called Russian Soviet 
Government. | 

Senator Borau. What is that? 

Mr. Keniry. It is the supreme economic organization in Russia. 

Senator Boran. Of what is it constituted? What is it? Who are 
the members of it ? 

Mr. Keniry. It is a branch of the Russian Government charged 
with coordinating the industrial hfe of the country and supervising 
the nationalized industries, etc. 

Senator Boran. Are you sure of that? 

Mr. Kewiey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Take up No. 4, which is from Economic Life, De- 
cember 29, 1921, and explain a little more fully what that is, 

Mr. Kretiry. No. 4 is a report of the committee on credentials as 
to the compensation of the Ninth Congress of Soviets. It is a full 
translation of the part of the report dealing with the composition of 
the congress. 

Senator Borau. No. 5 is what? That was printed? 

Mr. Keiiey. No. 5 was printed in the Izvestia. That is the official 
organ of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Transla- 
tion No. 5 contains a report of the committee on credentials on the 
composition of the Tenth Congress of Soviets. It is a full transla- 
tion of that report in so far as it pertains to the composition of said 
congress. 

Senator Borau. What is No. 6? 

Mr. Kerry. No. 6 is a translation from the Izvestia of April 22, 
1923. The Izvestia is the official organ of the All-Russian Cen- 
tral Executive Committee. It contains data in regard to the compo- 
sition of the Provincial Executive Committees. They are the su- 
preme executive bodies in the Provinces. 

Senator Borau. What is the Izvestia, do you say? 

Mr. Keriury. The Izvestia is the official organ of the All-Rus- 
sian Central Executive Committee. 


- 


4 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Borau. And that is what? . 

Mr. Krtiey. That is the supreme executive organ of the Soviet 
Government. 

Senator Boran. What is No. 7? 7 

Mr. Keniry. No. 7 is a translation from the Izvestia of December 
29, 1921, taken from the stenographic report, showing the method 
by which members of the Russian Central Executive Committee 
were elected at the Ninth All-Russian Congress of Soviets. 

Senator Boran. No. 8 seems to be a part of a speech. 

Mr. Kerry. No. 8 is a translation from the Pravda of April 18, 
1923, containing an extract from a speech of Zinoviev. 

Senator Boran. Is the entire speech here? 

Mr. Kerrey. The entire speech is here, but only a portion of the 
speech is translated. 

Senator Boran. How long would it take to translate it all? 

Mr. Ketiny. The entire speech is not included in the photo- 
static copy. 

Senator Boran. What is the date of that speech ? 

Mr. Keuiey. April 18, 1923. 

Senator Boran. Could you furnish the committee a translation 
of the entire speech ? 

Mr. Kertiery. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Tell the committee the position held by the 
party whose speech is reported there. 

Mr. Ketiry. This was a speech made by Zinoviey at the twelfth 
\All-Russian Congress of the Communist Party; the last Congress 
that was held, in April of last year. 

Senator Swanson. What is his position in connection with the 
Communist Party and the Soviet Government ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Zinoviev is a member of the. political bureau of 
the Russian Communist Party; he is a member of the All-Russian 
Central Executive Committee, and is also a member of the Federa- 
tion Central Executive Committee and is, in addition to that, a ~ 
member of the Communist International. 

Senator Boran. What evidence have you that he is a member of 
these bodies? How do you ascertain that? 

Mr. Kerrey. That is stated later in these reports. 

Senator Boran. It is authentic? 

Mr. Ketiny. Authentic, yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Is that his position at this time, or was it? 

Mr. Krtixey. That is his position at present and it is the same 
as when this speech was made. 

Senator Prprer. When you speak of the Federation Centra 
Executive Committee, do you refer to the Executive Committee of 
the Federation of Soviet Republics? 

Mr. Kruttry. Yes, sir. ! 

Senator Swanson. So that we may understand this as we proceed, 
let me ask you, what is the specific fact which you desire to establish 
by the production of what is included in this paper No. 1. What is” 
sought to be established, clearly and definitely, by that? 

Mr. Keniry. All these papers in this first sroup, A, show the com- 
plete control of the Soviet Government by the Russian Communist 
Party. That is partly deduced from statistics and partly from the 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 5 


statements of members of the government and of the Russian Com- 
-munist Party themselves. 

Senator Boraw. You say it shows the control of the Soviet Gov- 
ernment by the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Ketiry. By the Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Boran. Would it be equally true to say that it shows 
the control of the Communist Party by the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Kertixry. No, sir. ; 

Senator Boran. Why not? 

Mr. Krtiey. Because the control is exercised by the Communist 
Party and not by the Soviet Government. 

Senator Boran. If the parties are the same, neither one has a 
right to: dictate to the other? 

Mr. Ketiey. But the one has a right to dictate to the other, be- 
cause our proof will show that the activities of the Soviet Govern- 
ment are determined by the Communist Party. 

Senator Borauw. Did it determine the new economic policy of the 
Soviet Government? 

Mr. Kertury. Yes. 

Senator Boran. Did not Zinoviev oppose that policy ? 

Mr. Keniry. Certain members of the party opposed it. 

Senator Boran. Did not Zinoviev oppose it bitterly? 

Mr. Ketiry. He did not oppose it bitterly; when the decision 
was made by the political bureau, Zinoviev dropped his opposition 
and supported Lenin, 

4 Roe Boran. And he has continued to criticize it up to this 
ay ? 

Mr. Keizer. No, Zinoviev has not. 

Senator Boran. Are you sure of that? 

Mr. Keriuey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. You are satisfied of that, are you? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. How do you connect the Russian Communist 
Party, the Soviet Government, and the Third International? 

Mr. Keniry. That comes up later, Senator. 

The first section, A, is intended to show the control of the Soviet 
Government by the Russian Communist Party. 

Section B takes up the organization of the Russian Communist 
Party, to show wherein the control lies in that party ; just what body 
of individuals controls the party. 

Section C will show the control of the Communist International 
by the Russian Communist Party. 

Part D will show the interrelationship between all three organs, 
the Russian Communist Party, the so-called Soviet Government, and 
_the Third International, necessarily flowing out of the three previous 
premises. | ‘ 

Senator Swanson. Let me see if I get your statement clear. You 
claim that the Russian Communist Party controls the Soviet Gov- 
ernment ? 

Mr. Keurny. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Then you claim that the Russian Communist 
Party controls the Third International? 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. 


6 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Swanson. And the source of the Soviet Government and 
the international is the Russian Communist Party; is that your con- 
tention ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir; both are creations of the Russian Commun- 
ist Party. 

Senator Borau. Where did the policy known as the new economic 
policy originate; with whom? 

Mr. Keuiey. It originated primarily with Lenin. 

Senator Borau. And did it originate with the Communist Party 
or with Mr. Lenin originally ? 

Mr. Keuiry. It originated with the Russian Communist Party— 
I do not understand your question, quite. 

Senator Borau. You say it originated with Lenin. Did it origi- 
nate with him as the result of a conference with the party, or was it 
his individual action? 

Mr. Keniry. So far as we can ascertain, it probably originated 
in a small group of leaders. Whether Lenin conceived it first, alone, 
or whether it originated with a small group, Lenin playing the 
dominant role; it was Lenin’s conception. 

Senator Borau. After it originated, what particular members of 
the Communist Party agreed with Lenin and what particular ones 
opposed his idea? 

Mr. Keviry. Under the discipline prevailing in the Communist 
Party, when the decision was made to introduce the new economic 
policy the members supported Lenin, although some of them were 
not in agreement with him previous to the decision. 

Senator Borau. There was a considerable debate went on between 
Lenin and members of the Communist Party, a public debate, was 
there not? 

Mr. Keniry. No; there was no public debate. 

Senator Boran. Did not Lenin make speeches defending his posi- 
tion against criticism? 

Mr. Krtiry. He made speeches setting forth his position and in 
order to acquaint the country with his views. 

Senator Borau. Exactly, and in answer to criticisms which had 
been made against his position, did he not? 

Mr. Kerixy. I can recall no speech of Lenin in reply to any specific 
criticism. 

Senator Swanson. Do you give us anywhere in these data you 
refer to, the organization of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Keury. Yes, sir; that comes in Part C. 

Senator Swanson. The source of its power and its strength in 
Russia ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. You will furnish that? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Go ahead. No. 8, you said, was a speech of 
Zinoviev ? 

Mr. Ketury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. You will furnish us his entire speech? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. No. 9 is a quotation from the Pravda, it seems. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 7 


_ Mr. Ketiry. No. 9 is a translation of a speech of Kamenev made 
at the last All-Russian Congress of the Russian Communist Party, 
in which he sets forth the fact that the Russian Communist Party 
does not make any distinction between the apparatus of the Russian 
Communist Party and the so-called Soviet Government. 

Senator Boran. What is the date of this speech ? 

Mr. Ketiry. April 20, 1923. 

Senator Swanson. Can you state what position he holds in the 
Communist Party, what position he holds in the Soviet Government, 
and what position with the Third International ? 

Mr. Keniry. Kamenev is a member of the political bureau of the 
Russian Communist Party; he is also a member of the Aljl-Russian 
central executive committee, and also a member of the federation 
central executive committee. In addition to that he is a member of 
the presidium of the All-Russian central executive committee and a 
member of the presidium of the federal central executive committee. 
Furthermore, he is a member of the soviet of people’s commissars, 
vice president of the Russian Soviet Republic, vice president of the 
soviet of people’s commissars of the Federation of Soviet Republics, 
and also a member of the soviet of labor and defense of the Russian 
Soviet Republic. 

Senator Swanson. Has he any position with the Third Interna- 
tional ? 

Mr. Keiiry. He is not a member of the executive committee of the 
Third International. 

Senator Boran. Is that a portion of his speech ? 

Mr. Keitry. Yes, sir; if you desire, we can furnish you with a full 
translation. 

Senator Boran. Yes. This next paper seems to be a resolution of 
the twelfth congress. 

Mr. Keiiny. No. 10 is a resolution passed at the twelfth congress 
in regard to the rdle which the Russian Communist Party must. play 
in the political and economic life of Soviet Russia. It is translated 
from the Pravda of April 20, 1923. 

Senator Lenroor.. With reference to these two papers, Mr. Kelley, 
the official character is proved from the papers themselves? 

Mr. Keiiny. There is an exhibit covering the official character. 

Senator Borau. What is No. 11? 

Mr. Keniry. No. 11 is a translation from the Pravda of May 12, 
1923. 

Senator Boran. Is that a resolution? 

Mr. Ketiry. No, sir; it is a report of Zinoviev on the work of the 
twelfth congress. 

Senator Boran. Is that complete? 

Mr. Keriry. No, sir; it is not quite complete. If you desire, we 
can submit a full translation. 

Senator Borau. Yes. Of course, if it is not too burdensome or too 
much trouble, we ought to have a complete translation of anything 
that we have. 

Mr. Keiiny. The only reason that complete reports are not sub- 
mitted is that ordinarily the speech of a member of the Government 
occupies a complete newspaper page. 


8 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 


Senator Swanson. Might I suggest that they might furnish the 
committee with the full speech, and then the members of the com- 
mittee can determine what part of it they should use. I should sug- 
gest that any member of the committee might be permitted to ask 
for a full report of any speech he desires. 

Senator Lenroor. I suppose that we ought to make a distinction 
between the excerpts that contain mere statements of fact and ex- 
cerpts which are expressions of opinion. In the first case, the rest of 
the speech might be necessary to explain the excerpt. 

Senator Swanson. I offer a resolution that any member of the 
committee be permitted to ask for a full translation of any speech 
in which he may be interested in order to get a full report of it, and 
I am satisfied that we will not be overburdened by any member of 
the committee. 2 | 

Senator Lenroor. And not encumber the record unless, after exam- 
ination, any member of the committee desires to put it in the record. 

Senator Swanson. Yes. “ore beaeial 

Senator Borau. Is there objection? There is none. What is. 
INO Lo 

Mr. Keuuey. No. 12 is.a translation from the Pravda of May 31, 
1928, containing the act organizing the central control committee ot 
the Russian Communist Party. It shows that the central control 
committee not only supervises the Russian Communist Party, but 
also supervises the so-called Russian Soviet Government. 

Senator Borau. What is No. 137 

Mr. Keuiny. No. 13 is a translation from the Pravda of April 28, 
1928, containing a resolution of the Twelfth Congress of the Rus- 
sian Communist Party on the organization of the central contro} 
committee. 

Senator Boran. What is No. 14? 

Mr. Keniry. No. 14 is a notice translated from the Izvestia of 
September 16, 1923, in regard to the procedure to be followed by the 
court in cases involving communists. 

Senator Prpprr. May I ask, Mr. Chairman, whether Mr. Kelley 
will, in giving us these documents, state whether they are editorial 
utterances—expressions of newspaper opinion? — 

Mr. Ketiey. There are no editorials at all, I believe. 

Senator Prpprr. May I ask, for example, what is the force of 
No. 11? 

Mr. Keniry. No. 11 is the speech delivered by Zinoviev. 

Senator Perper. That is the speech ? 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prrprr. Does your statement so disclose? I do not think 
it did. 

Mr. Kuriry. I think I said so. It was a speech delivered by Zino- 
viev after the Twelfth Congress had closed summing up the work 
of the congress. 

Senator Lrnroor. That does not appear, though, on the paper. 
It would be very helpful if we might have that information. 

Senator Boras. Where was this delivered? 

Mr. Kuuuy. It was delivered after the congress, before the Petro- 
grad Soviet. 

Senator Boran. After his return? 

Mr. Ketiny. After his return. 


fi 


! 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 9 


No. 15 is a translation from the Pravda containing a report of the 


central control committee of the Russian Communist Party made at 
the Twelfth Congress of the Russian Communist Party in regard 
to the efforts of the central control committee to prevent the public 


trial of communists. 

Senator Boran. No. 16 is a translation from the Izvestia. of No- 
vember 11, 1923. 

Mr. Ketury. From the Izvestia, of November 11, 1923, showing 
that the debates on the reports of Sokolnikov, the Commissar for 
Financies, were held in a caucus of the Russian Communist Party 
instead of in the plenary session of the Congress of Soviets. 

Senator Swanson. That is the last in Section A? 

Mr. Keuiey. Yes, sir. | 

Senator Swanson. Have you any data that will furnish us the 
platform of the principles of the Russian Communist Party? 

Mr. Keutiry. No, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Do they have a ‘platform of principles lke 
parties in this country / 

Mr. Ketimy. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Will you furnish us a copy of their platform of 
principles as promulgated at their annual meeting? 

Mr. Ketumy. At their annual congress. 

Senator Swanson. As I understand, the party hasan annual meet- 
ing? 

Mr. Ketiny. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. And does it have a platform of principles an- 
nounced at that meeting? 

Mr. Kertiny. The platform of principles was drawn up in 1918, 
and a few changes have been made since. 

Senator Swanson. Could you furnish the committee the various 


changes and platforms of the annual meetings of that party? 


Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. 
Senator Lenroor. With reference to these translations and the 
others to be presented, have you made these translations yourself or 


_checked them ? 


Mr. Krriey. I have made them all myself. 

Senator Prerrrr. You speak of the relation of the Russian Com- 
munist Party to the soviet régime and you have said that that was 
the relation of the power exercising control over an organization 
that is controlled, if I understand you; that is, the party controls the 


Government ? 


Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Perper. In what sense do you use those words? For ex- 
ample, supposing a case goes up through the judicial system of the 
Government and is acted upon by the highest appellate court; is the 
decision of that court final, or is there some power of revision that is 


exercised outside of the Government, by the party? 


Mr. Keutry. In actuality all important decisions ultimately go to 
the so-called political bureau, which I will take up in this next 


- section. 


Senator Swanson. Let me ask you a question. They have the 
Soviet Government established ? 
Mr. Keuttry. Yes, sir. 


10 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Swanson. I understand the conclusion you have reached 
from your examination is that the Russian Communist Party exer- 
cises absolute control over the Soviet Government ? 

Mr. -Kruiry. Yes, sir. : 

Senator Swanson. That means over its policies? 

Mr. Kertiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prpprer. Does it have any influence on its judiciary de- 
partment, at all? 

Mr. Kerry. I have adduced cases, and given translations, to 
show, first, that the central control committee has been 
Senator Prprrr. That is a committee of the party? 

Mr. Ketiry. A committee of the party. 

Senator Pepper. Yes. 

Mr. Ketiry (continuing). Showing that the central control com- 
mittee has succeeded in having the courts report to the central control 
committee cases of communists that have been brought before the 
court, and in such cases the central control committee took action 
to prevent the public trial of communist in order, as they stated, 
“that the authority of the comrades might not be undermined.” 

i oe Boran. How did they take that action? What did they 

0! 

Mr. Kerry. I will read the translation. This is an official report 
of the central control committee of the Russion Communist Party, 
made at the last All-Russian Congress. It states as follows: 

* * * All our work is carried on in contact with the courts and with the 
State political administration, in view of the fact that often in the courts 
there are pending cases of members of the party. The judicial organs inform 
us about the comrades in regard to whom there is judicial evidence. We ac- 
quaint ourselves with this evidence, as not infrequently there have been cases 
where comrades have been put into the dock solely as the result of personal 
intrigues. In such cases through the medium of competent institutions and 
without encroaching upon the privileges of the respective courts we have 
raised the question of the expediency and advisability. of fa public trial in 
court lest we undermine the party authority of our comrades. 

Senator Bora. Have you a particular case, as I understood you 
to say, in which they did interpose their authority? What I want 
to ascertain is, how they do it; whether they have the machinery of 
government by which they do these things, or whether they use their 
moral influence ? 

Mr. Keiiry. No, sir, there is no official machinery of government 
by which they do it. That is sub rosa, you might say.. : 

Senator Boraw. You say it is sub rosa? . 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. . 

Senator Boraw. Just what do you mean by “ sub rosa”? 

Mr. Keutry. There is no official organization providing for that. 

Senator Boran. That is what I desire to ascertain. Is there any 
machinery of government or any provision of the constitution of the 
Republic, or any means recognized by the Government, by which 
party can interpose with the courts? 

Mr. Kertiry. No, sir. 3 

Senator Boran. Whatever influence they have would be such 
influence as they would exercise by reason of the fact that they are 
the dominant party in the country—the controlling party ? 

Mr. Keniry. No, that is not quite right. 

Senator Boraw. Then correct me, wherein I am wrong. 








RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. ll 


Mr. Kerry. Inasmuch as this creation of the so-called central 
control committee is an organization of the Russian Communist 
Party to see that the members of the Russian Communist Party carry 
out the obligations devolving upon them as members of the Russian 
Communist Party. That central control committee is also given 
power to supervise all organs of the Soviet Government and to see 
that the organs of the Soviet Government carry out the decisions of 
the Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Boran. There is no provision that I find in the constitu- 
tion which gives the party any power which does not recognize the 
constituted authority. 7 
Mr. Keuiey. We have the act organizing the central control com- 
mittee giving them that power. 

Sen aL Om Boran. Have you the constitution of the Soviet Govern- 
ment ¢ 

Mr. Youne. Yes; we have it. 

Senator Boran. Does that provide anywhere for any power on the 
part of the party to interpose in these Government affairs? 

Mr. Keuiry. No, sir; the constitution of the Soviet Government is 
simply a declaration of principles filled in by current enactments. 

Senator Borau. But it does define the powers of the different parts 
of the Government? | 

Mr. Keuiry. Very vaguely. 

Senator Boran. Almost all constitutions do that. But it does un- 
dertake, in their way, to define the powers of the different departments 
of the Government ? 

Mr. Kewuuery. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. In no place does it recognize the power of the 
Communist Party to interpose in the affairs of the Government, 
does it ? 

Mr. Keury. I would not like to say that without a careful exami- 
nation from that standpoint. 

Senator Borau. I wish you would examine it. I have examined it 
very carefully, and I have been unable to find any such thing. There 
have been a number of instances in which communists have been tried 
and have been shot ? 

Mr. Kewiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Do you know of any instances in which the party 
interposed in their behalf, where they have been executed in this 
way, where the court had decided, notwithstanding that the party 
might feel differently about it? Do you know of any cases where the 
court has conflicted with the party as to whether or not a man should 
be executed, where, as a matter of fact, he was executed ? 

Mr. Keutury. No, sir; I do not know of any such case. 

Senator Lenroor. When you refer to the soviet régime, do you refer 
to the Russian Soviet, or to the Federation of Soviets, or both? 

Mr. Ketiey. The dominant Government, of course, is the Federa- 
tion of Soviet Republics. 

Senator Lenroor. When you speak of the constitution, you speak 
of the constitution of the federation? 

Mr. Kettey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Lenroor. Is it not true that the constitution of the fed- 
eration provides for a review of; the action of the courts.in at least 
certain cases by the central executive committee.of the federation ? 


12 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir; the decisions of the courts are reviewed. 
ultimately by the central executive committee. 

Senator Lenroor. And that 1s provided in the constitution itself? 

Mr. Ketiry. ‘That is provided in the constitution itself. 

Senator Swanson. As I understand, your contention or belief is 
that the Russian Communist Party controls the Soviet Government 
practically absolutely ? 

Mr. Ketury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. And a similar illustration would be if the 
Democratic Party or the Republican Party was in control of the 
United States, that their national committee would frame the policy 
and administration of the Government the same as the communist 
situation in Russia? 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir; if all members of the Government were of 
one party. If all leading members of the American Government 
were Democrats and had to be Democrats and there was no other 

arty. 
i Senator Swanson. And if they controlled the policy of the ad- 
ministration of the Government ? 

Mr. Keniry. If the Democratic Party was the only legal party, 
and all members of the executive branch of the American Govern- 
ment were Democrats, roughly speaking, the national committee 
would be something like the central committee of the Russian Com- 
munist Party. 

Senator Boran. Of course, these generalities may lead to different 
conclusions by different individuals; but what I should like to have 
is an instance where the Communist Party interfered with the ad- 
ministration of the courts and how they did it; whether they did it 
in any different way from what the Democratic or Republican Party 
in this country undertakes to exercise its influence? 

Mr. Keizxy. It is not possible to make a comparison at all. 

Senator Boran. My information is that there is no instance; but 
if you know of one, I should like to have you give it. 

Mr. Kutxey. I can not give an instance offhand. 

Senator Prerrrr. I noticed in what I understood to be your trans- 
lation of one of those documents that in speaking of the way in 
which the action of the court was influenced, you used the phrase 
“ by competent institutions,” or some equivalent phrase. 

Mr. Keuiey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prrrer. That was your translation of a Russian phrase? 

Mr. Kruiry. Yes, sir. Exactly what they refer to I do not know. 

Senator Pepper. Yes; but, directing your attention to that, do 
you tell us, as a tr anslator, that that is your best comprehension of 
the original; that there is something properly described as an insti- 
tution, and that is a competent institution for the exercise by the 
party of whatever influence they do exercise upon ans courts ? 

Mr. Ketuiny. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. You may proceed, Mr. Kelley. 

Mr. Keiiey. Section B takes up the organization. 

Senator Lenroor. I understand all these documents go in the 
record ¢ 

Senator Boran. Yes. 

Mr. Keriey. This shows the organization of the Communist Party 
and just where the control lies in that organization. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. LS 


Senator Borau. I think you had better take those and go through 


-with them and explain them in your own way, so as to put them 
before the committee as explicitly and intelligibly as you can. 


Mr. Ketiry. No. 17 is the translation of the resolution on organi- 


_zation adopted at the twelfth congress of the Russian Communist 


Party. These resolutions cover the admissions into the party during 
the coming year; that is, 1923, until the next congress of the party 
in 1924. It also covers the organization of the central committee, the 
number of members, etc., and the organization of the political bureau. 
the number of its members, etc. 

Senator Boran. What is that from? 

Mr. Ketury. This is taken from the Pravda of April 28, 1923. 

No. 18 is a translation from the Pravda of May 20, 1923, of a severe 


reprimand of members of the Russian Communist Party for violation 
of party discipline. 








Senator Boran. What does that reprimand consists of ? 

Mr. Keniry. This reprimand consists of just a public reprimand. 

Senator Boran. Will you read it? It may be a good thing to have 
over here. : 

Mr. Ketiry (reading) : 


In accordance with the decision of the central control committee the follow- 


‘ing comrades are severally reprimanded for violation of party discipline: 


Legkikh, A. E.; 36 years; member of intelligentsia ; in the Russian Communist 
Party since 1903; employed as secretary in people’s commissars of foreign 


trade. 


Urinovsky, L. 8.; 28 years; member of the intelligentsia; member of the 
Russian Communist Party since 1909; employed as instructor-in-chief forest 
committee, ete. 


Senator Borau. Is that something like reading them out of the 
party ¢ 

Mr. Krutry. No, sir; this is a public reprimand. It is not an ex- 
pulsion. 

Senator Boran. In what respect does that differ from the disci- 
pline which all parties administer to members who do not. vote as 
they think they ought to at their caucus? 

Mr. Ketiry. These are designed to show that the Russian Com- 
munist Party can not be compared with any political party in 
America. 

Senator Boran. In what way does it differ? 

Mr. Ketury. I do not believe there is any reprimanding in the 
Republican or the Democratic Party. 

Senator Boran. I know of an instance now where reprimand is: 
going on. 

Mr. Keiiey. Printed in the public press? 

Senator Bora. Yes; it isin the press. He is still in the party. 

Mr. Ketiry. No. 19 is a translation from the Pravda of April 1, 


| 1922, giving “ results of the cleansing” of the party. It is an official 
report of the central control committee. It reports, for instance, that 
all members of the intelligentsia, in particular those who joined the 
party in the years 1920, 1921, and 1919, have been expelled. 


No. 19-A is a translation from the Pravda of April 1, 1922, 
showing the composition of the Eleventh Congress of the Russian 
Communist Party, giving the number of years that the delegates 
present had been members of the Russian Communist Party. 


14 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


No. 20 is a translation from the Pravda of March 6, 1923, contain- 
ing a report of Zinoviev on the composition of the party. 

Senator Boran. You say that. it contains a report upon the com- 
position of the party? 

Mr. Keuuny. This particular translation is designed to show the 
number that were members before 1919. It is to be taken in con- 
sideration with the previous translation as showing that, in general, 
that small group in the party that were members before 1917, 10,000 
out of approximately 400,000, are the ones that run the party. 

_ No. 21 is a translation from the Pravda of May 12, 1923, a speech 
of Zinoviev, in which he points out that the delegates to the party 
conference were carefully selected. 

Senator Borau. That the delegates to the party conference were 
carefully selected ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Selected by a small group of individuals. 

Senator Boran. Selected by whom? 

Mr. Keuury. Selected by the central committee. 

No. 22 is a translation from the Pravda of July 29, 1923, showing 
ihe punishment inflicted for certain violations of party discipline, 
such as fulfillment of religious duties, etc. 

Senator Boraun. I notice “ drunkenness” there. 

Mr. Kertury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. It is headed “Activities during the first half of 
1923.” Ido not understand that. It is headed above, “ In the central 
committee.” Then it says: 

Activities during the first half of 1923. Drunkenness. Criminal acts. Ful- 
fillment of religious duties, January 2, February 2, March 1, April 7, May 3, 
June 7. The local party organizations have increased their struggle with this 
phenomenon. 

Do I understand that this discloses that the members of the party 
are being disciplined for drunkenness? 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir; and they are being expelled; and for various 
criminal acts, and for fulfillment of religious duties. , 

Senator Swanson. Fulfilling of what? 

Mr. Keuiry. Religious duty; that is, for going into a church. 
That is a cause for expulsion. 

Senator Swanson. Do you mean that if a member of the Russian 
Communist Party appears at a religious service he is disciplined and 
dismissed from the party ? 

Mr. Kertiery. Yes, sir. 

No. 23 is a translation from the Izvestia of March 31, 1921. This 
is a notice to all members of the Russian Communist Party in regard 
to the strict fulfillment of article 13 of the constitution of the Russian 
Communist Party, which compels all members to carry on anti- 
religious propaganda. 

No. 24 is a translation from the Pravda of April 2, 1922, contain- 
ing a report of Zinoviev in regard to the composition of the party, 
pointing out the fact that it is the only legal party, and that there 
can not be any change for many years to come. 

Senator Swanson. What do you mean by saying it is the only legal 
party? Do you mean if anyone tried to organize another party it 
would be an illegal act and punishable by the courts? 

Mr. Keuey.. Yes, sir. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 15 


Senator Swanson. As I understand you, these things disclose that 


if anybody in Russia tries to organize another party with different 


views and conditions from the Russian Communist Party it is an 
illegal act in itself? 


r. Kevrry. Yes. sir. 
Senator Swanson. And what is the punishment inflicted? 
Mr. Ketry. That would depend upon the court. 
Senator Boran. Is there a statute or a law, a proclamation, or 
akan defining the punishment, and what it is that would come 
under ? 


Mr. Ketrry. It is brought, in general, under the heading of coun- 


terrevolutionary acts. 


Senator Swanson. Does he use the expression “this is the only 
legal party in Russia’? 
Mr. Ketiry. I will read what he says: 


I refer to the fact that we are the only legal party in the country, and have 
in this wise, as it were, a monopoly of legality * * *, Let us speak clearly— 


/ we have a monopoly of legality. We do not grant our opponents political 


freedom. We do not give the possibility of legal existence to those who pre- 
tend to compete with us. 


Seuator Borau. Who is this speaking? 
Mr. Ketiry. Zinoviev. , 
Senator Lenroor. No. 23 appears to have been taken from the 


_ Izvestia, No. 69, of March 31, 1921. It is addressed “To all organi- 


zations and members of the Russian Communist Party.” But that 
does not indicate by what authority this is issued. What is that? 

_ Mr. Keuizy. This is a translation, signed by the secretary of the 
central committee of the Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Lenroot. I would suggest that before these papers go into 
the record Mr. Kelley should take them and indicate on the. face 
of the document itself that information. 

Senator Boran. Yes. 

Mr. Keriry. No. 25 is a translation from the Pravda of January 
25, 1923, containing an extract from a speech of Lenin in regard to 
the work of the central committee of the party. 

No. 26 is a translation of the stenographic report containing the 
report of Comrade Krestinsky. It gives the composition of the 
political bureau in 1919 and 1920. 

Senator Lenroor. Where did you get that? 

Mr. Keiiry. That is taken from the stenographic report. 

Senator Lenroor. Did you have the stenographic report ? 

Mr. Keutry. Yes, sir. 

No. 27 is the report of Lenin made at the Ninth Congress of the 
Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Boran. What is the date? 

Mr. Keriry. March 29, 1920. This takes up in detail the power 


_ exercised by the political bureau. 


Senator Swanson. The political bureau of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Keuury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Now, the officers and members of the central 
committee, and people in control of the Russian Communist Party, 
where they are not members of the Soviet Government—is there any 


823825—24—-pr 1——2 


16 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


proof as to where they get salaries or pay or compensation from any 
source ? Wey Bite) oe : 

Mr. Kertiry. I do not quite understand your question.  _ 

Senator Swanson. Supposing here is a person who is a potential 
person in the Communist Party, and directing its affairs, but not a 
member of the Soviet Government so as to get a salary from the 
Government. 

Mr. Ketury. I do not believe there is any one of them that is not 
a member of the Government. | 

Senator Swanson. They are usually paid? 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir; all of them are paid. | 

Senator Swanson. Have you found any case where there is not 
any source of revenue or pay for the position that they hold where 
they are not? 

Mr. Kewuey. No, sir. 

Senator Borau. In other words, the question is whether or not the 
Government pays those who are not officers who are still members of 
the Communist Party. Does it pay members of the Communist 
Party who do not happen to hold office under the Government ? 

Mr. Kutury. No, sir; that does not appear. 

Senator Pepper. I understood you to say that you did not know 
of any case where there was a member of the Communist Party who 
is not also an officeholder of the Soviet Government ? 

Mr. Keruiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Lenroot. That is, of those who are members of these com- 
mittees. You do not mean a member of the party? 

Mr. Keruiry. Yes, sir. I would like to read Lenin’s description 
of the work of the political buréau. 

Senator Borau. Very well; go ahead. 

Mr. Keuiey. This explains the organization of the Russian Com- 
munist Party and the control of the Government. [Reading:] 

The work of the central committee during the current year was earried on 
by the two bodies elected at the plenum of the central committee—organiza- 
tion bureau and the political bureau * * ¥*, 

Senator Lenroor. That is of the Communist Party or of the com- 
mittee ? | 

Mr. Ketrry. Of the Communist Party. [Continuing reading:] 

The principal task of the organization bureau was the distribution of party 


forces and the task of the political bureau was the solution of political ques- 
tions. 

Naturally this division is to a certain extent artificial, being understood that 
it is impossible to conduct any policy without making certain classifications. 
Consequently every question of organization assumes a political significance 
and among us has grown up the practice that the opinion of one member of 
the central committee is sufficient in order to have any particular question by 
virtue of this or that consideration held to be a political question. To attempt 
otherwise to limit the activity of the central committee would in fact hardly be 
of value and in practice could hardly be possible * * *, During the year 
much of the work of the political bureau has consisted of the current solution 
of all questions arising having relation to policy unifying the activity 
of all soviet and party institutions, all organizations of the working 
class, unifying and striving to direct all the work of the Soviet Republics, 
all questions of an international, domestic, and foreign policy * * Ce 
each of us working in this or that party or soviet organization watches every 
day for any unusual developments in political questions, foreign or domestic. 
The decision of these questions, as it expressed itself in the decrees of the soviet 
power or in the activity of party organizations was appraised by the central 


| 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 17 


committe of the party. It is necessary to say that the questions were so many 


that it was necessary to decide them one after the other under conditions of 


great haste and only thanks to the full acquaintance of members of the colle- 


- gium, to the understanding of the shades of opinion, and confidence was it possi- 
_ble to earry out the work. Otherwise it would have been impossible even for a 


- Party—all foreign affairs 


collegium three times larger. Often it was necessary to decide conflicting ques- 
tions by substituting a telephone conversation for a meeting. 


Senator Swanson. You present that as establishing the fact that 


Lenin himself, in that statement, admits that the foreign policy and 
all questions in connection with the Soviet Government is determined 


by that Communist Party ? 
Mr. Kexiey. By the political bureau of the Communist Party. 
Senator Swanson. By the political bureau of the Communist 





Mr. Kerry. Yes, sir. 


Senator Swanson. And its domestic policy, and everything, was 


determined by the political bureau of the Communist Party? 


Mr. Keuiny. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. What date is that? 

Mr. Keuuey. That is March 29, 1920. 

Senator Perper. And I understand further that, in order to deter- 
mine which questions shall be classified as organization questions and 


_ which as political questions, they adopted the device of allowing the 
- views of one member of the central committee to allocate the question 


to the political bureau ? 

Mr. Keuiey. Yes. The political bureau at that time consisted of 
five members. 

Senator Prrrrr. What five? 

Mr. Keuiry. They were Lenin, Trotski, Kamenev, Stalin, and 
Krestinsky. 

Senator Swanson. Is there any change in that policy from 1920 
up to now? 

Mr. Keiury. No, sir; no change. I will introduce a statement 
showing that. 

Senator Swanson. That is the condition of affairs that exists in 
Russia to-day ? 

Mr. Keuiny. Yes, sir. No. 28 is a translation of an article by 
Lenin on the structure of the State. This is dated March 6, 1923, 
and it is short. It is along the same lines. [Reading:| 

The idea that it is impossible to unite a party institution with a soviet insti- 
tution is an incorrect one. Does not the political bureau discuss from a party 
point of view many small and large moves on our part in answer to moves of 
foreign countries in order.to avert, let us say, their tricks? Is not this flexible 
contact between a party and a soviet institution a source of great strength for 
our policy? I think that it has justified itself and strengthened us in our 
foreign policy and has become customary so that there is no doubt in that 
regard. It would be at least just as good—and I think that it would be much 
better—in regard to our whole State apparatus. 

Senator Boran. In regard to No. 27, it says, “The work of the 
central committee during the current year was carried on by the two 
bodies elected at the plenum of the central committee.” You further 
contend that this discloses that the Communist Party is in control of 
the affairs of the Government ? 

Mr. Keutey. Yes, sir. 


18 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Boray. When you say that the Communist Party controls 
the affairs of the Government 

Mr. Ketuzy. I did not say that; I said the political bureau. 

Senator Boraw. Well, the political bureau, which has the control 
of power in the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Ketury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. You say that that policy obtains still? 

Mr. Ketiny. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Has there been any statement upon the part of 
Chicherin or Lenin and those men to the contrary that you know of? 

Mr. Krtiry. No, sir. 

Senator Bora. You have none of those statements? 

Mr. Keiuiry. Yes, sir; this statement that I read was of 1923. 

Senator Borau. Exactly. Do you contend that the Communist 
Party controls absolutely the Third International ? 

Mr. Keuury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Then the logic of your position would be that the 
Third International is to-day expressing the views of the Communist 
Party, whatever it may do with reference to our affairs? 

Mr. Kexiry. In general; yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. In other words, if the Communist Party controls 
the Third International, you would regard any statement made by 
the Third International as being nothing more than the views of the 
Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kerrey. No, sir; because in all such things there is a difference 
of opinion. You can not always get individuals to agree. 

Senator Boran. But if the Third International, or any prominent 
member of the Third International, should take any step with regard 
to foreign affairs, would you regard that as expressing necessarily 
the views of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir; if it was the controlling group in the Inter- 
national. 

Senator Lenroor. Of those four men? 

Mr. Ketiry. If he was a member of the controlling group of the 
Third International. 

Senator Borau. You know that it has been stated over and over 
again by the Soviet Government that the Third’ International has 
nothing to do with its foreign affairs? 

Mr. Krtiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Do you give any credit to that? 

Mr. Kruiry. No, sir. 

Senator Boran. In other words, if they make a statement that is 
in accord with your views, you believe they state the fact, but when 
they state contrary to your views you do not believe them? _ 

Mr. Keruiry. No, sir; but their statements have to be in accord 
with the facts. | 

Senator Borau. If they accord with the facts? For instance, 
Chicherin stated to the Italian Government and the English Goy- 
ernment that the Third International had nothing to do with the 
foreign affairs of the Soviet Government; that it was not authorized 
to speak for it. 

Mr. Kerwiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. Do you give any credit to that? 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 19 
i 
| Mr. Ketury. No, sir. 
_ Senator Borau. In other words, then, as I stated, the fact that 
the Soviet Government has stated that the Third International has 
nothing to do with its foreign affairs has no bearing on your judg- 
‘ment at all? 

Mr. Keniry. It would have; but what they state must be com- 
pared not only with statements but with actions. 

Senator Boran. That is all right; but I am speaking now of the 
authority and of the veracity of these men. 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir; that is it; the question of veracity. 

Senator Boran. In other words, the mere fact that Chicherin 
stated that the Third International had nothing to do with the for- 
eign affairs of the Soviet Government would have no bearing upon 
your mind at all? 

Mr. Keuiry. Not in itself. It must be taken in connection with 
the whole situation. 

Senator Boran. Then, supposing it was followed up by the fact 

that the policy of the Soviet Government towards Italy was wholly 
distinct and different from that of the Third International; what 
effect would that have upon your mind? 

Mr. Keuiey: That would tend, to a certain extent, to substantiate 
what you say. | 

Senator Boraw. You say it would tend to a certain extent? 

Mr. Keiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. I am speaking now of this particular policy. The 
Third International’s conduct in Italy was one thing. Chicherin’s 
statement to the Italian Government was that the Soviet Govern- 
ment was not responsible for the Third International, and that it 
did not control their policy. That was followed up by such acts 
on the part of the Soviet Government as seemed to be satisfactory 
to the Italian Government. Now, without dealing with other gov- 
ernments, what, in your opinion, does that signify with reference 
to the relation of the Soviet Government to the Third International ? 

Mr. Keniey. As I understand you, he stated that the Third In- 
ternational does not control the policy of the Soviet Government. 

Senator Bora. Yes. 

Mr. Ketiry. I would agree to that. 

Senator Borau. What? 

Mr. Kewiey. I would agree to that; but you must remember that 
the dominant institution is the Russian Communist Party, and that 
both are creatures of the Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Boran. It seems to me you arive at the same conclusion. 

That is what I am trying to get. You claim that the Third Inter- 
national is a mere tool of the Communist Party, do you not? 

Mr. Keniey. Yes, sir; in general. 

Senator Borau. There are specific exceptions ! 

_ Mr. Katiry. I would not say that, in every single instance. Circum- 
stances change. In all human relations there are exceptions. 
Senator Boran. It does not necessarily follow that any act upon 
the part of the Third International has been authorized by the 
Communist Party or the Soviet Republic, does it? 

Mr. Keutry. All important questions in the Third International 
are decided by this small bureau of the Communist Party. 


20 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Borau. Then, is it your opinion, in a nutshell, that. 
whatever the Third International may do in international affairs is 
necessarily a reflection of the policy of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kewury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. And that the Third International is so controlled 
by the Communist Party, and that the Communist Party so 
dominates the Soviet Republic, that as a matter of fact anything 
that the Third International may do is but an expression of the 
Soviet Republic’s views in foreign affairs? 

Mr. Kreiiry. You mean an expression of the Communist Party’s 
views in foreign affairs? 

Senator Boran. That, on the other hand, is an expression of the 
Soviet Republic, because the Communist Party controls the Soviet 
Republic. 

Mr. Ketuiry. I think the views carried out by the Soviet Re- 
public and those of the Third International at times conflict. 

Senator Borau. A few days ago Mr. Spargo made a quotation 
from Zinoviev in which he criticized and denounced the action of 
the Soviet Republic in making certain pledges to certain govern- 
ments in Europe. I have not his exact language, but I can get it. 
He said that the Soviet Republic might do so and so but the Com- 
munist Party would not do so and so; that they would not adopt such 
and such a policy towards foreign governments. 

Mr. Keittey. You must remember that what I am giving here is 
what is the actual condition of affairs. Theoretically, in com- 
munist theory, the Russian Communist Party is only a section of the 
Third International, and therefore is subject to the Third Interna- 
tional. That is the legalistic view. But that does not express 
the actual state of affairs, which is quite different. 

Senator Borau. Have you in the department any information 
with reference to the differences in views between Zinoviev and the 
Soviet Republic, with reference to dealing with foreign affairs? 

Mr. Ketiny. I can look up the matter of that particular difference 
that you refer to. 7 

Senator Boran. I wish you would. You may proceed. 

Senator Perper. Several times the suggestion has been made that 
the Soviet Republic, or the Russian Republic, has international 
relations. 

Mr. Keutry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Pepper. Am I right or wrong in understanding that the 
Soviet Republic, or the Russian Republic, as such, is ineapable of 
international relations; that for purposes of external contact it 
is the Soviet of Republics that must function? | 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir, that is right. 

Senator Prrrer. That there is a federation of Soviet Republics, 
of which the Russian Republic is merely one, which has a member- 
ship in the federation of Soviet Republics, as States are members, 
for instance, of the League of Nations; and that the external re- 
Jationships of all of them are worked out through this federation 
of Soviet republics? 

Mr. Kerwiry. Yes, sir; that is an exact description of the present 
situation. The Russian Soviet Republic does not figure as an in- 
ternational entity. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. ot 


Senator Prrrrer. So that, if you are right, we could not extend 
recognition to the Russian Soviet Republic as such? 

Mr. Ketuey. No, sir. 

Senator Perper. We would have to recognize the league, the fed- 
eration of Soviet republics, as at present existing and hereafter 
constituted ? 

Mr. Keutry. Yes, si. 

Senator Borau. What position does Chicherin hold? 

Mr. Katiry. He is the commisar for foreign affairs of the fed- 
eration of Soviet republics. 

Senator Swanson. As I understand you, the Soviet Republic is 
composed of so many commissars, elected by the parliamentary bedy, 
whatever you call it. 

Mr. Keuitey. Annual Congress of Soviets. : 

Senator Swanson. And so many elected by the lower house and so 
many elected by the upper house, and they have how many com- 

missars ¢ 
' Mr. Ketiey. Fifteen, I think. 

Senator Swanson. And that is the body that conducts the foreign 
affairs, like our Federal State Department ? 

Mr. Keniry. There are nine departments, and one of those depart- 
ments is the commissariat for foreign affairs that deals with foreign 


' nations. 


Senator Swanson. And then this Russian Communist Party, as I 
understand, operates all of these soviet republics. 

Mr. Keruiry. Yes. 

Senator Swanson. It is not confined simply to the Republic of 
Russia, is it? 

Mr. Kewury. No, sir. 

Senator Swanson. It is the Communist Party for all the soviet 
republics that constitute the Federated Government ‘ 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. They have a national party, have they, the 
Russian Republic? 

Mr. Keruiry. Yes. 

Senator Swanson. And your contention is that the brain. of these 
soviet republics, which are like your right hand and like your left 
hand, is this Communist Party of the whole nation? 

Mr. Keurry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Lunroot. That is one party for the entire nation and not 
the Communist Party for each republic? 

Mr. Ketiey. The Communist Party of each republic has separate 
meetings. 

Senator Lenroor. When you speak of the Communist Party, what 
do you refer to? ! 

Mr. Keziry. The Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Lenroor. Of the Russian Republic? 

Mr. Kriury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Lenroor. You are not referring, then, to the Communist 
Parties of the other constituent parts of the Federated Government? 

Mr. Keriny. They are only constituent members. 

Senator Lenroor. They are not distinct parties? 

Mr. Ketxiey. No, sir. 


22 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Lenroor. It is one party of all the republics constituting 
the federation ? 

Mr. Keuiey. Yes, sir. 

No. 29 is a speech of Lenin at the Eleventh Congress of the Russian 
Communist Party, taken from Pravda, March 29, 1922. 

Senator Swanson. Is it a long speech? 

Mr. Kertiry. This is a short one. 

Senator Swanson. Read it. 

Mr. Kerrey. I will read it. [Reading:] 

In conclusion I must. touch upon the practical side of the question of our 
highest institutions and the relation of the party to them, There has grown 
up among us an incorrect relation between the party and soviet institutions 
and in this regard there is complete unanimity of opinoin. I pointed out one 
example of how specific small matters drag along already into the Political 
Bureau. Formally a solution of this problem is very difficult, because the 
only legal party among us controls the Government and it is impossible to 
forbid a member of the party to complain. Therefore, everything is dragged 
along from the Soviet of People’s Commisars to the Political Bureau. 

I hope that the congress will devote the greatest attention to this question 
and will issue orders to the effect that it is necessary to free the political 
bureau and the central committee from minor matters and improve the work 
of the responsible officials. It is necessary that the people’s commissars be 
responsible for their work, and not so that in the beginning things go to the 
soviet of people’s commissars and then to the political bureau. 


Senator Prpprr. What do you mean where you say a practice has 
grown up which is incorrect, but as to which there is unanimity ? 
I perhaps did not get you exactly. 

r. Kerrey. He means that the leaders are all unanimous in 
that it is inadvisable to have the small little details taken up by 
the political bureau. The political bureau is designed to deal with 
important matters, and here we have a case of Lenin protesting 
against the political bureau being troubled with little matters which 
should not come up before it at all. 

Senator Swanson. Wrat you have read is the address or the 
declaration of Lenin himself that matters of the Soviet Government 
of any importance and even trivial matters are transferred to the 
political bureau of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Ketuny. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. For solution, settlement, and action? 

Mr. Krriey. Yes, sir; certainly, No. 30 is a speech of Kameney 
at the last congress of the Communist Party in April of this year 
taken from Pravda of April 20, 1923. I will read this because 
Kameney touches on this very same point. [Reading:] 


When these comrades— 


I might before this say he had been discussing before with certain 
members of the government the authority of the political bureau— 


When these comrades, subject to this influence, come to the political bureau 
and say “ Give a definite decision, “ we know that Comrades Larin and Krassin 
will accuse the political bureau of lack of competence. ‘Competent people 
have assembled, they examined in detail that question, there were 10 com- 
mittees of specialists, they have heard agricultural experts, engineers, while 
the political bureau is composed of literary men, and ‘they will change our 
decision.”” We say, ‘ Yes; because in the political bureau ‘at a given moment 
there is concentrated for a short period of time the political mandate of the 
working class * * *,” 


Senator Swanson. What is the date of that address? 
Mr. Ketiny. That is April 20. 


political and economic work of our organs * * 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. yA’ 


No. 31 is a translation from Pravda of April 19, 1923, containing 


a report of Comrade Stalin in reference to the control of the political 
bureau. This is short and I will read it. [Reading:] 


The present situation of affairs in the central apparatus of our party is 
as follows: We have a (1) central committee of 27 members. The central 
committee meets once every two months. Attached to the central committee 
there is a political bureau of 7 members who have grown skilled in directing 

* 

In the second place the nucleus within the central committee, which has 
become expert in management, is already growing old and must be replaced. 
You know the condition of Vladimir Lich (that is, Lenin); you know that 
the other members of his fundamental nucleus of the central committee must 


in turn be granted rest. 


As a result of this the political bureau at the last congress was 
increased from five to seven members in order to take in fresh 
blood. 

No. 32 is taken from the second congress of the Communist 
International stenographic report. This is a report of a speech 
Trotski made at the congress of the Third International on this 
very point. It is very short and I will read it. [Reading:] 

Today we have received a proposition from the Polish Government asking 


for peace. Who is going to decide upon this question? We have the council 
of people’s commissars, but that council must be under a certain control. 


. That control can not be exercised by the unorganized working masses, We 


therefore have to summon the central committee of the party and have it 
formulate an answer to this proposition. Now, should we be obliged to con- 
tinue the war, form new army divisions, choose the best elements, to whom 
will we have to address ourselves? To the party, to the central committee, 
which in its its turn is to issue orders to the local committees for the mo- 
bilization of communists for the front . The same refers to the agrarian 
problem, to the food question, and to all others. 

Senator Prrrrr. Will you state again what that is? 

Mr. Keriey. A speech Trotski delivered at the congress of the 
Third International. | 

Senatur Swanson. What date? 

Mr. Borau. It has no date on it. I do not think it is in the last 
20 days. 

r. Keuuzry. That is December, 1921. 
enator Borau. December, 1921? 

Mr. Keuuzy. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. May I put the date on here? 

Mr. Kerutey. Yes, sir. The reason the date is not there is the 
fact that I desired to translate exactly what appeared in the pho- 
tostat attached without any explanation. 

Senator Boran. All right. 

Mr. Keuitry. That concludes B. 

In C, we will take up the relation of the Russian Communist 
Party to the Third International. No. 33 is a translation from a 
report of the Ninth Session of the Russian Communist Party, con- 
taining a report of Radek on the Third International. This and 
the three or four succeeding exhibits are designed to show that the 
Communist International was created by the Russian Communist 
Party. 

Senator Boran. What is the date of that? 

Mr. Keuury. This report is March 29, 1920. 

Senator Borau. Make that statement again. It is designed to 
show what? 


24 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 


Mr. Ketiey. This and the three or four succeeding exhibits are 
designed to show that the Third International or Communist Inter- 
national was created by the Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Boran. Really, Lenin was the father of the Third Inter- 
national, was he not? 

Mr. Keiury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prrrer. Mr. Chairman, would it add to the completeness 
of our record if Mr. Kelley at this point was to make just a brief 
statement of the significance of the term ‘Third International” 
as related to a second and a first international. 

Senator Borau. I think that would be very proper. 

Senator Prrrer. What do you mean by the phrase “ Third Inter- 
national ”’? 

Mr. Keniry. Third International, or Communist International, 
as it is called, refers to that organization created in Moscow in 
March, 1919. No. 3 has reference to the fact that there were two 
other earlier attempts at forming an international organization, the 
first, which grew out of the manifesto of Karl Marx, I think in 1864, 
and then the second attempt in the nineties, 1890 or so; the Second 
International still theoretically exists. 

Senator Boran. With its headquarters at Brussels? 

Mr. Ketury. I think so. 

Senator Prprrer. Through some kind of a continuation com- 
mittee ? 

Mr. Keruuirey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prpprr. Or some carry-on organization ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Lenroor. You stated that the Communist Party created 
the Third International. Then you said in response to a question by 
the chairman that Lenin was the father of it. Your statements are 
hardly consistent, unless you explain. 

Mr. Keniry. I thought he spoke in a figurative sense, Lenin being 
one of the most prominent members. 

Senator Borau. Lenin in effect started the movement for the Third 
International. 

Mr. Kexuny. Lenin, in Switzerland, many years before conceived 
the idea of the Third International. 

Senator Boras. The Third International was organized and ere- 
ated after Lenin and his forces had taken possession of Russia ? 

Mr. Keruiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. They came into power in Russia, if I remember 
correctly, in November, 1917? 

Mr. Kewury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. The Third International was not organized until 
the spring of 1919, was it? 

Mr. Ketiry. No, sir. 

Senator Boran. And that was the initiation of Lenin himself, 
was it not? | 

Mr. Ketiny. Lenin, with a small group in the Russian Communist 
Party. He probably played the dominating part. 

_ Senator Boran. He not only played the dominating part, but was 
it not at his suggestion that the Third International was created, 
and did he not issue the address that called them into existence? 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 25 


Mr. Keuury. Yes, sir; he drew up the thesis. 
Senator Swanson. Let us get this clear in our minds as we proceed. 


"Tell us how the Third International is constituted. 


Mr. Ketiey. That is taken up in here. 

Senator Swanson. Is that in here? 

Mr. Keuuey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. All right: then I will wait. 

Mr. Keutry. No. 33 I have stated is a report of Comrade Radek. 

Senator Swanson. So we will get this clear, tell us who he is and 
what various positions he holds. 

Senator Boran. He is what we would call in this country the 
publicity man. 

Mr. Keuury. Radek is a member of the All-Russian Central 
Executive Committee, and a member of the Federation Central 
Executive Cimmittee and a member of the Executive Committee of 
the Communist International. 

This is a report at the Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist 
Party. It is brief and I will read it. [Reading:] 


The Third International is the child of the Russian Communist Party. It was 
founded here in the Kremlin, upon the initiative of the Communist Party of 
Russia. In our hands is the executive committee of the Third International 
and therefore until the political frontiers which prevent our comrades from 
conversing with us are eliminated, the Congress of the Communist Party is the 
place at which it is proper to sum up the results of the work of the Third 
International. 


Senator Borau. What is the date of that? 

Mr. Ketiey. That is March 29, 1920. 

No. 34 is a translation of a report of Comrade Zinoviev on the 
organization of the Communist International, made to the VIII All- 
Russian Congress of the Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Boran. Date? 

Mr. Ketury. March 20, 1919. This was the first report made 
after the actual establishment took place. 

Senator Borau. Have you previously stated the various positions 
held by him? 

Mr. Kewtuey. Zinoviev? 

Senator Boran. Yes. 

Mr. Keutry. I believe I have. This is rather long and unless you 
want me to read it—do you desire I read it? It covers two pages. 
It takes up details of the organization. 

Senator Swanson. Yes; read it. 

Mr. Keuuny (reading) : 

You all know that the slogan of Third International which is now with every 
day becoming more and more popular, was launched by our party—we can say 
that with pride—five years ago at a time when our party was still completely 
alone in the international arena. * * * When in 1914 with the first shot in 
the arena of the world war, our Party, at that time underground, oppressed, 
proclaimed the slogan of the Third International, practically nobody understood 
us in the International arena. More than that, all the official parties most 
sharply criticized us just for that slogan. * * * Whence comes it that we, 
a very small group, living at that time as emigr’es. separated from our party— 
whence comes it that we had the boldness to proclaim the Third International 
in August, 1914, when the vast majority of the labor parties of the whole world 
were timidly looking backward, when the huge majority of workers in general 
were seized with a wave of chauvinism? * * * To be sure, one party alone 
can not create an international. For that it is necessary to have some compo- 
nent parts, but at the moment when the German party cast aside its old title 


26 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


and took to itself the name of communist—at that time the Third Inter- 
national was already born. * * * If even at our conference there were only 
representatives of the Russian Communist Party and the German communists, 
we would have a right to say that the Third International was formed. * * * 

In the beginning things went as follows: The representative of the German 
communists insisted almost in an ultimatum that we should remain only a 
conference and should not proclaim a congress. The Austrian comrades at 
that time had not yet arrived, neither had the representatives of the Balkan 
Peninsula arrived. The central committee of our party considered the situa- 
tion and deemed it indispensable that we should immediately form the Third 
International. But we discussed it so; the German communists are against; 
they have issued an ultimatum. We can not permit strained relations with 
the German sparticists. That occurred on the day following the terrible 
loss which they suffered. And we said, even if they are wrong it is necessary 
to yield in this question and such a declaration was made in the name of 
the central committee of our party. According as delegates began to arrive 
and reports began to be made the German communists weakened considerably 
in this question and it became quite clear to us all that if we did not pro- 
claim the Third International at once we would be committing a crime toward 
the working class and it would be a great mistake. The question was brought 
before the congress. The German representative held himself in the back- 
ground, but when it was unanimously decided that the Third International 
be proclaimed he stood up and amidst the applause of the conference said, 
“Once the congress had decided, the German communists will be among the 
first to adhere to the Third International. * * * We ean say that the 
spiritual leadership in the founding of the Third International belongs ab- 
Solutely to the Russian Communist Party. I do not know anything which 
gives me greater pride than that fact. * * * Now we have something to 
be proud of. When the flower of the workers of the whole world came to us, 
the people who so recently lost their great leaders, Carl Liebknecht and Rosa 
Luxembourg, people who are the leaders of the most enlightened, intelli- 
gent, and organized part of the working class of the whole world, they 
with an open mind recognized that the spiritual guidance of the world revolu- 
oe rising before our eyes should belong to the Russian Communist Party. 
* * 

“For the time being, comrades, it is an honor to our party that with us in 
Moscow, the capital of the Soviet Republic, will assemble the Third Inter- 
national and its executive committee. Thus before our party lies a still 
greater work than hitherto. Besides the spiritual leadership we must aid our 
comrades in the matter of organization under extraordinarily difficult circum- 
stances. * * * And I think that our party is bound to bring material 


_ forces to the aid of the workers of other countries and to give them all 


necessary organizing support. What belongs to us belongs to all the workers 
international.” 

Senator Boran. May I ask the date of that? 

Mr. Ketiry. Report delivered at the session of March 20, 1919, 
official report that Zinoviev made to the All-Russian Congress of 
the Russian Communist Party with relation to the founding of the 
Communist International. 

No. 36 is a translation of an article by Zinoviev in the executive 
bulletin of the Communist International, No. 4, December 23, 1921. 
In this article he takes up the various stages of the Third Inter- 
national and shows the predominating réle played by the Russian 
Communist Party. | 

No. 87 is the proclamation calling the first Congress of the Com- 
munist International, translated from the Moscow Izvestia of Janu- 
ary 24, 1919. | 

Senator Swanson. Is that the proclamation signed by Lenin? 

Mr. Krriny. Yes, sir; that is the proclamation signed by Lenin 
and Trotski both. This is a full translation of the proclamation. 

No. 89 is a translation from the Communist International, the 
official organ of the Communist International, No. 1, May 1, 1919, 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. oT 


_ giving the resolution passed at the first congress in regard to the 
_ organization of the new international. 


No. 40 is a report of the executive committee to the second con- 


' gress of the Communist International, reviewing the work of the 


executive committee in the period between the first and second 
congresses. 

Senator Swanson. What is the date of that? 
_ Mr. Ketiry. The second congress in 1920. This is very interest- 
ing in that it shows how the actual control of the Communist Inter- 
national was completely in the hands of the Russian Communist 
Party. It is short. 

Senator Borau. You had better read it. 

Mr. Kewiry (reading) : 


Thus besides the Russian party, six others should have sent immediately 
their representatives to the executive committee. Circumstances, however, 


were far from permitting all these parties to have their permanent repre- 


sentatives in Russia, where the executive committee was located. The Ger- 
man party has not once succeeded in this period in sending a permanent rep- 
resentative to the executive committee. The representative of German Austria 
has only recently arrived. The communist parties of Scandinavia have 
enly now and then had their representatives on the executive committee. 
The communist federation of the Balkans has been constituted only recently, 
and its representative only arrived in the spring of 1920. The Hungarian com- 


/ munist party has had a permanent representative on the executive committee. 


~The Swiss communists have been represented by Comrade Platten up to the 


Sf 
Bo 


time when he left Russia. * * 

Thus the central committee of the Russian Communist Party and the com- 
rades which have been specially delegated for this work have been obliged 
to charge themselves with nearly all the current work of the executive com- 
mittee. 

The following members of the Russian Communist Party have been dele- 
gated to the executive committee of the Communist International: Balbanova, 
Berzin, Bukharin, Vorovsky, Zinoviev, Karakhan, Klinger, Litvinov, and others. 
Comrade Lenin, as well as other comrades, have taken part in the most im- 
portant meetings together with the delegates of the Russian Communist Party. 

Taking into consideration the external difficulties which prevented the other 
communist parties from sending their permanent representatives, the execu- 
tive committee utilized the arrival of a foreign comrade who had authority in 
the matter to associate him in the work of the executive committee even if it 
were only for a relatively short time. * * * 

The function of secretary of the executive committee, Communist Inter- 
national, was filled in turn by Comrades Balavanova, Berzin, Vorovsky, and 
by Radek who at present fills this office. The President is Comrade G. 
Zinoviev. 


Senator Boran. We will adjourn until 2.30. 
(Whereupon, the committee recessed until 2.30 oclock p. m.) 


AFTERNOON SESSION. 


The committee met pursuant to the taking of the recess, Senator 
William E. Borah presiding. 

Senator Boran. Before Mr. Kelley begins I want to read a para- 
graph or two in order to get the name of this Government we are 
dealing with correct. [Reading:] 


The declaration of rights of the laboring and exploited people (approved by 
the Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets in January, 1918), together with the 
constitution of the Soviet Republic, approved by the fifth congress, constitutes 
a single fundamental law of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. 

This fundamental law becomes effective upon the publication of the same in 
its entirety in the “ Izvestia of the All-Russian General Hxecutive Committee.” 


28 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


It must be published by all organs of the Soviet Government and must be 
posted in a prominent place in every soviet institution. 

The fifth congress instructs the people’s commissariat of education to intro- 
duce in all schools and educational institutions of the Russian Republic the- 
study and explanation of the basic principles of this constitution. 


ARTICLE I.—DECLARATION OF RIGHTS OF THE LABORING AND EXPLOITED PEOPLE. 
CHAPTER 1. 


1. Russia is declared to be a republic of the soviets of workers, soldiers, and 
peasants’ deputies. All the central and local power belongs to these soviets. 

2. The Russian Soviet Republic is organized on the basis of a free union of” 
free nations, as a federation of soviet national republics. 

Senator Swanson. Mr. Chairman, is that the latest constitution ? 

Senator Boran. It is the constitution as originally adopted. I 
understand there have been some amendments to it. 

Senator Swanson. He has promised to give us the latest constitu- 
tion with the amendments. | 

Mr. Keiiey. The constitution read by the chairman is the consti- 
tution of the original Soviet Republic, which is a member of the 
Soviet Federation. That is not the constitution of the Soviet Fed- 
eration, which is the international entity. The Russian Soviet 
Republic is not an international entity; it is only one member of 
the Soviet Federation. I have here the constitution of the Soviet 
Federation. 

Senator Boran. Let me see it [document handed Senator Borah]. 

Where is the technical name as it appears on this—“ The Union of 
Socialist Soviet Republics ” ? 

Mr. Keury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. That is a general designation. That is not the: 
technical name of the Government, is it? 

Mr. Keiixy. That is the technical name of the country with which, . 
if we so desired, we would enter into relations. 

Senator Bora. That is not the name in which it signs the treaties, 
is it? 

Mr. Keuiery. Yes, sir; this was only formed in December, 1922. 

Senator Boran. This one? 

Mr. Ketiny. This is the constitution of December, 1922, and is the 
present constitution. The earlier treaties, of course, would not be- 
signed with this name because this only exists since 1922. 

Senator Borau. I simply desired to know the technical name of 
the government, and if this is correct, that is all right. That is the 
way it appears now, is it? ; 

Mr. Keriny. Yes, sir; the technical name I translate as Federa- 
tion of Socialist Soviet Republics. 7 

Senator Borau. That is the original document that was adopted 
by the Russian Socialist Federated Republic? 

Mr. Kruiey. Yes, sir; that is one of the four States forming the 
association of Socialist Soviet Republics, and that is the constitution 
of that State. It is quite distinct from the constitution of the federa- 
tion as a whole. 

Senator Boran. That is not what it says. It says this is the con- 
stitution of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. 

Mr. Ketimy. Yes; the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic - 
is one of the members of the Federation of Socialist Soviet Republics. - 


} 
: 


{ 
RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 29 
| ; , 
The others are the Ukrainean Socialist Soviet Republic, and the 
White Russian Socialist Soviet Republic, and the Caucasian Federa- 
tion of Soviet Republics. 
Senator Boran. And they now pass under the name of Union of 
Socialist Soviet Republics? 
Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir. 
Senator Boran. And that is the name of the Government? 
Mr. Keruiiry. Yes, sir; that is the International entity. 
Senator Boran. Now we have it straightened out at last. You may 
now proceed, Mr. Kelley. 
Mr. Keuiey. The point we were discussing, I believe, was the rela- 
tion of the Russian Communist Party to the Third International. 
_ Exhibit No. 41 is a report of the executive committee to the second 
congress of the Communist International made by Zinoviev in March, 
i 1920. 
Section 10 of his report refers to the finances of the Communist 
International. 
- Src. 10. Pecuniary aid to fraternal parties.—At the first session of the execu- 
tive committee of the Communist International it was decided that each party 
and each organization adhering to the Third International should pay a certain 
sum to the executive committee. At the same meeting, however, in which par- 
ticipated many comrades of different countries, it was decided to propose to the 
Russian Communist Party to take upon itself the principal burden of the ex- 
| penses necessitated by the work of the executive committee. This was dictated 
| by the circumstances of our struggle in all Europe and was justified by the 
‘precarious situation of the fraternal parties in the different countries. Of 
course the Russian Communist Party thought it its duty to welcome the pro- 
posal of the executive committee of the Communist International. The Rus- 
sian workers, who during 20 years had benefited from the fraternal aid of the 
workers of all countries, were happy to be able to accord the same support to 
the world proletariat struggling in the midst of the greatest difficulties. 


Senator Boran. What was the date of that? 
Mr. Ketiny. Report made by Zinoviev to the second congress in 
March, 1920. 
No. 42 is a translation from The Communist International, the 
official organ of the Communist International, No. 18, September 28, 
1920, giving the constitution of the Communist International as 
elaborated at the second congress. 
Senator Swanson. What is contained in that constitution with 
reference to foreign propaganda and the methods of it? 
Mr. Ketixy. This particular constitution has to do with the 
organization. 
Senator Swanson. With all countries? 
Mr. Keuuery. I will read the two pertinent extracts. 


Art. V. Phe World Congress elects the executive committee of the Com- 
~munist International, which is the leading organ of the Communist Inter- 
national during the periods between the congresses of the Communist Inter- 
national and which is accountable to the World Congress only * * * 
. Art, VIII. The chief burden of the work in the executive committee of the 
Commuist International lies on the Party of the country in which the executive 
committee resides as decreed by the World Congress. The Party of that 
» country shall have five representatives in the executive committee with a deci- 
| sive vote. Besides this, from 10 to 12 of the largest Communist Parties shall 
each have one representatives with a decisive vote on the executive committee ; 
the list of such representatives shall be confirmed by the World Congress of the 
Communist Intrnational. The remaining parties and organizations members 
_of the Communist International shall be entitled to send to the executive com- 
mittee one representative each with a consultative vote. 





30 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Swanson. Russia has five votes, and any other country 
one ? | 

Mr. Ketitry. That was the constitution adopted at the second 
congress; yes, sir. | 

Senator Swanson. In what year? 

Mr. Keiiry. Nineteen hundred and twenty. 

Senator Swanson. Does that rule still obtain? 

Mr. Ketter. No, sir; I will show the development. 

No. 43, translation from Pravda, No. 177, August 11, 1920. 

This gives the organization of the second executive committee of 
the Communist International, the one elected at the second congress. 
It also gives the composition of the presidium, or directing small. 
bureau, which is the real directing force in the Communist Inter- 
national. | 

It will be noted that the following comrades have been elected: 
Zinoviev, Bukharin, Mayer, Rudniansky, and Kobetsky. 

As secretary of the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 
national in view of the departure of Raedek for the front, Kobetsky 
has been elected. | 

This places the whole machinery in the hands of the Russian 
Communist Party. 

Senator Swanson. While I think about it the extract that you 
read previous to that stated that the Communist Party of Russia 
was to furnish a large part of the funds to make the international 
operative. 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Have you traced any funds from them to this 
international ? 

Mr. Ketiny. The international, in fact, is entirely supported by 
the Russian Communist Party. It has no finances of its own. 

Senator Swanson. Have you any evidence later on with reference 
to that? 

Mr. Ketter. I do not know just what you mean. 

Senator Swanson. Take the international. Haye you found where 
they have transmitted any funds from the Communist Party of 
Russia to the international ? 

Mr. Keniry. Yes. There is no public information of that sort. 
It is confidential information. Such reports are not public. 

Senator Borau. What do you mean by confidential information ? 

Mr. Kerrey. Information received from confidential sources which 
can not be disclosed. 

Senator Boran. It can not be disclosed here? 

Mr: Ketiry. No, sir. 

Senator Boran. That is exactly what we want to show. 

Mr. Ketiry. Do you mean to say that the Communist Inter- 
national would publish that the Russian Communist Party assigned 
$50,000 for propaganda in the United States? 

Senator Boran. No; I do not say they would; but if you have dis- 
covered it through private information that is exactly what we want. 
That would close the transaction. 

Senator Psprrr. I understood, Mr. Chairman, either in the letter 
of the Secretary of State or in Mr. Young’s opening statement, they | 
suggest in addition to the matter transmitted under these covers there — 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 31 


's certain other matter which the department would be ready to com- 
nunicate in executive session. Is that correct ? 
. Mr. Ketiny. Yes, sir; that is correct. 
- Senator Borau. There is no necessity for an executive session on 
she question of passing money between Russia and the international. 
[f they are presenting it, let us have it. 

Senator Swanson. Divulging the source from which they derived 
it might imperil the life of the party who gave it. 

Mr. Kewury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. You have confidential information that would 
prove that, but you do not feel justified in giving it to the public? 
| Mr. Keutrey. Yes, sir. 
_ Senator Boran. You state now that your fear is that the life of 
the party who conveyed you the information would be imperiled ? 
_ Mr. Keitizy. No, sir; I state that there is certain information of 
which the sources can not be disclosed, and that it is available to the 
committee in executive session. ; 
| Senator Boran. Of course, the committee can do as it pleases, but I 
do not want any secret information myself. You may proceed. 
| Mr. Ketiey. This is No. 44, report of Zinoviev on the activity of 
‘the executive committee, made at the Third Congress. The pre- 
‘ceding was made at the Second Congress. This is taken from the» 
stenographic report of the Third Congress of Communist Inter- 
‘national, June 29, 1921: 


From the First to the Second Congress we had an administration which was 
‘recruited, on the whole, only out of members of the Russian Communist Party. 
It was not easy toward the conclusion of the Second Congress to demand from 
the partes that they delegate their representatives for a whole year to the 
executive committee. Those comrades who took part in the Second Congress 
will remember that the representatives of the German Party, for example, and 
also of other parties, took the contrary position that one should here in Mos- 
cow determine the delegates of the different parties for the executive and 
that these delegates should work here during the whole time. Now it is 
wished to leave the administration of affairs simply as hitherto to the Russian 
comrades. Only when we protested and insisted categorically on our demand 
was it decided by the Congress that at least 10 of the brother parties should 
send their delegates to the executive. * * * 

Among us during the first year of the Communist International the adminis- 
tration was not yet international and only during this year could we say with 
satisfaction that we had the beginnings of an institution which at least is 
composed of representatives from ten or twelve parties and at least has at- 
tempted to conduct the labor movement in international manner from the stand- 
point of the composition of its leadership. * * * I must also add that, as 
nearly all of us know, besides the executive committee a smaller bureau has 
functioned, which in recent times has consisted of seven comrades and which 
frequently meets twice as often as the executive itself. 


That is the same bureau I referred to shortly ago as being the real 
directing force of the Communist International. 

No. 45 contains extracts from the debates at the Third Con- 
gress. They cover the question of control of the Communist Inter- 
‘national by the Russian Communist Party, and are taken from the 
stenographic report of the third congress of the Communist Inter- 
‘national No. 5, July 1, 1921. 

The first speaker is Empel, representative from Germany: 








Comrade Zinoviev said also that the Communist Labor Party of Germany 
preaches unity but in a short time will be among the enemies of Soviet Russia. 
He refers to the Communist Labor paper of May 1 of this year. He has read 


82325—24—-pr 1——-3 


32 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


some sentences out of this paper. I will also read some sentences and will - 
then touch upon the point to which Comrade Zinoviev has referred. It reads 
here: “ The idea of a communist mass party which should be ordered to pursue 
parliamentary labor—i. e., bourgeois methods of struggle—has proved a giant 
bluff. Such mass parties are good in order to demonstrate at command on 
Sundays and holidays for Soviet Russia. They are quite useless for the revolu- 
tionary struggle.” 

That is the view, our view, of the tactics which Comrade Zinoviev represents 
and we say thus we can not go further. We say further that is also rooted 
in Russian State politics and on that account we say further “for that reason — 
it does not follow that we will rise up in struggle against Soviet Russia. We 
stake all our means on. the fact that Russia remains a proletariat power but 
the political and organic separation of the Third International from the system 
of the Russian State politics is the goal toward which we must work if we 
wish to be just to the conditions of a west European resolution.” That is the 
point which Comrade Zinoviev seizes upon and says “Do not go further, for 
then you will be out of the Third International.” He refers to the telegram 
of our party which gives us plenipotentiary powers to resign from the Third 
International. He concludes then: If you are out of the Third International 
then you fight against Russia. * * * Wedo not overlook for a minute the 
difficulties in which the Russian Soviet power has fallen through the delay of 
the world revolution, but we see at the same time the danger that out of these 
difficulties there will arise a contradiction between the interests of the revolu- 
_tionary world proletariat and the monetary interests of Soviet Russia, appar- 
ent or real. 

In a committee meeting it has been declared that the Third International is 
not a tool of the soviet power but rather the Russian Soviet power is to be 
considered as the strongest post of the Third International. We also are of the 
opinion that that should be so. But we believe that if the contradiction 
hetween the vital interests of the Russian Soviet power and of those of the 
Third International should arise, it would be the duty to hold within the Third 
International an open and friendly discussion with regard to it. 

In the practical solidarity for Soviet Russia we have hitherto constantly 
done our obvious duty; for example, by the demonstration celebration of the 
October revolution, by the widest participation in the aid to the interned Red 
Army soldiers, by the spread of a movement of help in August, 1920, which 
came to naught through the fault of the U. 8. P. and K. P. D. The proclama- 
tion of solidarity with Soviet Russia was one of the most outstanding points 
of view for our party when it decided to joint the Third International despite 
the heavy considerations against the reformist tactics of the Third Interna- 
tional. 

On this standpoint we will remain, but we will, to be sure, ever and always 
raise the sharpest opposition if we see that the policy of Soviet Russia falsely 
and through misunderstanding finds an outlet in a reformist policy of the 
Third International. At the same time we are convinced that such a policy 
is in opposition just as much to the true interests of Soviet Russia itself as to 


those of the world proletariat. 
The following is from Gennari, the Italian delegate: 


Fiven in Russia itself, if our information is correct, a reaction has taken 
place against this lack of understanding and obstinacy. To be sure, this move- 
ment will not be noticeable at the congress. Comrade Zinoviev is too skillful 
and clever an organizer of congresses for his views not to find constantly sure 
and wide support. But already there shows itself in the International an 
extensive dissatisfaction with the personal dictatorship, which actually is not 
a dictatorship of the proletariat, but a caricature. 

Our comrades—in spite of the difficult conditions—hesides Clara Zetkin and 
Paul Levy and many others, will express their wish this necessity. We hope 
that it will be heard by those who ought to hear it. This Communist Inter- 
national can not be a monopoly of anybody, and must live and develop itself 
and struggle in full knowledge of the whole situation, in ample judgment of all 
proletariat activity. * *. * 


And the speech from Michalek: 


Our workers do not understand how one can draw a distinction between 
Soviet Russia, the Russian Communist Party, their tasks and the tasks of any 
party in western Europe. In this connection there exists for our workers no 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 33 


istinction. The Russian Soviet power is our power. Between Soviet Russia, 
$s tasks, and the task of the Communist International there is no distinction, 
0 opposition, and can not be any. Who comprehends the thing different is no 
ymmunist. 

Senator Boran. What is the date of that? 

Mr. Keniry. Those are from the debates of the Third Congress of 
ae Communist International, June and July, 1921. 

Senator Perper. Mr. Kelley, i in several of these documents I notice 
Rat the term “proletariat” occurs. Am I right in understanding 
hat as that term is used in Russia it has a rather definite technical 
ignification ? 

Mr. Keuury. Yes, sir. 
Senator Prrrrr. That it means the urban industrial class? 
Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir; urban industrial workers. 
Senator Preprer. It does not include peasants and farmers? 
Mr. Kerry. No. 
Senator Peprrer. What is the difference between the status of the 
veasants and that of the industrial class known as the proletariat ? 

Mr. Ketitry. The main difference is that the Russian Communist 
arty is built on the proletariat, technically speaking, and the peas- 
nts are only admitted in so far as they are necessary to give the party 

. definite standing in a country which, after all, is predominantly 
gricultural. 

Senator Prrrer. To what extent is that actually the case? 

Mr. Ketiey. For instance, at the last Congress, held in April of this 
ear, it was stated that during the year coming—that i is, from April, 
923, to the next meeting, which will probably be in March, 1924— only 
ndustrial workers should be ‘admitted to the Communist Party. For 
ne year no person can enter the Communist Party unless he is a mem- 
er of the proletariat. 

Senator Swanson. What are the requisites for admission to the 
vommunist Party ? 

Mr. Kerry. First, required to be recommended by two members 
f the party; then required to be a candidate; that is, for a year, or 
ossibly two, three, or four years, to be on probation, during which 
ou are subject to every conceivable test. Then, finally, if in that 
eriod you are successful, you have passed all the tests, you are ad- 
utted to the party. 

Senator Swanson. When you vote for members of the soviet who 

permitted to vote? 

Mr. Ketitry. You mean to.the soviets? 

Senator Swanson. Vote for representatives 1n the soviet. 

Mr. Ketiey. The constitution lays down very definite rules. In 
mneral, what they call the employing class is disfranchised That is, 
yy person who employs another man can not vote, also the clergy 
aid various other categories. 

“Senator Swanson. The constitution does not give preference to 
vy party or name any party in fixing the qualification ? 

Mr. Keniry. There is only one party. 

Senator Swanson. Does it say a man must be a member of the 
ommunist Party or of any party? 

Mr. Kuutry. No, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Or the qualifications of the one ave similar to 
1e qualifications of the other? 


34 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Mr. Keniry. No, sir. 

Senator Swanson. A man to be a member of the Communist Party 
is required to have certain qualifications, and then to be permitted. 
to vote requires other qualifications ¢ 

Mr. Kewuny. Different qualifications; yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. What proportion of the people of Russia are 
peasants ? 

Mr. Kertiry. I should say, roughly, 80 per cent. 

Senator Bora. To what extent are they represented in he Com- 
munist Party; do you know? I mean in membership. 

Mr. Ketiry. Very small, I should say; probably 23 to 25 per cent. 

Senator Boran. And how many communists are there in Russia, 
judged by the membership in the party? 

Mr. Ketter. At the present there are about 380,000. 

Senator Boran. Well, there are about 120,000,000 people in Russia. 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. And there are about how many members of the 
party ¢ 

Mr. Keiiry. There are about 380,000.at present. 

Senator Boran. There could not be very many peasants then. 

Senator Swanson. How do you get that information? 

Mr. Kreviry. They publish at each conference the strength of the 
party, the number of people expelled and the number of people that 
have been admitted, and all that. 

Senator Swanson. When is the last time you saw a statement from 
an authoritative source of the party as to the size of it? 

Mr. Ketiey. Detailed figures were given in April, 1923. 

Senator Swanson. How many did they claim to have in the party — 
at that time? | 

Mr. Keuiry. I think it was about 387,000. I can not give the — 
exact figures. There were 387,000, I think. 

Senator Swanson. You can have an opportunity to coreeet that — 
statement if you wish to. 

Mr. Kewuuey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. There was a time in Russia when the peasantry © 
were required to turn over all their products from the farm except 
what they actually required to live on? | 
Mr. Ketiry. Yes. 

Senator Boran. That policy was changed to a tase system ? 
Mr. Kewury. Yes. 

Senator Boran. What was the cause of that change? 

Mr. Keniry. Dissatisfaction of the peasantry. 

Senator Borau. How did the peasantry exert its it eae 
Mr. Ketitey. By revolutions throughout the country—revolts. 

Senator Boran. Actual revolts? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes. 

Senator Boran. Fighting took place? 

Mr. Ketuiry. Severs fighting took place. 

Senator Boran. Then they changed the policy from a policy of 
requisition to that of taxes? 

Mr. Kettery. Yes, sir. . 

Senator Borau. So that was brought about through the protests 
of the peasantry—that change? 

Mr. Ketitey. Through the armed protest, yes, sir. 





: 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. $5 


Senator Boran. And that policy is still maintained? 
Mr. Kruiry. The tax instead of requisition? 
Senator Borau. Yes. 
Mr. Ketury. Yes. 
Senator Boran. Now, the peasant at the present time is permitted 
to own his personal property, is he not? 
_ Mr. Keriny. You mean clothes and shoes? Yes, sir. 
Senator Bora. Yes; and utensils on the farm, etc. 
Mr. Ketiey. Yes; cooking utensils and things like that. 
Senator Boran. That was not true originally, was it? 
Mr. Ketiey. What do mean by “originally ” ? i 
Senator Boran. In the beginning of this Government up until 
1921 everything was supposed to belong to the State, was it not ¢ 
Mr. Ketrey. No; I would not say that, I do not believe I could 
find decrees, for instance, confiscating clothing. 
~ Senator Borau: I do not mean that, but the animals on the farm, 
the utensils for farming, and such as that, and the mere private, per- 
‘sonal property, which is used for the purpose of producing crops. 
Mr. Kerimny. That was never nationalized. It was always sub- 
ject to requisition during the war. 
Senator Boran. This property was all supposed at one time to be 
-subject’to the call of the Government, was it not? 
Mr. Ketiry. Requisition, yes. 


_ Senator Borau. That is not true now? 


Mr. Kerimy. It will be done in case of necessity. 

Senator BoraH. It will be done in case of necessity, war, or any- 
thing like that, but they do not do that as a practical proposition, 
and the peasant is permitted to market and sell this property. 

_ Mr. Kettey. Which property do you refer to? Personal cloth- 
m @S. [y.c@ $9! bet | 

ose des Boran. No, not personal clothing. Personal property 
used on the farm, whatever you call it. 

Senator Swanson. Horses and machinery. 

Mr. Keuury. Yes. Land is excepted and also farm houses are 
excepted. 

Senator Boran. That modification was brought about by a pro- 
test of the peasantry too, was it not? 

Mr. Keuiey. Yes. 

Senator Bora. So while they are not represented to a main extent 
in the Communist Party, they seem to have their way sometimes? 

Mr. Keiiey. In extreme cases, questions of life and death; yes. 

Senator Borau. The whole policy of the Government has been 
changed since 1921 by reason of the protest of the peasantry to the 
Government, has it not ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes. Not exclusively by reason of protest of the 


_ peasantry to the Government, but that played a large role. 


Senator Boran. As a matter of fact, Lenin stated in his speeches 


that it was necessary to make the change in order to content the 


peasantry, did he not? 
Mr. Kewury. Yes. 
Senator Boran. And it was by reason of that it was done? 
Mr. Ketiry. Yes. 
Senator Boran. So the present economic policy of Russia since 


1921, in so far as it has been modified, has been modified to suit the 


_ demands of the peasantry ? 


36 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Mr. Ketiny. That particular point has been modified that you 
refer to, the substitution of taxes for requisition; yes, sir. 

Senutor Boran. Very well. 

Senator Swanson. Let me get it clear in my mind. Take the 
horses and agricultural machinery owned by the Russian peasantry ; 
what is the extent of his ownership now? 

Mr. Keuiry. He actually owns them. I think on his death they 
can only go to his immediate relatives. 

Senator Swanson. What was his ownership before? 

Mr. Ketiry. You mean 

Senator Swanson. Before the recent change. 

Mr. Keruiey. It was the same There was no change in that 
respect. 

Senator Swanson. The taxes yu refer to? 

Mr. Kruiry. Before the attempt to introduce whst is known as 
integral communism; that is, all that a person produces above his 
own needs must be turned over to the State, in recognition of which 
he was theoretically to receive from the State what he needed. 

Senator Swanson. And that was modified ? 

Mr. Kriitry. That was modified by the new economic policy. 

Senator Swanson. The land owned by the peasantry 

Mr. Kriiry. The peasant does not own land. All land is owned 
by the State. : 

Senator Boraw. He has a lease on it for 99 years. 

Mr. Kriiry. He has a lease on it as long as he works it. 

Senator Swanson. But he can not make any disposition of it? 

Mr. Keuiey. No, sir. : 

Senator Swanson. What were the conditions on which the peas- 
antry held the land before the revolu‘ion ? 

Mr. Kriiry. It was partly heid by corporate bodies aud partly in 
ordinary private ownership. 

Senator Swanson. Do you know to what extent of the 387,000 
members of the Communist Party they are peasants? 

Mr. Kriiny. Yes; I could get the exact figures. 

Senator Swanson. You could get the exact figures? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. , 

Senator Swanson. Will you put that in the record? 

Mr. Krtiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Preprrr. Am I right in understanding, Mr. Kelley, that in 
addition to acts of violence the protest of the peasantry took the form 
of refusal or failure to produce any crops? 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prerrrr. In excess of the immediate needs of the producer 
and his household ? : 

Mr. Kerry. Yes, sir; that is, probably the primary, the basic 
opposition of the peasantry expressed itself in that form. 

Senator Prprrr. That is, the economic compulsion was stronger 
than the physical compulsion ? 

Mr. Ketiey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prprrr. And in deference to that compulsion, or in obedi- 
euce to it, the Government, instead of relying upon taking the stuff 
in kind, substituted the compounding of the taking by tax payments? 








initiative of the peasant to produce more than he actually would con- 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 37 


Mr. Ketiny. Yes. If I may add, in order to stimulate the private 


‘sume himself; yes, sir. 


Senator Perper. So that it looks as if the original plan, which had 
been to assert the superior power of the Government through these 


‘regular requisitions, had had to yield to the economic necessities of 


the case, because it was found that the peasant laid down on the 


proposition and stopped producing? 

Mr. Kriiry. That is accurate; yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Have you a statement of the new economic policy, 
as it is called, as announced by the Government at the time it was 
announced ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir; we have that. 

Senator Boraw. Will you produce it? 

Mr. Kewury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. And have you a statement also as to the extent to 
which private property may be held in Russia at the present time? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir; we have the laws. 

Senator Bora. I would like to have those incorporated in the 
record. 

Mr. Kewury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. That is all. 

Mr. Kertury. No. 46 is a resolution of the third congress of the 
Communist International on the question of the organization of the 
executive committee, making slight changes. The Russian Com- 
munist Party continues to retain its five votes. This resolution for 
the first time refers to the members of the small bureau as being 
elected by the executive committee. 

No. 47 gives the names of the actual members of the small bureau 
which were elected at the third congress. It is taken from the pub- 
lication on the activity of the executive committee and presidium of 


the Communist International published in Petrograd, 1923. 


This small body is the body which actually controls the activity of 
the Communist International. The members were Zinoviev, Radek, 
Gennari, Bukharin, Bela Kun, Heckert, and Souvarin. | 

No. 48, taken from the stenographic report of the fourth con- 
gress of the Communist International, contains the report of the 
committee on organization and sets forth the attempt of the com- 
mittee to transform the Communist International into a single, uni- 
fied, centralized body. 

No. 49 is taken from the stenographic report of the fourth Com- 
munist International, No. 27, Moscow, December 9, 1922, and it 
takes up the same question of the organization of the Communist 
International into a unified, centralized, communist body. This 
is short and I will read it: 

Grun: Comrade Zinoviev has, in an article which was written at the begin- 


ning of the congress, indicated the aim of the reorganization of the executive 
committee. The aim of the transformation of the hitherto loose federative 


-system, in which the executive has been organized, should be a closely organ- 


ized central committee of one great international Communist Party: the pro- 
posals which have been advanced by the German delegation in the organiza- 
tion committee aim at immediately attaining this close central committee. 
That is however, temporarily not yet quite possible. We have not yet a con- 
solidated International Party which could have a close central committee 
that would be composed without regard to the parties. The proposals ac- 
cepted by the organization committee and which have been laid before the 


38 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


congress represent the transition from the previous system, in which the ex- 
ecutive consisted entirely of representatives of the sections, to the goal of a 
single central committee that is organized not in accordance with the wishes 
of the sections but is composed according to the wishes of the international 
congress out of those forces which are separated for a time from their sec- 
tions and devote themselves exclusively to the task of forming the central 
committee of a single international Communist Party. This aim we hope to 
attain at the fifth or sixth congress and the proposals of to-day are merely 
a rapprochement toward this goal. * * # 

Eberlein: * * * We have, besides the executive, the presidium, which 
is composed out of a small number of comrades and is the. peculiar political 
bureau of the international. All departments are subordinated to and respon- 
sible to this particular bureau. Yes, we go even further and have determined 
that all the most important departments must be managed by members of the 
presidium, so that the organization bureau, the agitation and propaganda bu- 
reau, and the eastern department are directly subordinate -to the presidium 
and the other departments, the statistical department, etc, are subject to the 
organization bureau and must be controlled by it... We believe that by this 
means there is attained just that what Comrade Grun desires. 


Senator Pepper. How do you understand that works? What is 
the smallest and highest seat of authority in that scheme? 

Mr. Keriny. The highest seat of authority is the presidium, 
which is compared to the political bureau, as it is called, similar to 
the organization in Russia. Although it is called the “presidium” 
in the international organization, it is comparable to the political 
bureau as the supreme directing force. 

Senator Prrrrr. And then under it 

Mr. Kenimny. Then, under it’ would be the executive committee 
proper. 

No. 50 is from the Moscow Pravda of December 6, 1922, and gives 
a list of members of the executive committee. 

And at this occasion I would like to introduce a chart showing the 
positions held by the various members of the Russian Communist 
Party, in the Russian Soviet Republic, in the Federation of Soviet 
Republics, in the Communist International, in the Russian Labor 
Union, and in the Trade Union International. This chart will show 
graphically the interlocking relationship. | 

Senator Bora. Is that the same chart that Senator Lodge used in 
his speech? - ; 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Of what specific date does it speak ? 

Mr. Keuiry. January 1, 1924, the latest information we could get. 

Senator Boran. Where did you get the information for this? 

Mr. Ketiry. I am going to introduce later on papers out of which 
the information was taken. | 

Senator Bora. When you say papers, what do you mean? 

Mr. Ketiry. The official organ Izvestia. This gives, I will add, 
the same for these other bodies. | . 

Senator Boraw. That is the same chart the Senator used 2 

Mr. Ketter. Yes, sir. 

Senator Bora. Very well. 

(The chart referred to will be found at the end of the proceedings 
of this day.) 

Mr. Ketiry. No. 51 is a report of Bukharin made at the last en- 
larged session of the Communist International, taken from Izvestia, 
June 19, 1923. This shows that as late as the early part of last year 





o 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 39 
| 

he same stream of thought that I pointed out before was prevalent 
n the congress. Bukharin says: 

_ The Norwegian comrades make the following practical deductions: The chief 
eaders of the Communist International are Russians and have recourse pre- 
‘minently only to Russian experience. The executive committee of the Com- 
nunist International—says Boull—has ceased to see its principal task in the 
Jerman revolution (I remark parenthetically that that is not true) and trans- 
‘ers the center of gravity to the east in the interest of the foreign policy of 
Russia. 

Then he goes on to point out the demands of the Scandinavian dele- 
ration in opposition to the attempt of the Russian Communist Party 
(0 establish this new centralized organization to which I referred a 
minute ago. 


The Scandinavian comrades insist on obligatory instructions. 


That means that the delegates from Scandinavia to: the Communist 
International would be bound by instructions given by their party 
before arriving in Moscow. The Communist {International forbids 
that and says that would be illegal. : 

That would be the purest federalism, each party appearing at congress 
already with its decision. We must reject that demand, not only for interna- 
tional but also for internal party questions. * * * ‘We should insist on the 
right of the executive committee of the Communist International to interfere 
in internal party questions; practice has shown that we were right in our in- 
terference, even in such an internal question as Free Masonry in the French 


Communist Party; further, we have annulled a decision of the central committee 
of the Czechoslovak Party. 

Senator Borau. Mr. Kelly, would you rather sit down? 

Mr. Keuiey. No; thank you. 

Also quotation from the speech of Comrade Falk of Norway at 
the same session. He sets forth the demands of the Scandinavian 
delegation and insists on the independence of the party in local 
national questions, on the election of representatives to the execu- 
tive committee of the Communist International by the Party itself, 
on obligatory instructions which strengthen the party as it ex- 
presses its views at Congress more definitely. The Norwegian 
Party in no way questions the authority of the Communist Inter- 
national in international questions. 

Then No. 52, the speech of Comrade Stroom, of Sweden, at the 
same meeting. 

We do not deny centralism; that is a misunderstanding. But we insist on 
freedom of action in questions of local character. We do not protest against 
‘the influence of Russian comrades in the Communist International; on the 
other hand, we welcome the fact that the guidance of the International is in 
their hands. 

No. 53, translation from Pravda of July 28, 1920, gives the num- 
bers of delegates at the second congress of the Communist Inter- 
‘national. The largest delegation was Russia with 63; the next 
‘largest was Norway with 8. 

Senator Swanson. Who fixes the numbers that the various coun- 
‘tries are entitled to in this Congress? 

_ Mr. Ketiey. The executive committee. 
Senator Swanson. Have you got there the number that the execu- 
‘tive committee fixed for the various countries ? 

Mr. Ketxey. Yes, sir. 


| 


40 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Swanson. Will you put that in the record? 

Mr, Keitiry. Yes, sir; I think I have got it later. I am noi 
sure, but I will put it in if I haven’t it. , 

No. 54, from the Pravda of June 26, 1921, gives the report of the 
committee on credentials. 

Senator Boran. Just a moment before you go to that. How many 
members were there all told in that Congress of the Third Inter- 
national? Was that in 1922? 

Mr. Kerrey. No; that is the Second Congress. I am taking 
them up in order. 

Senator Boran. What Congress is this that you are speaking ot 
now ? 

Mr. Ketizy. The Second Congress. 

Senator Borau. And what year? 

Mr. Kexiry. 1920. I will get later the total number of delegates 

Senator Swanson. It is perhaps not important. I thought] 
would like to know. 

Mr. Keutury. I have a translation here giving the total number 
of delegates, 291. That is at the third, not at the second. That is 
taken from Pravda, June 26, 1921. 

No. 55 is translation from the stenographic report of the Third 
Congress and is adduced as showing the way in which the debates 
were conducted. 

On any important question when opposition manifested itself the 
procedure was for the Russian delegation to present a formal an- 
nouncement signed by the members of the Russian delegation. I 
have two or three instances of that. 

This is the third congress, Badek speaking: 

Comrades, in the name of the Russian delegation, I oppose this motion for 
the following reasons: All political decisions are made by the executive. The 
little bureau has, first of all, on the basis of the political decision of the execu- 
tive, to carry out illegal work. For this work we could need in different situa- 
tions comrades who at a given moment, largely from casual reasons, could not 
be elected because they were not at the congress and not elected to the executive. 

Then, at the same congress, toward the end, the speech 

Senator Swanson. What motion was he opposing when he made 
that speech ? | | 

Mr. Krriry. The only time when the reports introduced by the 
Russian delegation were opposed was on the question of permitting 
the executive committee to elect to this small bureau members who 
were not members of the executive committee. The Russian delega- 
tion insisted that the executive committee have power to delegate to 
this small bureau members who were not members of the executive 
committee. The other parties opposed that. And after the vote was 
Fh aden which, of course, the Russian motion was carried, Zinoviey 
remarks: 





Comrades, this is the only vote during the whole congress, and it is, after all, 


only a question of such a little thing. . 


That means during that whole congress that is the only question 
on which a vote was taken. -All the others were passed unanimously. 
Senator Borau. If they were all passed unanimously, it did not 
make any difference how many delegates there were from the differ- 
ent countries, did it? ‘a 


i RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 41 
| Mr. Kztiey. No, sir. 
No. 56 is a translation from the stenographic report of the third 
congress, calling attention to one of the methods by which the 
Russian delegation was able to control the debates. This is the 
statement of Zinoviev: 
. Comrades, in accordance with an agreement with the chief groups of dele- 
gates, we will translate future speeches only in Russian. 

Senator Boran. Well, now, you speak there of controlling de- 
‘bates? Do you mean limiting debate? 
__ Mr. Keuury. I mean one of the methods by which they control 
the proceedings rather, not the debates. 
| Senator Boraw. Well, is that any different from what many bodies 
do, control the debates, or limit the debates. Take, for instance, the 
rules of the House, over which they are having considerable debate 
‘now. 
' Mr. Ketiey. This referred to the language. If you had a congress 
of delegates speaking 15 different languages, and only used one lan- 
iguage, those who did not understand it would be at a slight dis- 
‘advantage. 
_ Senator Boran. But that would not be any different from not 
‘permitting them to use any language at all. You limit debate in 
‘the House of Representatives. : 
| Mr. Ketxiry. But that is only in one language, English. 
| Senator Boraw. But we cut off debate entirely, so the question of 
‘language is immaterial. We prevent debate and discussion and 
‘amendments to bills, ete. 
- Senator Swanson. I understood you introduced that with a view 
to showing that nearly all the delegates were Russian and spoke the 
‘Russian language, or did they do it to prohibit information to get to 
the others? Now, if you did not interpret into anything but the 
Russian language, you would imply most of the delegates were Rus- 
‘sians, and very possibly there was no use of any other interpretation. 

Mr. Keuiry. No; I introduced it to show that the fact that 
: Dee were conducted in only one language would put at a dis- 
advantage 
Senator Swanson. If a man made a speech in English, it was only 
interpreted or translated into Russian ? : 

Mr. Keuury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. And they were the people really in motion and 
the ones who really controlled ? 

Mr. Kewury. Yes, sir. | 

No. 57 refers to the same and is taken from the stenographic 
reports. It shows two points, the point to which you just referred 
and also the method of voting. Zinoviev speaking [reading]: 














$ 


Unless there is objection, I will have the voting take place. I beg the com- 
rades who understand German and sit alongside of the Russian comrades to 
‘translate as well as they can to them. The voting will now take place. Has 
anyone any objection to this list? That appears not to be the case. The list 
is confirmed. 

That is the method in which voting takes place in the Interna- 
tional Congress. | 
Senator Swanson. What list was he referring to* Me 
_ Mr. Kewiny. He was referring to the list of the new secretariat In 
this particular case, but all questions were voted on in that same way. 


42 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


The resolution was read; the question was put, “Has anyone any 
objection to this?” No one usually raised their hand, and the thing 
was passed. 

Senator Boran. Mr. Kelley, do you regard that as exceptional? 
That is a very common practice. 

Mr. Ketiry. I did not introduce it as exceptional, but as showing 
one of the methods by which they control the procedure. 

Senator Boran. Very well. 

Mr. Keviry. No. 57, from the Pravda of July 26, 1923, gives the 
list of the central committee of the Russian Communist Party, which 
is the highest authority in the party. 

‘No. 58 is an extract from the report of the committee of credentials 
in regard to the composition of the Fourth Congress, held in Moscow 
November 17, 1922. Referring to the question of Senator Swanson, 
this shows the number of members invited from the different parties: 

From the German party, 20 comrades were invited; 23 have ar- 

rived. ‘The committee on credentials has recognized the 23 comrades 
with the decisive vote; their credentials were in order. 

The French party announced 78,128 members. Twenty comrades 
were invited; 24 comrades have appeared; 23 decisive votes have been 
recognized and 1 advisory vote. — | rh 4 

The Italian party announced 24,638 members. -Twenty comrades 
were invited; 21 comrades have appeared. A. decisive vote had been 
accorded to all 21 comrades. 

The Russian party announced 324,522 members—only for Russia. 
Delegates for Ukraine, White Russia, and the Near and Far East 
are classed separately. Seventy-five comrades were invited; 75 have 
appeared and received decisive votes. : 

Altogether 350 delegates were invited to the congress, and 384 
arrived. 

Senator Borau. Which congress is that ? 

Mr. Keuiey. That is the last one, in November, 1922. 

Senator Borau. That was in November, 1922? 

Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. The Third International? 

Mr. Ketiey. The Fourth Congress of the Third International. 

Senator Boran. Is that the last one? 

Mr. Krtiny. The last one. The fifth is to be held next March. 

No. 59, taken from the proceedings of this Fourth Congress steno- 
graphic report, November 30, 1922, refers to the point I mentioned 
a few minutes ago as to the method of proceeding. This is taken 
from the stenographic report: 

BUKHARIN. In the name of the Russian delegation, I have to make the fol- 


lowing declaration. [The statement is omitted.] Lenin, Trotski, Zinoviey, 
Radek, Bukharin. 


Neurar. The presidium has thoroughly gone into this matter, and has worked 
out a motion. For this Comrade Zinoviey has the floor. 
ZINOVIEV. I will simply read this motion. * * * 


NeEurAT. The presidium is of the opinion that this motion should be accepted 
without discussion. * * * | 
Senator Boran. That is the Fourth International that you just 
referred to a moment ago, held in November, 1922? 
Mr. Ketter. Yes, sir. . 
Senator Boran. November 6? | 


/ 


f 


| 


ia * - - RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 43 


| Mr. Kentiey. I think it was November 6; November, 1922. 

. Senator Boran. And how many delegates were present ? 

. Mr. Ketiry. Three hundred and forty delegates received decisive 
otes, 48 delegates advisory votes, and 6 delegates were given guest 
ards. 

| Senator Borau. That is all. I just wanted to get the date. 

Mr. Ketter. I want to take up section D, which covers relation 
f the Third International to the Soviet Government. 
' Senator Boran. Just a moment before you take that up. Have 
‘ou a copy of Trotski’s speech made at the November 6, 1922, Inter- 
sational Congress? 
| Mr. Ketiry. That is the Fourth Congress? 
_ Senator Boran. Yes. 
. Mr. Keniry. Yes; we have a stenographic report. 

Senator Borau. Can you produce that? 
Mr. Keuttny. Yes, sir. 
| Senator Borau. You need not do it just now. . 
| Mr. Keurry. No. 60, translation from Izvestia, November 7, 1922, 
irticle by Steklov, setting forth the relations between the Soviet 
Republic and the Third International. That has already been 
yrinted, so I will not read it. 
' Senator Boran. What date is that? 
| Mr. Keniry. Izvestia of November 7, 1922. 
| Senator Swanson. What is the substance of that? 
Mr. Kewury. Steklov sets forth very admirably the interrelation- 
‘hip between the Communist International and the so-called Soviet 
Jovernment arising from the fact that they are controlled by the 
ame organization. 

Senator Swanson. How long is that article? 

Mr. Kewiey. It is three or four pages. 

Senator Swanson. Well, have you any article that presents that 
dhase of this question more conclusively than that? 

Mr. Keuiey. Other similar articles; but this expresses it the best 
'f all, I think. 

Senator Swanson. Who is he? Tell me the various relations he 
iolds. 

Mr. Ketiry. Steklov is the editor of the Izvestia, which is the 
ficial organ of the Federation Central Executive Committee; he 
s also a member of the Federation Central Executive Committee. 
| Senator Swanson. He is a member of the committee ? 

' Mr. Kerrey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. And runs the organ. How do you know that 
the organ? Is that acknowledged. 

. Mr. Ketury. Yes; that is acknowledged. 

Senator Swanson. I would like to have that read, as it is on a 
‘ital question. 

Senator Borau. Yes; and I would like to read in connection with 
t, if the committee thinks it proper at this time, the article in the 
Yew York Times on this Third International. 

_ Senator Swanson. I think it is good to have it read. 














44 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 
[Izvestia. ] 
No. 252 (1691), Noveacper 7, 1922. 
REPUBLIC OF SOVIETS AND THIRD INTERNATIONAL. 


The coincidence of the date of the celebration of the fifth anniversary of the 
October revolution and the opening of the fourth Congress of the Communist 


International is by no means an accidental or arbitrary occurrence. This 


coincidence has a deep significance, and flows out of the organie connection 
between two historical phenomena. 

The Soviet Republic eelebrates to-day its fifth jubilee; the Communist Inter- 
national convenes its fourth Congress. Thus the Communist International ap- 
pears somewhat younger than its soviet brother. And in fact it was founded 
in the second year of the Soviet Republic and on the formal initiative and 
under the strong influence of the Russian Communist Party. The majority of 
the Communist Parties entering into its composition were founded later than 
the Russian Party. This has given cause to our enemies to affirm that the 
whole Communist International as such is a creature of Moscow. But in fact 
it is not at all so. 

However paradoxical it may appear at the first glance, the October revolution 
and the Russian Communist Party, which realized it, from a broad historical 
point of view are themselves the product and creation of the Communist Inter- 
national. To be sure, aS a complete and formal organization the Communist 
International arose later. But as an idea it existed earlier than they. Before 
its formal proclamation the Communist International existed in the con- 
sciousness of all revolutionary Marxists. Its fundamental elements were de- 
veloped at the conference in Zimmerwald and Kienthal and in the inter- 
party disputes during the imperialist war. As a categorical imperative and 
a directing spirit it was active long before the Constituent Congress of the 
Third International. In particular, the Russian Bolsheviki as far back as 
1914-15 looked upon themselves as part of the future Third International, 
acted in conformity with its principles, and in accordance with them earried 
out the October revolution. 

But however we may look upon the chronological succession of events 
and on their historical sequence, the close organic and spiritual bond between 
the Soviet Republic, product of the October revolution, and the Communist 
International can not be doubted. And even if the connection had not been 


admitted many times by both sides, it would, nevertheless, be clear to all and 


as an established fact. It is clear to us as to our enemies. 

Comrade Kalinin in his speech at the opening of the last session of the All- 
Russian Central Execut ve Committee remarked that “in general strength 
of the Third Communist International, the strength of the soviet federation 
has an enormous significance,” and that “the workers and peasants of the 
Soviet Republic are one of the great component forces of the Communist In- 
ternational.” 

That is a deep truth. The counter-revolutionary press makes sport over the 
Russian peasant being interested in the international. Regarding the Russian 
worker that press raises no quarrel. But in regard to the peasant the asser- 
tion of Kalinin is true. It is possible that the average Russian peasant has 
a very poor conception of just what the Communist International is and even 
less understands its program. Nevertheless he knows very well about the 


Communist International and feels himself bound to it. Compelled for four — 


years to defend themselves from the attacks of international capital, the Rus- 
Sian laboring masses on their own skin keenly felt the significance of the 


international solidarity of the workers. The laborers and peasant masses of © 


the Soviet Republic, hitherto boycotted and blockaded by the capital of the 
imperialist powers understand perfectly that their daily material interests 
are closely bound with the success of the international revolutionary move- 
ment. And in this sense Russia is now the country most internationalistically 
inclined in its broadest masses. 

On this side the very close bond between the Soviet Republic and the Com- 
munist International is not subject to doubt. This connection is not only of 
a spiritual but also of a material and palpable character. On its side the 
Commun'st International in the same measure is Spiritually and materially 
connected with Soviet Russia. It is not a question of material support, about 
which the bourgeois press makes so much noise, and which in the largest part 


—————— ee 


] 
F 


| 


i RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 45 


‘ongs to the realms of myths. In any case the material support which, for 
tance, the workers of all countries extended to the Soviet Republic during 
+s famine of last year is not less than the support extended by the Russian 
mmunist Party to fraternal parties abroad. 
Jf course, in event of the possibility arising both sides will extend to each 
.er the maximum assistance. But at present it is a question of a bond of 
»ther sort, preeminently of a spiritual political character. 
Che Communist International rests on Soviet Russia. The very fact of the 
stence of the Socialist Republic, for five years repulsing attacks from all 
es, maintains the revolutionary state of mind of the international prole- 
jat and does not permit it to become depressed in its d‘fficult moments, 
pires it to unwearied struggle, assists the workers’ organization everywhere. 
the Soviet Republic the international proletariat has an inaccessible strong- 
‘d in which the elaboration of the international communist program and 
‘tics is proceeding, and where the systematic accumulation of creative pro- 
ariat experience and the construction of a proletariat state are going on. 
re there is a real asylum for all those who fight for soc‘al revolution, whither 
“y can seek shelter from the vindictive persecution of the bourgeoisie and 
ere they can in practice acquaint themselves with the process of the con- 
uction of a communist society. 
The mutual solidarity of the Soviet Republic and the Communist Inter- 
‘ional is an accomplished fact. In the same degree as the existence and 
» stability of Soviet Russia are of importance to the Third International, 
» development and strengthening of the Communist International is of 
vortance to Soviet Russia. In the past the international has helped Russia 
‘ward off the attacks of world capital. In the future its aid will prove 
‘re effective. The success of the Communist International will contribute to 
+. consolidation of the political and economic pos‘tion of Soviet Russia, and 
le versa. The spiritual, moral, and material bond between them is based 
‘the complete solidarity of interests. 
“hat is why the idea of opening the Fourth Congress of the Communist 
ernational on the day of the celebration of the anniversary of the October 
olution was a happy one. It is a symbol full of deep significance, speaking 
ially convincingly for enemies and for friends. 

STEKLOV. 





[f I may, I would like to introduce with this two statements taken 
ym Izvestia of December 22, 1923. One is signed by Steklov 
d entitled “ Provocateurs and Falsifiers”: 

affirm that I have never written anything similar either in the Izvestia 
in any other paper. Not only did I not write that but I could not write it. 
Then underneath that: ‘ Declaration of Chicherin—From the 
ople’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs”: 
‘n a conversation with foreign journalists, Chicherin made the following state- 
nt: “Having acquainted myself with the contents of the documents published 
Hughes, and having discussed that question with Zinoviev and Steklov, I 
egorically state, speaking in the name of the Soviet Government and of the 
») above-mentioned citizens, that these documents are coarse counterfeits simi- 
to the false documents of Sisson.” 
Senator Boran. Which is the document that was referred to as the 
ed flag on the White House” document ? 
Mr. Keuiey. He refers to both documents. 
‘Senator Borau. But his statement came before the editorial was 
blished. 
‘Mr. Keturey. Yes, sir. 
Senator Boran. Are you sure about that? 
iMr. Keuiey. Yes, sir. | 
‘Senator Boran. Very, well; I will see later. This article to which 
-efer appeared in the New York Times of November 6, 1922, by 







46 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Duranty. The article is quite a long article and perhaps it might be 
well to have it published. It is as follows: 


The theater is decked with red hangings and the tables on the stage are draped 
in red cloth. The speeches are punctuated with the strains of the red interna- 
tionale. It is the acme of revolution’s triumph. But what are the facts? 
Trotski stated to them plainly enough in his speech to the young Communist 
Congress in Moscow. The world revolution is no longer an immediate possibility. 
““War away across the mountains,” was the picturesque phrase he used. * * * 
Lenin himself has told them Russia is a country of peasants, whose enormous, 
if still undeveloped, political mass has thrust in the wedge of a new economic¢ 
policy; that is, the reestablishment of the system of ownership and DUSINCES now 
so far removed from that of the rest of the world. 


pre ner article appearing in the New York Times of November 9, 
922, by Duranty, is as follows: 


The New York Times correspondent talked with many soldiers and workmen 
here and in Petrograd. They were animated with intense pride—patriotie¢ 
pride—in both the army and the leaders of the Soviet Government. What is 
more, this sentiment now is shared by the old and the new bourgeois e, and 
even by the enemies of the present régime. Curiously enough, the extreme 
right wing, former nonanarchists, appreciate Russia’s return toward her old 
status as a great power more than the socialist elements, the Menshevist school 
of the revolutionaries. The younger ones especially are tending more and 
more to throw in their lot with the existing régime of party officers in the 
army or even Officials in the Government service. * * * This is but a 
slender link with which to hitch the wagon of the Communist Internationale 
to the rising star of the Soviet Republic. Although expected to speak, Lenin 
was not present, nor was Trotski; neither they nor the Republic’s President, 
Kalinin, went to Petrograd. That they sympathize with the aims of the 
Communist Internationale was not doubted. But they have a mighty country 
to govern and its mighty problems to solve. * .* * Kew are the enthusiasts 
here who believe revolution possible, even in Germany. Fewer still think 
German workers would be successful should economic pressure this winter 
force them to revolt. No American spoke to-night. 

To sum up the lessons of the last five days, three points are abundantly 
clear. First, is a growing tendency to disassociate the affairs of the Communist 
International from the affairs of the Russian Government. Second, there 
is definite acceptance by Russia of the new economic policy with all it implies. 
* ¥* * Third, Russia resurgent, rearmed, reinspired with the national spirit, 
no longer needs foreign communists to fight her battles. Which inevitably 
will mean a decrease of Bolshevist propag anda and the development of Russian 
policy toward the renewal of economic and political relations with ottes 
countries. . 

f 

You may go ahead. 

Mr. Keuiry. No. 61, a statement of Zinoviev. | 

Senator Swanson. What is the date? : 

Mr. Kerrey. November 11, 1922, taken from the official sl 


of the executive committee, made by Zinoviev : 


You know that often we have been criticized in that the International is 
merely a tool of the Russian Soviet Republic. There are even many “ rn 
who make such assertion. Now it is, to be sure, clear that an importan 
and very close interdependence exists between the first Proletariat Republic 
and the Communist Party which fights against the bourgeois’e. Such and 
interdependence should exist and must exist. From our communistic stand 
pvint it is clear that the Communist International is very important for 
Soviet Russia, and vice versa. It would be laughable to question who ha 
the advantage, who is subject and who is object. It is the foundation an 
roof of one building.. One belongs to the other. 


Senator Swanson. What was the date of that article appearin 
in the New York Times? 
Senator Boran. November 9, 1922. 


: RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 47 


Mr. Kettey. This is No. 62, a speech of Kamenev, made at a 
lemn joint meeting of the Communist International with several 
jicial government bodies. 

“Senator Swanson. What official government bodies? 

Mr. Keutzy. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee. 
is customary, I might state, to hold, either preceding the first 
ssion of the Communist Internationale, or on the same day, a 
int session of the Communist International with members of 
arious governmental, bodies, usually . the All-Russian Central 
‘xecutive Committee and various local bodies. 

| Senator Swanson. What position did this man hold? 

‘Mr. Kerisy. Kamenev? 

Senator Swanson. Yes. 

Mr. Kexiny. Kamenev was a member of the political bureau of 
ne Russian Communist Party, a member of the central committee 
* the Russian Communist Party, a member of the All-Russian 
entral Executive Committee of the Russian Soviet Republic. He 
las a member of the presidium of the central executive committee 
f the Russian Soviet Republic and vice president of the Soviet 
£ People’s Commissars of the Russian Soviet Republic. 

Comrade Kamenev says that the Soviet State and the Communist In- 
arnational are the two fighting organizations of the proletariat. One fights 
») seize the state apparatus; the other has already taken into its hands 
nat apparatus and carries on the work of realizing the communist society. 
Senator Boran. Let me get some dates straightened out. Give 
's the date that the State Department put out the document known 
s the “ Red flag on the White House ” document. 

_ Mr. Keutry. I can not recall the date, but I can get the exact date 
m which it was published. 

Senator Boran. Give me later, please, the exact date when it 
yas published by the State Department. 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Just give me the date of Tchitcherin’s statement. 

Mr. Ketury. Yes; I have that paper here. 

Senator Boran. Then the date of the editorial of Steklov. 

Mr. Ketiny. All of those dates I will get and one I will give 
you now, the date of Tchitcherin’s statement. That is dated Decem- 
yer 22, 1923. 

Senator Boran. I want the date when Tchitcherin’s statement was 
oublished in this country. It was published the next day, or the 
lay thereafter, that the document known as the red flag on the 
White House document was put out. I want the date the document 
was put out by the State Department, and the date of the publica- 
tion of the State Department of this editorial referred to and the 
date of the Tchitcherin statement. 

Mr. Kerry. All right. 

Senator Boran. You have several times referred to the October 
resolution. That is October of what year? 

Mr. Kexiry. Nineteen hundred and seventeen. That is the revo- 
lution which brought the Russian Communist Party into power. 

Senator Boran. Why is it called October, when it took place in 
November ? 


82325—24—Ppr 1—_—-4 





| 


| 
! 











48 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 


Mr. Krtiry. That is the old style, and the new style would mak 
it November 7, I think. No. 63 is an extract from the collections 
of decrees and orders of the labor and peasant government, July 
15, 1922, No. 40. 

Decrees of the soviet or people’s commissars: 

461. Organization of chief administration for literature and publishing 
(Glavlit). | 

4, Publications of the Communist International, of the central committee 
of the Russian Communist Party, of the provincial committees of the Russian 
Communist Party, and in general the whole Communist Party press, as well 
as the publications of the state printing office and of the chief political 
enlightenment, the Izvestia of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, 
and the scientific works of the Academy of Science are exempt from censor- 
ship. 

No. 64 is a translation of an article in the Izvestia of November 
3, 1922, and refers to the fact that an enlarged session of the execu- 
tive committee of the Communist International took place in the 
Metrofanom room in the Kremlin. That is, the Communist Inter- 
national meets in a government building. 

No. 65 is an extract from the Petrograd directory for 1922, page 
233. It gives a list of the organizations located in Smolny, which 
is the principal executive office in Petrograd, along with the various 
Government. institutions located there, the Petrograd Provincial 
Executive Committee of the Soviet of Labor, peasants and Red 
Army deputies, etc., is the Petrograd section of the executive com- 
mittee of the Communist International. 

Senator Swanson. Is that a Government building? 

Mr. Kriiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Then you say that the officials of the Gom- 
munist International are housed by the Soviet Government? 

Mr. Ketuy. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boraw. Does not the Government own all these buildings 
that are used in any sense for public gatherings in Moscow and 
Petrograd ? 

Mr. Ketiey. No; I would not say all. 

Senator Boran. There must be very rare exceptions if the com- 
munist doctrine prevails. 

Mr. Keuiny. Houses at present, under the law, can be leased for 
49 years. | 

Senator Boran. Well. that has only been true since the new econo- 
mic policy took place? 

Mr. Kerry. That has been so since the establishment of the 
present code governing the ownership of property. 

Senator Boran. Are there any public buildings not owned by the 
Government ? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir; I presume there are. 

Senator Boran. You presume there are? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir. All buildings in Petrograd are not occu- 
pied by the Government; nor does their ownership rest with the 
Government. 

Senator Boran. Whom does the ownership rest with ? 

Mr. Krtiry. They may be leased for 49 years. 

Senator Boran. Then there are private enterprises there con-. 
trolling and owning their own buildings ? 

Mr. Ketiey. Yes, sir. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 49 








- Senator Boran. To what extent? 
| Mr. Keurry. I would have to look up the figures to answer that 
/uestion. 
Senator Borau. That is increasing, too. The number of build- 
ags owned by individuals is increasing, is it not? 
Mr. Keuury. I would not like to say. 
Senator Borau. But it is true to some extent? 
Mr. Keutey. It is true that individuals can lease buildings for 
' period of 49 years. 
Senator Boran. Are business enterprises doing that? 
_ Mr. Ketuy. Yes, sir. 
| Senator Boran. Are there private business enterprises there now 
iphich are not controlled by the Government ? 
| Mr. Kerrey. I would not like to answer that; I believe there 
‘re; yes, sir. 
| Senator Boran. Couldn’t you tell us to what extent? 
| Mr. Ketrey. No, sir. I would have to look that up. 
| Senator. Boraw. Well, if you will look it up before you get 





! 


‘hrough I would be glad. 

| Senator Prrrrr. I did not understand that with regard to those 
yuildings mentioned, the Kremlin and others, that 1t was a question 
of ownership, but they were 
| Mr. Ketiey (interrupting). Housing executive offices. 

Senator Prrrrr. Yes, sir. Government accommodations for the 
ictivities of government, and were used interchangably for the 
yurpose of the International? 

Mr. Ketuiry. Yes, that is true. 

Senator Swanson. Will you state to what extent the officers and 
mployees of the International are housed in the government build- 
ngs along with the officers in the employ of the Soviet Government ? 
| Mr. Keuiry. As I stated, in Petrograd they are in the same 
yuilding with the executive departments of the Government. 

: Senator Swanson. How is it in Moscow?. 
Mr. Kertiey. Moscow is the same way. I have not got here the 
Moscow directory to show that. 

Senator Boran. Where did the American relief organization 
aave its headquarters in Moscow and Petrograd—the organization 
of which Colonel Haskell was the head? 

Mr. Kewiry. I don’t know. I think it was in the palace of the 
sugar king. . 

Senator Boran. Was that a Government building? 

Mr. Kerrey. Yes, it was a Government building, it was confis- 
sated by the Government. 
~ Senator Borax. Go ahead. 

Mr. Keniry. No. 66, from the Pravda, No. 233, November 9, 
1922, refers to a solemn session in the Great Theater. [Reading:] 

On Tuesday, November 7, in the Great Theater took place a solemn session 
of the Moscow Soviet, together with the fourth congress of the Communist 
International. * * * The theater was full. Boxes reserved for foreign 
diplomats were also this time full, together with the representatives of the 
Allied Soviet Republics sat diplomats of the bourgeois England, Germany, etc, 


The box reserved for correspondents was crowded with correspondents, not 
only of the proletariat press, but of many big bourgeois newspaper of Hurope 


and America. 
The session was opened by the President of the Moscow Soviet, Comrade 


Kamenev. 





} 








50 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


GREETINGS TO THE FOURTH CONGRESS. 


Comrade Kameney remarked that * * * therefore our first word is 
here the word of greeting to the congress in the name of the Moscow 
workers, in the name of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, in 
the name of the Soviet of the People’s Commissars * * * 


This was followed by a speech of Kalinin, who presented greet- 
ings in the name of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. 

No. 67 gives a summary of the proceedings of the second congress 
of the Communist International at Moscow, 1920. 

Attached to this are photostatic copies showing the speakers on 
the principal subjects under the dates, in nearly every case, Russian. 
I will read them. [Reading:] 

“International situation and basic tasks of Communist International ” ; 
Lenin. 

“Report of executive committee”: Ainoviey. 

“National questions”; Lenin. 

“On the question of admission to the III International’; Zinoviey. 

“Parliamentarism”’; Bukharin. 

“Trade-union question’; Radek. 

“Agrarian problems”; Mayer. 

“Statutes of Communist International’; Kabatchiev. 

“Discussion on soviets’; Zinoviey. 

With the exception of two, all were members of the Russian dele- 
gation. 

That is the second congress of the Communist International. 

Senator Swanson. To what extent were these parties also officials 
in the Soviet Government, how many were and how many were not? 

Mr. Keiiry. They were all officials except these two, Mayer and 
Kabatchiev, who were not members of the Russian delegation. 

Senator Swanson. And all those people who made those reports 
were present officials of the Soviet Russian Government ? 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir. | 

T will now take up the same point at the third congress. This is 
from the stenographic proceedings of the third congress. The speak- 
ers were as follows: 

“Report of activity of executive committee”: Zinoviey. 

“Tactics of the Russian Communist Party”: Lenin. 

“Tactics of the Communist International”: Radek, 


“ieconomie world crisis and new tasks of Communist International ” ; 
Trotski. 


“Relation of red trade-union international to the Communist International” ; 
Ainoviey. 

“League of communist youth”: Munzenberg. 

“Women’s movement’; Clara Zetkin. 

“Question of organization’: Konen. 


Only three were not members of the Russian delegation. 

Senator Swanson. You mean members of the Russian Soviet 
Government / 

Mr. Kruury. Yes, sir. ‘ 

In the fourth congress I want to point out a statement in the ar- 
ticle by Duranty which is incorrect. He stated that Trotski and 
Lenin did not appear at the fourth congress. This is taken from 
the stenographic report of the proceedings of the fourth congress. 

“Report on activity of executive committee”: Zinoviev. 


“New economic policy of Soviet Russia”; Lenin. 
“Russian revolution”: Trotski. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 51 


' “Offensive of capital’; Radek. 
“Program of the III International”; Bukharin. 
“Tasks of communist labor unions,” Lozovsky. 
_ “Agrarian question,” Varga. 
“Cooperative movement,” Mestscheriakov. 
“French question,” Trotski. 


_ With the exception of one, all were delivered by members of the 
Russian Soviet Government. ; 

Senator Boran. What was the date of that? 

Mr. Ketiey. That is the fourth congress. 

Senator Boran. November, 1922? 

Mr. Keiiry. Yes, sir. Both Lenin and Trotski delivered speeches, 

Senator Swanson. That is the last congress that has been held, 
is it not? | 

Mr. Keuiry. Yes, sir. 
_ Most of this is supporting data for this chart, with photos of the 
documents translated, giving the reports of the election of members 
‘to the positions shown on this chart, and a few other matters. 
~ Senator Swanson. What do you expect to prove, what is the main 
idea in that? 

Mr. Kettry. This is supplementary matter now. The last one 
so supplementary. I will just read the headings: 


* No. 70: “List of members of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee 
uf the X Convocation.” 

No. 71: “Composition of soviet of labor and defense of the Federation of 
soviet Republics.” 
No. 72 is a list of the members of the executive committee of the Federation 
vf Socialist Soviet Republics. 

No. 73 is a list of the members of the presidium of the All-Russian Central 
aixecutive Committee. 

No. 74 is a list of members of the Federal Soviet of People’s Commissars. 
- No. 75 is a list of members of the presidium of the All-Russian Central 
Committee of Trade Unions. 

No. 76 is a list of members of executive bureau of Trade Union Interna- 
tional. 
No. 77 is a list of members of the Soviet of People’s Commissars of the 
Russian Soviet Republic. 

No. 78 is a list of assistant commissars of the Soviet of People’s Commissars 
of the Federation of Soviet Republics. 

No. 79 is a decree on annulment of State loans passed at the meeting of 
the central executive committee, January 21, 1918. 

No. 80 is a decree appropriating 2,000,000 rubles for nternational revolu- 
tionary propaganda purposes. 

_ Senator Swanson. Referring to No. 79, Decree on Annulment of 
State Loans, is that the old Russian debt? 

Mr. Kettey. Yes, sir. ; 

Senator Swanson. Contracted prior to the revolution ? 

Mr. Kewiey. I will read the first three sentences. 

Senator Swanson. All right. Please read that. 

Mr. Kertney (reading) : 

1. All State loans concluded by the governments of the Russian landowners 
and the Russian bourgeoisie, enumerated in a specially published list, are an- 
pulled (annihilated) from the Ist of December, 1917. The December coupons 
| of the said loans will not be paid. 

9 In the same fashion are annulled all guarantees given by the above-men- 
tioned governments on loans issued by various enterprises and establishments. 

8 All foreign loans are annulled unconditionally and without any ex- 


~ ception. 








52 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Swanson. Now, what is the date of that? 

Mr. Ketirey. January 21, 1918. 

Senator Swanson. Has there been any change whatever in that 
decree ? 

Mr. Keuitey. No, sir. 

Senator Swanson. That is still in force? 

Mr. Keutey. That is still in force; yes, sir. 

No. 80 is a decree appropriating 2,000,000 rubles for interna- 
tional revolutionary propaganda purposes. 

Senator Swanson. Please read that. That was appropriated 
by whom ? 

Mr. Keuury. That was appropriated December 13, 1917. 

Senator Swanson. Appropriated by whom? 

Mr. Keuiey. By the Soviet Government. 

This reads: 


An ordinance on assigning 2,000,000 rubles for the needs of the revolu- 
tionary internationalist movement. 

Taking into consideration that soviet authority stands on the ground of 
the principles of international solidarity of the proletariat and the brother- 
hood of the toilers of all countries, that the struggle againse war and im- 
perialism, only on an international scale, can lead to complete victory, the 
Soviet of People’s Commissaries considers it necessary to come forth with 
all aid, including financial aid, to the assistance of the left, internation- 
alist, wing of the workers’ movement of all countries, entirely regardless 
whether these countries are at war with Russia, or in an alliance, or whether 
they retain their neutrality. 

With these aims the Soviet of People’s Commissaries ordains the assigning 
of 2,000,000 rubles for the needs of the revolutionary internationalist move- 
ment, at the disposition of the foreign representatives of the commissariat for 
foreign affairs. 

President of the Soviet of People’s Commissaries, VI, Oulianoff (Lenin) ; 
people’s commissary for foreign affairs, L. Trotski; manager of affairs of 
the Soviet of People’s Commissaries, VI, Bonch-Bruevich; secretary of the 
soviet, N. Gorbounv; published in No. 31 of the ‘“ Gazette of the Temporary 
Workers’ and Peasants’ Government,” December 138, 1917. . 


Senator Swanson. That was after our declaration of war against 
Germany ? 

Senator Borau. Yes. 

Senator Swanson. Our declaration was in April, 1917? 

Mr. Ketiery. Yes, sir. : 

Senator Swanson. What was a ruble worth then in gold, what 
was a ruble worth in United States money ? 

Mr. Ketiny. In December? 

Senator Swanson. Yes. 

Mr. Ketiey. About 7 or 8 rubles to $1, I believe. 

Senator Swanson. How much would that make in American 
money, then ? 

Mr. Keniry. That would be $250,000. | 

Senator Swanson. They appropriated that money at that time. 
Do you know whether it was ever paid over or not? 

Mr. Krtiny. Yes. There was evidence that this was utilized. 

Senator Swanson. The money was utilized ? 

Mr. Krtury. Yes, sir. ) ary 
. cicar yi Swanson. Did you ever trace any of it to the United 

tates ¢ 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 53 








‘Mr. Kuutey. I believe certain parts of it were utilized for prop- 
‘anda in the United States. I believe that has appeared in tes- 
‘mony in an earlier hearing. 

‘Senator Boran. What testimony was that—the Martens case? 
- Mr. Kettey. I think the Overman case. 

Senator Swanson. You mean the Overman committee? 

Mr. Keuury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. I think you had better look into that, I have not 
xen able to find it.. 

Mr. Kewxixy. I will look into it. 

‘Senator Borau. That was in December, 19177 

Mr. Ketury. Yes, sir. 

/ Senator Boran. And at that time the Third International had not 
gen organized ? 

Mr. Keuiey. No, sir., 

Senator Boran. This was to be used, it says, by foreign agents? 
| Mr. Kuxttny. It was to be used by the foreign representatives of 
ae commissar for foreign affairs. 

Senator Boran. Very well. . 

| Senator Swanson. As I understand, then, the Soviet Govern- 
ent itself took the authority of appropriating the money and the 
uthority of distributing it? 

| Mr. Ketury. Yes, sir; exactly. 

No. 81 introduces photostatic copies showing the official char- 
eter of the Izvestia and the Pravda. It says: 

Izvestia, organ of central executive committee of the Federation of Social- 
st Soviet Republics. and of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of 
oviets of Workmen, F’easants, and Red Army Deputies. 

Pravda, organ of the central committee and of the Moscow committee of 
he Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). 


No. 83 is from the Pravda, No. 52, March 7, 1919. 

It is a solemn session in honor of the Third International on 
Aarch 6, 1919. I will read it. It is a joint session of Government 
odies with the Third International. 

Senator Swanson. What government bodies? Let us get that 
traight first. 

Mr. Ketter. The All-Russian Central Executive Committee and 
he Moscow Soviet. That is contained in the extract. 

I will read this: 


Yesterday in the Great Theater in honor of the opening of the Third Inter- 
tational there took place a joint session of the All-Russian Central Executive 
‘ommittee, of the Moscow Soviet of Workers and Red Army Soldiers, Deputies, 
Yoviet of Trade Unions, Moscow and District Committees of Russian Com- 
nunist Party and Factory Committees. 

Opening the session Kamenev points out that here in Moscow under the 
srotection of the revolutionary and victorious working masses of Russia the 
-epresentatives of the communist parties of all countries were first able to as- 
semble. * * * The assembly arose to honor the memory of Carl Liebknecht 
ind Rosa Luxemburg and the floor was given to the president of the first 
congress of the Communist International, Comrade Lenin. 


Then follows the speech of Comrade Lenin. 
Then follows the speech of Comrade Trostsky. 
The following resolution was then adopted. 





| 


54 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Im conclusion the crowded hall of the Great Theater unanimously passex 
the following resolution: . 

“The joint session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the Mos 
cow Soviet of Workmen and Red Army Deputies, Moscow Committee of the 
Russian Communist Party, All-Russian Soviet of Trade Unions, and Factory 
Sommittees in Moscow, assembled on the historic day of the founding of the 
Communist International, in the name of millions of workmen, peasants, anc 
Soldiers who have overthrown Tsarism and bourgeoisie and have taken the 
power into their own hands, greet the representatives of the Communist Party 
of Germany, Austria, Russia, France, Switzerland, United States, America 
Yugoslavia, Norway, Balkans, Finland, Poland, Ukraine, Latvia, Armenia 
Lithuania, White Russia, Esthonia, who have arrived in Moscow for the first 
congress of the new International. * * * The assembly greets the Com 
munist International as director and organizer of the fighting forces of the 
world proletariat revolution and expresses its firm confidence that under its 
guidance the dictatorship of capital will be overthrown by the dictatorship of 
the proletariat. 

Senator Swanson. It was a joint meeting where these bodies 
merged into one meeting? 

Mr. Ketuiry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. And passed that resolution ? 

Mr. Ketiey. Yes, sir. ’ git 

Senator Swanson. And they all concurred in it? 

Mr. Kretiry. Yes; all concurred in it. 

Senator Swanson. Now, what is that date? 

Mr. Ketiey. March 17, 1919. 

No. 85 gives the members of the presidium of the Central Execu- 
tive Committee of the Federation of Soviet Republics. 

No. 86 gives the list of the members of the political bureau of the 
Russian Communist Party. : 

I should say that No. 84 gives a decree abolishing private owner- 
ship of land, farming implements, livestock, and farm products, 
passed by the congress of soviets of workmen’s and soldiers’ dele- 
gates at the meeting of October 25, 1917. 

No. 89 is from the stenographic report of the third congress of 
the Communist International in Moscow, July 18, 1921, containing 
a resolution on organization adopted by the third congress. This 
resolution shows control of the executive committee in regard to in- 
dividual parties. 


IV reads as follows: ; 


sy sending members of the executive with plen‘potentiary powers to 
west Europe and America, the executive can effectively support as regards 
organization the striving for an actual international of the common daily 
struggle of the proletariat of all lands. These representatives would have as 
their task to acquaint the executive committee with the specirl conditions 
under which the communist parties of the capitalist and colonial lands have 
to struggle. And they would further see to it that these parties rem*in in 
closest intimate relation with the executive as well as with one another, in 
order to increase their common Striking power. The executive as well as 
the parties shall also take care that the intercourse between it and the indi- 
vidual communist parties both through personal representatives and by written 
correspondence proceeds more frequently and more quickly than it has been 
possible hitherto, in order that there may be realized a common agreement on 
all great political questions. 


‘The latter part of the evidence introduced before the committee 
will show how this decree was carried out in the formation of the 
communist parties in America. 








RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 55 


- Senator Swanson. While the Senator is looking at that will you 
xxplain to me in reference to Document 84 what that decree of con- 
iscation covers. 
“Mr. Keriey. That is a decree abolishing private property in land. 
That is still in force to-day. That, of course, applied to foreign 
aitizens as well as to Russian citizens. 
' Senator Swanson. Yes, sir; I understand. 
| Mr. Kerrey. It also refers to church land, with all their livestock 
and inventories property, homestead construction, and all appurte- 
mnances, etc. 

Senator Swanson. Then it goes on to specify the livestock and 
‘farming implements. I understood you a while ago to express the 


‘belief that there had not been a confiscation of livestock and farm- 


ing implements. Does not that look as if the decree was broad 


enough to cover them, too? 





Mr. Kerrey. This decree, in this particular case, refers particu- 


larly to the livestock and implements of the estates of the big land 


holders that were confiscated. What I meant to point out a while 


‘ago was that there was no decree confiscating throughout the 
‘country the livestock and farming implements of everybody. 


Senator Swanson. That is, they have not confiscated farming 


‘implements as such? 


Mr. Keutry. No, sir. 
Senator Swanson. But they have confiscated the landed estates 
and wherever there were farming implements and livestock in con- 


-ne:tion with the landed estates they were also confiscated ? 


Senator Borau. Did they confiscate the farming implements and 


livestock wherever they confiscated the land? 


Mr. Keniry. Yes, sir. This is using the word “confiscate ” in the 


- technical sense. 


el 


Senator Boran. There are no exceptions made? 
Mr. Ketutry. It says: 


All land owners estates, likewise all the lands of the Crown, monasteries, 


- church lands with all their livestock and inventories property, homestead 


constructions and all appurtenances pass over into the disposition of the 
volost land committees and district soviets of peasants delegates until the 
constituent assembly meets. 

Senator Boaru. But wherever confiscated real estate is confis- 
cated, farm implements and livestock ? 

Mr. Keury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Now, Mr. Kelley, this resolution issued at Mos- 
cow, July 18, 1921, directs members of the executive with a pleni- 
potentiary power to go to western Europe and America for the 
purposes of revolutionary propaganda ? 

Mr. Keury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. And aid in the establishment of the com- 
munistic views entertained by this international, and to report to 
the executive committee ? 

Mr. Kertury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Now, will you inform us who were the con- 
trolling executive committee of the Communist International who 
issued this order, and to what extent was that Communist Inter- 
national represented in the Soviet Government of Russia? Will 


56 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 


you look at the date and find out now the connection between that. 
international and the Soviet Government of Russia, when that de- 
cree was issued ? 

Mr. Ketizy. The Communist International was entirely and com- 
pletely in the hands of Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Swanson. Could you name now—for that seems to me 
to be a vital matter in this investigation—here is a decree issued by 
the executive, by the international, and I would like to know who 
were on the Executive of that International and who were the 
executive of the political power of the Soviet Government; and I 
will ask you if you could look at that and tell who were the officers 
at that time? 

Mr. Kerry. Have you the executive committee elected at the 
second congress ? 

Senator Swanson. I suppose you are going to follow that up with 
the showing that was passed in America ? 

Mr, Kerrey. Yes, and the third congress of the Communist In- 
ternational. | 

Senator Swanson. And that the international was dominated by 
the members of the Soviet Government ? 

Mr. Ketuey. Yes, sir. A 

Senator Swanson. And I would like to have the names of those 
put together so that we can see that there is no question of the truth 
of that statement. 

That. was in 1921—for foreign propaganda and foreign revolu- 
tion, which you say you will show was followed up in this country. 
Now, I would like to show the connection between the two. 

Mr. Keuiry. I introduced this morning the list of members of 
the international when the decree was passed, in 1921. 

Senator Swanson. If you have not introduced it, you will? . 

Mr. Krrirey. It has been introduced. I would introduce it now, 
again, if I could find it here, but I think the other reporter took. it. 

Senator Swanson. From your recollection of it, to what extent 
were they interwoven? 

Mr. Keriey. At that time Zinoviey and Bakharin and Radek 
were on the committee, three Russian members. I have forgotten 
for the moment the other two or three Russian members. 

Senator Swanson. But you are satisfied that this international 
was dominated by the members of the Soviet Government of Russia 
at that time? 

Mr. Keriiry. Yes, sir; there is no doubt about that. To further 
show the relationship between the various organizations, I would 
like to read from a telegram reporting information contained in the 
Izvestia of January 16, 1924. [Reading:] | 

The plenary session of the central committee of the Russian Communist 
Party informed the Communist International that Radek does not voice the 
views of the committee on the German question ; and rebuked Radek for sup- 
poring the right and neglecting the left wing of the German communists, 
whereby a split was threatened; for the overestimating of the German Fas- 
cists and for trying to work with them; and for disobedience to the central 
committee and neglect of its orders on international questions. This officially 
records that the central committee of the Russian Communist Party directs 
revolutionary efforts abroad and controls the Communist International. 

CoLEMAN. 










i" 
| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 57 


_ Mr. Ketrey. I would also like to read a speech of Mr. Kamenev 
contained in the Pravda’s issue of January 12 and 18, 1924, as 
Vollows: 


_ Kameney, in addressing the Moscow Province at the conference of the Russian 
Jommunist Party, reported in the Pravda of the 12th and 13th, spoke openly 
f the interest of the central committee in the prospect of the revolutionary 
-ocsin being rung at Berlin on November 9 last and made other admissions. 
|“ We know that our Government machinery is not worth a damn.” Opposition 
| 1ad now diseredited party and central committee also as never before. 
/‘ Well, then, with what machinery shall we govern Russia?” Further: ‘“ We 
‘must collect taxes but we shall never collect them if there is no party machin- 
ary because with our administrative machine we can not collect them. We 
‘administer industry to the extent of three-quarters of our party machinery.” 
Return to militant communism and rationing was impossible. Peasantry must 
>e won over and private capital pushed out. “ Workman must retain his sway 
yver peasant and peasant’s confidence in him.” Further: “ All the art of the 
saving dictatorship of the proletariat and consequently of the world revolution 
with us now lies in our ability to ride the peasant’s jade, at the same time 
making ready the proletarian automobile, and to change from the jade to the 
lautomobile at the proper moment.” Appealing for a vote of confidence in the 
‘central committee he adds that “Bverybody knows that if the organization 
in the capital is against the central government the central government can 
no longer govern.” Further: “Now in our country the central committee is 
not only the central committee of our party but it rules also the eentral govern- 


ment of the country.” 
Senator Swanson. Are you finishing up that phase? 


Mr. Keuury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Have you any information regarding the recent 
differences within the Communist Party, between Trotski and 
others as disclosed by these newspapers ? 

Mr. Ketter. That has reference to the differences. 

Senator Swanson. But have you more than that ? 

Mr. Keuitey. We have more information, yes. 

Senator Swanson. On that phase of the present situation ? 

Mr. Ketiey. Yes. | 

Senator Swanson. Could you furnish us all the information you 
have on that phase of the differences in the Communist Party? 

Mr. Keuiey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Did you finish that? 

Mr. Keer. Yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. I think we had better adjourn, then. 

(Whereupon, at 4.30 o’clock p. m., the committee adjourned until 
to-morrow, Tuesday, January 22, 1924, at 11 o’clock a. m.) 





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RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


TUESDAY, JANUARY 22, 1924. 


Unitep StatTes SENATE, 
SuBCOMMITTER OF THE CoMMITTEE ON Foreicn RELATIONS, 
, Washington, D.C. 
The subcommittee met pursuant to adjournment at 11 o’clock 
|. m., in room 224, Senate Office Building, Senator William E. 
3orah presiding. 
Present: Senators Borah (chairman), Lenroot, and Pepper. 


STATEMENT OF MR. ROBERT F. KELLEY—Resumed. 


Senator Borau. Mr. Kelley, you may proceed. 

Mr. Keuury. I would like to preface my remarks this morning 
by pointing out my method of procedure. The evidence adduced 
yesterday was primarily intended to show the essential unity of 
the various groups at Moscow, whether under. the name of the 
Third International, of the Russian Communist Party or of the 
Soviet Government. That is the first part of our memorandum, 
and I want to supplement that by a few more exhibits to-day, be- 
fore passing to our second part. I might say here that the second 
part of our evidence will show the relation between this group in 
Moscow and its subordinate groups in this country. 

The third part of the evidence, which will follow that, will take 
up the activity of those subordinate groups in this country. 

Before passing to the second part I wish to present a few exhibits 
‘to supplement the evidence adduced yesterday, in order to show 
that besides the essential unity or the organizations in Moscow, 
there is also an essential unity of thought among all the leaders of 
‘the Bolshevik regime. 7 

Senator Perper. Do you allocate these to any of the divisions 
of material that you introduced yesterday, A, B, C, and D, or 
just general matter ? 
~ Mr. Kerr. This supplements A, B, C, and D: <A, B,C, and, D 
yesterday were designed to show the essential unity of organization. 
What I will read now will show the essential unity of thought. 
These will be extracts from speeches delivered by the various lead- 
ers during the last year. They are not exhaustive; they are simply 
‘Illustrative and are taken in most cases from the last public utter- 
ances of these ‘ndividuals. 1 will read from three speeches of 
Trotki. 

The first is the report made to the communist delegates of the 
Tenth All-Russian Congress of Soviets, as published in the Mos- 
cow Lzvestia of December 29, 1922. [ Reading :] 

If the soviet authority were to perish then the proletarian revolution in 
all Europe would be delayed for many decades but we shall stand firmly 

59 





60 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


at our post and try to decide the question in the next years if not in the 
next months—get closer to the reserves, i. e., the masses. No matter what 
storms break—precursors of the approaching proletarian victory, the soviet 
boundary is the front-line trench beyond which no counter-revolution can 
go and in which we shall stand at our posts until the reserves shall come 
up to unfurl the red flag of the European Socialist Alliance (Union) of 
Soviet Republics as the forerunner of the world allian (union) of pro- 
letarian republics. 


The next is a letter from Trotski to the negro communist, Mackay, 
printed in the Moscow Izvestia, February 15, 1923. [Reading:] 


The training of black agitators is the most important revolutionary problem 
of the moment. The problem becomes more agitated in the United States of 
America on account of the abominable stupidity and race hatred among the 
privileged circles of the working class itself which do not want to recognize 
negroes as brethren in labor and struggle. * * * QOne of the most important 
methods of struggle against this capitalistic corruption of minds is to wake up. 
the human dignity and revolutionary protest among the black slaves of American 
capital. This work can best be carried on by the devoted and politically — 
educated negro revolutionists. Naturally, the work must not assume the 
character of black chauvinism but must be carried on in a spirit Of solidarity 
among all laborers regardless of the color of their skin. I am at a loss to say 
what are the most expedient organization forms for the movement among the 
American negroes because I am not familiar with the concrete conditions and 
possibilities, but the organization forms will. be found as soon as sufficient will 
for action is displayed. _ 


The next is taken from an article by Trotski entitled “ Can Goun- | 
ter-Revolution or Revolution be Made to Order at Any Given Time,” ” 
published in the Pravda, No. 215, of September 23, 1923. [Reading :] : 


The Communist Party can seize power not as a result of utilizing the revo- | 
lutionary movement, standing to one side. but only by direct and immediate — 
political, organizing, and military technical guidance of the revolutionary — 
masses both in periods of long preparation and at the very moment of the . 
decisive overthrow. For that reason, therefore, the Communist Party has 
nothing to do with the great liberal law to the effect that revolutions grow and © 
are not made, and consequently can not be determined at any given time. From 
the point of view of the onlooker, that is true, but from the point of view of 
the leader—it is absurd and nonsense, * * * Revolution possesses the 
powerful force of improvisation but its improvisations never benefit fatalists, — 
dreamers, and fools. The tokens of victory are correct political judgment, — 
organization, and the will to deliver the decisive blow. 


Next I will take up a few recent speeches by Kamenev. Speaking 
at the Twelfth Congress of the Russian Communist Party—and this 
is taken from the Pravda, April 18, 1923. He said: 

The forces of science are not yet exhausted and the vitality of the organism 
of Vladimir Ilitch (Lenin) has not yet run out. On this repose our hopes that 
Viadimir Ilitch will return to us and take again, as warrior and chief. the helm 
of the world revolution. : 

Senator Boran. What was the date of that? . : 

Mr. Kriiry. That was April 18, 1923. 

Senator Perper. Is the report of Lenin’s death confirmed ? 

Mr. Krniey. It has not been confirmed, but it is probably au- | 
thentie. 

Next is 2 resolution introduced by Kameney at the Twelfth Con- 
gress of the Russian Communist Party, published in Izvestia of 
April 2, 1923. [Reading:] : 

(C) Congress declares to the Communist International that-its Russian sec- — 
tion considers its prime duty, now more than ever, is to assist with all its 


force the brotherly parties of other countries in their struggle for communism 
under the experienced leadership of the Communist International. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 61 


The next is from a speech of Kamenev before the plenum of the 
Moscow Soviet, taken from the Moscow Izvestia, December 11, 1923. 
Reading :] 

. We have not forgotten and will not forget that we are not only in a city 


‘f Soviet Russia, but that here in Moscow we are at the center of the inter- 
ational working-class movement. We should be worthy of that high position, 


Next is a speech of Kamenev before the solemn session of the 
foscow Soviet in honor of the sixth anniversary of the October 
evolution, Moscow Izvestia, November 9, 1923. [Reading :] 


- To-morrow six years will have passed since the day which will be noted in 
he history of the world as the day of that great event which startled the 
estinies of the world on a new road. * * * 

' For six years the working class, relying on the cooperation of millions of 
seasants, holds governmental authority in an enormous country. But in Octo- 
yer the working class did more than this. It created a new form of State. 
“he new type of state, created for the first time, gives the workingman the 
eeling that he is master in his own country, governs it, has in his hands all 
fhe weapons necessary to break down any opposition whatever. That is why 
sur October revolution became a model not only for us but also for the world 
yroletariat, a guide to the road which alone can lead to the liberation of the 
nillions of oppressed mankind. * * * 

We are confident of one other thing--confident that the political idea which 
guided Vladimir Tlitch Lenin and which he served, that the realization of the 
nterest of the toiling masses and of the working class, has already ceased 
‘0 be the individual property of our leader, of a narrow circle of his near- 
ist comrades, or of the Communist Party alone. This realization of the 
sonditions of victory has become the property of the vanguard of workmen and 
jeasants throughout the territory of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. 
And that is the main guaranty not only of the stability of our social order, but 
of the triumphant defeat of every attack and of the triumphant victory of the 
world proletarian revolution. 


Next I will quote from recent speeches of Zinoviev. This is from 
1 report to the Petrograd Soviet, in the Petrograd Pravda, August 
25, 1923. [Reading:] 


After long suffering the German working ¢lass is now entering on the only 
ath the working class can follow to vietory. And, comrades, events are 
soming which will dwarf all that has so far occurred. The time when 
Lenin’s prediction will come true is near at hand: “ We are the first Soviet 
Republic. but when the German workingman, the European workingman, 
begins to speak, we will be one of the backward Soviet countries * * * 
['wenty million German workers, all literate, more civilized than we, and with 
i; higher class machine, will push forward the world proletarian revolution 
with the speed of an express train. Hvents are coming during which a real 
Socialist revolution will start. The German revolution is the beginning of 
the revolution all over Europe.” 


| That speech was delivered less than six months ago. 
Next is an article by Zinoviev in the Moscow Pravda of Decem- 


ber 1, 1923. [Reading:] 


It takes no prophet to foresee that in the coming winter and spring in 
Germany there will be a new outbreak of the revolutionary movement * * *. 

The second wave is coming. It isn’t the final wave It isn’t a world-wide 
October revolution, but it is a gigantic approach to a world-wide revolution. 
Already a second wave of the international proletarian revolution is washing 
the fundamentals of the European capitalism That capitalism will fall inevi- 
tably. 

We will make more than one, more than two mistakes in predicting definite 
dates since we possess no such scientific instrument as would guide us in- 
fallibly in such matters. The Marxist method is a powerful weapon in our 
hands but even it will not protect us against overestimation of the speed of 
events inaccuracies in such a business as predicting dates. But in regard 





62 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


to the fundamental aspects we were not mistaken, are not mistaken, and wil 
not be mistaken. 

Look at it as you will, the events of the period September—October, 1923. 
were important moments in the gathering victory of the international pro- 
letarian revolution. 


I will now quote a few speeches from Bukharin. ‘The first is 
from a speech by Bukharin at the meeting of the Tiflis organiza- 
tion of the Georgian Communist: Party, taken from Izvestia of 
September 9, 1923. [Reading :] 


The question of the seizure of power by the German workers is a question 
of the next few weeks. The significance of the German revolution is very 
great. In case it succeeds it will result in world revolution. In ease it fails, 
the Federation of Soviet Republics will again be surrounded by the strength- 
ened forces of reaction which will strive to make Germany a starting point 
for a campaign against us. 


The next is from a speech of Bukharin at the solemn session of 
the Moscow Soviet on the occasion of the sixth anniversary of the 
October revolution, taken from the Izvestia of November 9, 1923. 


[Reading :] 


Comrade Bukharin devoted his speech te the main events in Germany: 
“The Russian Communist Party has always declared that the October revyo- 
lution would inevitably lead to a whole series of other outbursts and would 
be the first stage on the road of international revolution. And now, when 
when we are on the threshold of the seventh year, every one of us can see 
clearly who was right. * * * The Germany situation is one in which 
the German Communist Party has clearly had to put off its attack. It is 
inevitable that after the small wave just passed, there will come a great 
revolutionary wave, since the bourgeoisie can not decide the impending prob- 
lems, find a way out * * #*,” 


The next is from a report of Buhrarin to the nonpartisan labor 
and red army conference, published in the Moscow Pravda of No- 
vember 14, 1923. |Reading:] 


s3ourgeois Germany is absolutely unable to reestablish its economic struc- 
ture, Since, at the present moment, it has wrung everything out of the working 
class that can be gotten. There is no salvation for present-day Germany 
along bourgeois lines. 

And the sole salvation of the sinking country is in a working-class dictator- 
ship and a future alliance between German industry and Russian agriculture. 


I will now quote the last speech of Lenin, which was delivered at 
the Fourth Congress of the Communist International on November 
13, 1922, and printed in the Bulletin of the Fourth Congress of the 
Communist International, No. 8, page 8. [Reading:] 


I am convinced that we, in this sense, not only for Russia but also for 
foreigners, must say that the most important thing for the period now opening 
is to learn. We learn in.a general sense, they must learn in a special sense, in 
order to understand, really, the organization, the structure, the method, the 
content of revolutionary work. If that happens, then, I am convinced, the 
prospects of world revolution will not only be good but excellent. 


I quote a recent speech by Radek, delivered at the graduation of 
red commanders at the Moscow military training establishments, 
taken from the Izvestia of September 19, 1923. | Reading: ] 


Many think that the movement before which we now stand consists only 
of a revolutionary outburst in Germany and that Germany is approaching 
a new period of grapple between the bourgeoisie and the working class. But 
that is not so. The coming revolution in Germany is only a part of new great 
world conflicts which we are approaching and the cause of the conflicts 
is the complete bankruptcy not only of the German bourgeoisie but of the 
bourgeoisie of all Europe, and, from a farseeing point of view, of the world 


‘ RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 63 


} 


‘ourgeoisie. * * * Red commanders, you are not accustomed to many 
vords when an order is given, nor need I use many to explain the actual 
ituation. Go back to the army and teach it not only things military ‘but 
‘roaden its mind. Be not merely military commanders, but also bearers of 
‘he idea that when the hour comes and there will be no other way for us, 
he workmen-peasants will respond to the call of the Soviet Government with 
he words, “ We are ready.” 
_ Next is an article by Stekloff, a leading article in the Moscow 
‘zvestia of November 10, 1923. I quote from it as follows: 

Cha Slt ib 15, only the completely shortsighted who do not understand 


hat the Russian revolution is only a particular manifestation of the ap- 
roaching world proletarian revolution. 


_As a matter of fact, the October revolution began and developed in the ex- 


aI 


ectation of an international social revolution. And the fact that it has not 


et occurred does not mean anything. Six years is too short a time in his- 
ory. * oo * 


_ The sixth anniversary of October has again shown that the work begun 
y the Russian proletariat six years ago has not failed to leave a trace and 
s already bearing fruit on an international scale. The toiling masses of the 
Apitalist countries and nationalties oppressed by imperialism, look upon the 
oviet power with hope. with hope. * * * 
Senator Perrrr. Mr. Chairman, as Mr. Kelley says, these all show 
certain unity of thought, I was wondering if our record would not 
‘e just as complete if the residue of them were considered read into 
he record. Or, if Mr. Kelley prefers, to read them all, very well. 
| Senator Boran. I think they may as well go into the record. I 
hink it is pretty well conceded they have a unity of thought as long 
s they are thinking along that line. 

Senator Pepper. I did not mean to interrupt Mr. Kelley if he pre- 
ers to read them. | 

Mr. Keiny. I could go on indefinitely. They were produced to 
rove the essential unity of thought that prevails among all the 
3aders. 

Senator Boran. Was this letter to the colored gentleman Mackay, 
‘ebruary 15, 1923, taken from the publication in Russia? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes. 
| Senator Boran. Did you trace the letter to this country ? 
Mr. Ketiny. No. 
| Senator Boraw. Where is Mackay? 
Mr. Ketiey. Mackay was at that time in Moscow. At this moment 
_ do not know. ! 

Senator Boran. Do you know whether he has returned to this 
country or not? 
Mr. Keiury. No. 

Senator Borau. Was he in Moscow when Trotski addressed him 
is letter ? 

Mr. Ketuxry. I think so. 

Senator Boran. You have no information, then, that this letter 
ver reached anybody in this country ? 

Mr. Kristy. I have not traced that; no, sir. Of course, Mackay is 
n American citizen. 
Senator Boran. Has he returned to this country at this time, do 
ou understand / 

Mr. Keuury. I would have to look that up and see. 


82325—24— pT 1 





5 








64. RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Boran. You do not know. Have you any information as 
to Mackay’s activities in this country ? 

Mr. Kreiiey. We have information and could present that to the 
committee, if desired. 

Senator Boran. Since this letter was written ? 

Mr. Ketutry. I would not say. I will look that up. 

Senator Boraw. Perhaps we will take that up later. 

Mr. Kewuitey. Yes; I think that will come under later activities 
in this country. 

Senator Borau. Have you a record of the controversy which took 
place between the Third International and the Soviet leaders with 
reference to what aid they should give the German Communists, 
within the last few months? 

Mr. Ketitey. You mean the controversy referred to in the press 
notices from Moscow ? 

Senator Boran. Not the controversy between Trotski and others. 
but between Trotski, Lenin and others and certain Communist 
leaders led by Zinoviev, one party insisting they furnish aid to the 
Communists in the way of the Red Army, and the other party insist- 
ing that they should not interfere with the German affairs at all. 
Have you any record of that in any way? | 

Mr. Keiutry. We can furnish you the information with reference 
to the attitude of the various Bolsheviki leaders with reference to 
events in Germany, if that is what you desire. 

Senator Boraw. The late events? 

Mr. Keniry. Yes; in the last six months. 

Senator Borau. That is what I would like to have. You can pro- 
ceed. | : 

Mr. Krtixy. Proceeding along the same lines, these are quota- 
tions from speeches. 

Speech at the agricultural exposition in Moscow, September 16. 
1923, published in the Moscow Pravda, September 18, 1923: 


We must not forget that if the political reactionaries usurp political power 
in Germany—being supported by political reaction throughout the world—it 
would be a new menace to us. We must therefore be ready for new dangers 
and new strife. We must be on the alert; we must study the extreme reaction- 
aries in Germany and try to penetrate their ruses and intrigues. Not for 2 
moment must we forget that we are the only red republic, or rather federation 
of republics. We can safely say that we have already conquered for ourselves 
the new régime—that of emancipated labor—and that we have already entered 
upon the era in which we are the vanguard of the masses of toilers and soon 


} 


perhaps our régime will be the régime ruling in all countries, | 


Slogans for the sixth anniversary celebration of the October 
ales by Stalin, published in the Moscow Pravda of ie | 
19238: 
? 


7. Working class dictatorship—the sole salvation of Hurope. ; 

8. Working class Germany and our Labor-Peasant Union, the bulwark of 
labor and peace. : 

a The German steam hammer and soviet wheat will conquer the entir 
world. 

11. Make way for the exchange of our peasants’ wheat for German 
machinery. | 

12. If the German revolution is strangled the Czar’s debts will be collected 
from our peasants—hurrah for the German revolution. 

13. The alliance between white Germany and the Czar’s generals mea 
death to the free peasant and chains for the workman. 









' RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 65 
; 14. After Germany is robbed it will be the turn of our labor union (of 
‘epublics) to be robbed. Be on guard. * * * 

_ 24. Proletarians of all countries, march under the flag of the Communist 
“nternational. 


TOMSKY. 


Telegram. to the striking transport workers of Barcelona, pub- 
ished in the Pravda of June 23, 1923: 


The Russian proletariat follows with interest the heroic struggle of the 
3arcelona proletariat which is continuing in spite of terror and repressions. 
Che All-Russian Central Soviet of Trade Unions encourages and stimulates 
you to continue the struggle and sends you 50,000 pesetas as a token of 
solidarity. Long live proletarian Spain. Long live the international solidarity 
f£ workmen. (Signed .Tomsky, President of the All-Russian Central Soviet 
of Trade Unions. ) 


LUNACHARSKY. 


_ Lunacharsky, in anniversary number of Moscow Izviestiya, No- 
rember 7, 1923, celebrating 6 years of the existence of the Soviet 
'xovernment : 


. It is quite possible that we are entering a new purely political crisis and that 
he task of intensifying the successes of the revolution will give way to a new 
ffort toward extending them. Perhaps we are on the eve of an unusual broad- 
ning of the bases of the revolution. It is extremely important to turn into 
.ew channels all the forces acquired by us in the field of education and to con- 
vert them into a weapon for further revolutionary advance, just as all the 
economic and political conquests of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics will 
ie turned into a similar weapon. We have never believed, and never will believe, 
hat the life of the union will develop peacefully; on the contrary, we shall 
‘lways remember that we represent only one contingent of the world revolution 
nd that our great motherland is only the first breastwork conquered by the 
evolution in the struggle with world capital. 


KRASSIN. 


_ Speech made by Krassin during the debates at the Twelfth Con- 
‘ress of the Russian Communist Party, from Pravda, April 20, 1923: 


> 





. The basic tasks of the foreign policy of the soviet power are, first, to make 
t easy for the world revolution in securing the maximum conditions guaran- 
eine peace (for us), i. e., recognition de jure, and economic aid, loans, credits, 
ite. The world revolution follows a laborious path; we have no miraculous 
yeans of making things easy for it. The most efficacious way to smoothe the 
i. of the world revolution and aid it is to strengthen the Soviet State, the 
“Then Th State. 

i 


Then I have the positions held by the leaders that have been quoted, 
vhich I will file. : 
J have here a series of proclamations by the Communist Interna- 
ional to show the same unity of thought and to show that these proc- 
amations have reference to every country in Europe, whether that 
country has recognized Russia or entered into trade relations with it, 
r whether it has not entered into relations at all. That is a matter 
f indifference. There are also two proclamations in regard to Amer- 
sa. These are simply adduced, first, to prove the general scheme 
nd show the unity of thought amongst the Bolshevist leaders; the 
letails of the relation of this to America will be taken up later in 
onnection with other matters. 
- Senator Lenroor. Are those with reference to America long, and 
f what date? 









66 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 


Mr. Keiiey. One is of March 9; 1923. 

Senator Borau. What is that you refer to? ! 

Mr. Keuiry. That is a proclamation of the red trade-union execu- 
tive committee to the Industrial Workers of the World. 

Senator Lenroor. Is reference made to America in it? 

Mr. Ketter. It is in regard to labor conditions on the Pacific 
coast. 

Cenator Boran. Let me see it. [Paper handed Senator Borah. ] 

Mr. Ketiry. And the other one is an appeal of the Trades-Unions 
international to the members of the Industrial Workers of the World, 
August 31, 19292. 

These two in regard to America are adduced with this group in 
order to show that all countries are treated alike. Others, showing 
the exact connection between the soviet group and America, will be 
taken up later. 

This is the appeal of the Trade-Unions International to the 
members of the Industrial Workers of the World, translated from 
Moscow Trud, August 31, 1922. 


The executive committee of the Trade-Unions International has made an 
appeal to the members in the ranks of the Industrial Workers of the World 
in the United States of America calling, their attention to the compromising 
activities of their leaders. 


The executive committee refutes the false statement of Joe Wil- 
liams, representative of the Industrial Workers of the World, at 
the first congress of the Trade-Union International. Emphasizing 
the necessity of contact with the Third International and proving 
that there is no big difference between the leaders of the Indus- 
trial Workers of the World and the Amsterdam Party (for both 
distrust labor organizations, although for different motives), the 
executive committee declares: . 


d 

We stand for the union of revolutionary elements with the masses of the 
labor organizations already existing. This would help the laboring classes 
to realize the idea of a united front against their bloodthirsty enemy—against. 
American capitalism. 
More than in other countries— | 


Continues the appeal— ; 


h 
the workmen of America must be aware of the importance of a united oil 
of labor. The Red International of Trade-Unions decided to invite vou to our 
Second congress, in spite of the position taken by your leaders. We suggest to 
you to study and carefully discuss the program of the Red International 0 

Trade-Unions and to instruct your representatives to pay more attention to 
these questions in your newspapers and periodicals. The executive committee, 
feels sure that in case you become more acquainted and better informed ahout 
events you will not permit these people to continue their harmful work. W 
are convinced that, when you will know what we actually wish to do, you wil 
recognize that our fundamental task is to abolish capitalism and thus ope 
the way that leads to the liberation of the laboring class. 


This is the Red Trade-Union executive committee to the Industriall 
Workers of the World, taken from Moscow Izvestia, March 9, 1923 


In connection with the strike in Portland the executive committee of th 
Red Trade-Union has sent the following telegram to the executive committ 
of the Industrial Workmen oi the World: 

The Red Trade-Union is closely watching the heroic struggle of the I. W. W. 
against the fierce persecution by the agents of capital in San Pedro an 
Los Angeles. We welcome the workmen of the sea transport, members of 









| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 67 
W. W., and the International Association of Harbor Workers in the joint 
lerugele in Portland. 
The Red Trade-Union expresses its solidarity and support of millions of 
nembers of revolutionary trade-unions that are joining in the unanimous: 
nd manly struggle of the members of I. W. W. against the attacks of the 
Jalifornia capitalists. The Red Trade-Union is convinced that the revolu- 
jonary elements of the labor movement in America will in every way support 
heir struggling comrades. 
With revolutionary compliments, LozovskKy. 


To all workmen, peasant, and soldiers, from Moscow Pravda, 
January 14, 1923: 


The executive committee of the Communist International and the execu- 
ive committee of the International of Trade-Unions issued an appeal to the 
vorking class of Russia, France, Germany, and ali other countries and to 
yhe French soldiers concerning the events in the Ruhr district. Address- 
ng the Russian workmen, the appeal speaks of the ‘‘ unparalleled crime 
Nanned by French capital.’ Humanity is again facing a horrible war. The 
vhole of central Europe will be shattered to pieces if an end is not put to 
he crime of international bankers. Addressing the French soidiers, the 
nternational says that it is their duty to prevent the Government of Poincare 
irom setting fire to Europe. ‘‘ Your enemy is In your own country. Agitate among 
he large masses of population and. declare a strike.” The appeal calls for the 
xerman workmen to organize a united front of the proletariat. “ Stretch 
‘our hand to the French brothers. Call the masses to unite with Soviet 
Russia. Only by so doing will you be able to repulse the enemy. The inter- 
1ational proletariat is also called to struggle for socialism, for social revolu- 
ion, and to resist the plans of imperialists. Mass uprisings, strikes, and 
autinies must be organized. The appeal is concluded with the usual ‘“ down 
viths” and cheers for the Workmen-Peasant Government and the world’s 
evolution. 

The appeal is dated at Moscow, January 138, and is signed by the executive 
ommittees of the Communist International and the International of Trade- 
Jnions. 


- Then the proclamation of the Communist International to the 
Revolutionary Proletarians and Peasants of the Were of February 
4, 1928: 


On the poverty and the sufferings of millions of laborers and peasants the 
mperialist robbers, France and England, have built up their world power. 
“hey have strengthened it by ‘“‘shamelessly robbing and enslaving” many 
nillions of toilers in colonial and semicolonial countries. But the World War 
1as opened the eyes of these millions to the intolerability of their condition ; 
he native bourgeoisie in several of the colonial countries, such as India, 
Igypt, and Turkey, has taken the lead in the national emancipation movement. 
Seeing that the Communist International is fighting all capitalistic oppres- 
ors throughout the world, “‘Can it stand aloof in a Phariseean mood?” 
“he Communist International has openly professed that it supports this 
truggle, and it sticks to its promise to this present day. It is with par- 
icular sympathy that the international watches the heroic strug rele of the 
‘urkish Nation against the “pack of the Entente stranglers.” It has called 
ip the proletariat of all countries to assist in this struggle. The imperialists 
f the Entente, who are used to measure power only by pounds and dollars, 
‘y dreadnoughts and machine guns, only now begin to understand what the 
ympathy of the revolutionary world proletariat means. But the Communist 
nmternational fully appreciates this sympathy, and knows that without 
't little Turkey long ago would have fallen a prey to the imperialistic rob- 
ers. The Angora Government should bear this in mind. The revolutionary 
/iectory of Turkey can be secured only if Turkey is backed by the world 
roletariat and its vanguard, the Communist International. But what at- 
‘racts proletarian sympathies to that struggle? The firm conviction that 
vithout first throwing off the imperialistic yoke, the emancipation of the 
‘“urkish laborers and peasants is impossible. 

’ In the national struggle waged by the Angora Government, the world 
‘roletariat perceives also” the necessary preamble te the ultimate emanicipa- 
‘ion of the Turkish toilers. Therefore, the news that in Turkey persecutions 









68 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


of revolutionary laborers and peasants and their Communist Party have 
commenced, “ Has filled with alarm the hearts of the foremost proletarians 
throughout the world.” The Angora Government is ill advised, and risks 
losing the support of “the only sincere friends of struggling Turkey,” to 
wit, the world revolutionary proletariat and the Communist International. 
In Turkey they are dispersing trade-unions and prosecuting labor organiza- 
tions. The Turkish Communist Party has been destroyed and the arrested 
communists have been sent on for trial by extraordinary courts. All this to 
truckle to the Entente robbers at Lausanne. The Communist International, 
therefore, is constrained to warn the Angora Government in the name of the 
world proletariat: “Don’t follow the paths of Poincare and Mussolini,” 
your struggle is not finished yet by a long way, and “ without the support of 
the international proletariat you can not hope to come out of that struggle 
victorious.” The Communist International enjoins the proletarians of all 
countries, ‘and first of all those of England, France, Russia and Switzer- 
land, to warn the representatives of the Angora Government in those coun- 
tries.” We will continue to watch with sympathy the struggle of the Turkish 
toilers, and on anything that hampers the victory of the Turkish laborers and 
peasants, the international proletariat “ will declare merciless and implacable 
war.” ‘Long live the Turkish communists thrown into Angora prisons, long 
live the Communist International, etc.” 


This is greetings to the red army on its fifth anniversary, from 
the exodtitive corner of the Communist International. This is 
taken from Izvestia, February 24, 1923: 


The whole world of exploiters hates you, soldiers of the red army, but 
trembles before you, knowing as it does that you are ready to defend the 
proletarian revolution in all countries, that you are a detachment of the 
international proletariat. * * * 

Long live the armed detachment of the world communist revolution—the: 
red army. 


Next is greetings to all laboring and struggling women of all 
countries, March 8, 1923: } 


The Communist International understands that the struggle with inter- 
national capital and the forces of the international counter revolution will be 
successful only in case it finds support on the part of the majority of ope 
belonging to the international front of the revolutionary class struggle. 

The present international advance of capitalism against the proletariat in 
all countries represents the heaviest burden for women. Reduction of wages” 
and unemployment affect the living conditions of the laborers. 'The proleta- 
rian women must understand that they can protect themselves only if they 
participate actually in organizations and in the desperate struggle of a 
oppressed against exploitation. 

The Communist International, which summons the international proletariat. 
to the struggle against new imperialistic wars and against the intention of 
the imperialistic bandits to start another military conflagration, is not teaching 
pacifism ; on the contrary, it calls on all women to render the utmost support to 
their class comrades in their efforts to organize the only tolerable war (from 
the laboring standpoint), a sacred war against criminals and the oppressors 
of the proletariat. The bourgeoisie must be deprived of the possibility of 

making peace with its deadly enemy with the help of obedient social patriots. 

On the day of the international demonstration of the class-conscious prole- 
tarian women the Communist International declares its firm intention to carry 
on the struggle hand in hand with the forces of proletarian women of all 

countries until the final complete victory of Communism is obtained. ¥ 

Long live this struggle! 7 

Long live the Communist International! . 


EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. ; 
| 
Next is, in the country of “law and order,” from an appeal of 
the executive committee of the Communist International concerning 
the sentence on the rebels Chowry-Choura. This is with reference 
to events in India. Taken from Izvestia of March 25, 1923. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 69 


7o the laborers of the entire world: 

-Imperialistic justice has sentenced to death 172 persons in India. A yeur 
go 228 were arrested on the charge of participation in a riot which resulted 
a setting a police station n Chowry-Choura afire and the murder of 22 polce- 
yen, who fell while protecting “law and order.” As vengeance for the death 
f these 22 policemen 172 persons will be killed. 

The majority of the condemned belong to the peasant class, which, was 
orced to rebel by the intolerable burden of military taxes and the terrible 
igh cost of living. 

A manifestation of almost 3,000 people has been fired at from the barracks 
f a police station in Chowry-Choura. The manifestants went to the market 
0 put an end to the sale of cloth of foreign production. This act provoked 
he anger of the masses. Indignation rapidly spread all over the neighboring 
‘egions and became a dangerous agrarian mutiny, which has been suppressed 
'y the troops brought to the place of the mutiny. The number of those who 
serished by the bloody hand of “law and order” is unknown. During the 
uppression of the mutiny a large number of peasants were arrested, among 
vyhom 228 have been tried on the charge of murder and incendiarism. As a 
esult 172 peasants have been sentenced to death. 

- Workmen and women workmen, arrange meetings and demonstrations of 
PROLESE demand the liberation of the arrested. Demand from the Second and 
second-and-a-half Internationals that they call upon their chief support, the 
3ritish Labor Party, to save the lives of the 172 Indian peasants. Let the 
jecond-and-a-half International call on its supporter, the Independent Labor 
Party, to protect its “noble pacifism.” 

_ British proletariat, your duty is to lead the movement. If the reformist 
eaders can not be forced to act even by such horrible violation of morality 
ind justice you must take direct action over their heads to protect the rights 
»f the enslaved nations. 

| To uprising! 

Down with imperialism! 

Long live the victory of Indian workmen and peasants! 

Long live the international solidarity of the working class ! 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 
EXECUTIVE BUREAU, RED INTERNATIONAL OF TRADE-UNIONS, 


The next is from the proclamation of the Communist Interna- 
ional and Trade-Union International. This is taken from Moscow 
“avestia, May 16, 1923. 


Bring the guilty to book. The plenipotentiary representative of Soviet Rus- 
sia, Comrade Vorovsky, has been shot dead in Lausanne by a Swiss lackey of 
he entente. The diplomats, organizers of the Lausanne conference, did not 
ill him themselves. They did it with all the refinement of diplomatic con- 
‘piracy. 

You should not leave this bloody challenge without an answer. You must 
imswer it in closed fighting ranks, making all efforts in the class struggle, 
ightening your bonds with the victorious Russian proletariat and with the 
iundreds of millions of enslaved brothers in Asia. . 

Your task is to save the world from the destruction into which it is plunged 
»y the plundering imperialists. 

Long live the defensive struggle of the united force of all the exploited and 
pressed of the whole world! 

Down with the imperialist murderers! 

- Down with the bloodthirsty dogs of fascism ! 

Long live the victorious Russian proletariat! 

Long live the world revolution of the proletariat! 
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 
EXECUTIVE BUREAU, RED TRADE-UNION INTERNATIONAL. 


| Next is proclamation to the Bulgarian workmen and peasants, 
»aken from Moscow Pravda, June 29, 19238: 


Proletarian of all countries: Follow attentively events in Bulgaria. Show 
|o the masses the crimes perpetrated by the victorious clique of Bulgarian 
ascisti against the working classes. Mobilize the masses against the new Gov- 











70 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


eS 


ernment of murderers and criminals. We have a repetition of the events of 
Rome. ‘Phe entire proletarian is in danger—wateh and be ready. ~ 
Away with the fascisti bands, these venal creatures of Capital. Away with 
the instigators of the State mutiny, the Sophia militarists, speculators, and 
capitalists. 
Long live the federation of workmen peasant government! \ 
Long live the solidarity of the International Proletariat in the struggle 
against menace of fascism! 


THE ENLARGED PLENUM OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


Next, the white terror in Bulgaria. Appeal of executive committee 
of the Communist International to the proletariat of all countries, 
from Moscow Izvestia, August 22, 1923: : 


Comrades: The government everthrow in Bulgaria by cliques of military and 
reactionary exploiters crowns its triumph by an attack of white destructive 
terror. Never before had the Bulgarian workmen and peasants suffer such 
a régime of terror as now under the government of Tsankov, which is sup- 
ported by the secret intrigues of England and the open assistance of the social- 
democratic section of the Second International. 

The recent process in Plevna bloodily reflects the policy of Tsankov’s ZOov- 
ernment; of 95 peasants and workmen arrested for showing resistance to the 
military government overthrow and tried on a false charge of participation 
in mutiny and robbery have been mercilessly sentenced and all of them under 
terrible conditions, except 9 persons. (Sentence is not finished and obscure.— 
Note by translator.) 

The defendants suffered oppression on the part of the police, which followed 
the orders of the bourgeois and social-democratic lawyers, who tried to find 
justification of these acts of violence. The defendants have been arrested 
and brought away from the place of trial which thus had to proceed with- 
out any defense of the accused. In spite of threats and pressure on the part 
of the reactionaries, among whom Lawyer Markov deserves special attention, 
the defendants succeeded in getting what they want and received a possibil- 
ity of defending the accused. 

They did not succeed in one thing, in averting the atrocious and prema-~ 
turely planned sentence. Three of the accused have been sentenced to death 
and hanged, several others to imprisonment for life, and others for various. 
terms from 12 to 3 years. 

That is the last bloody exploit of Tsankoy’s government, which is supported 
by the social-democrats from the camp of the Hamburg International. The 
degenerates of socialism appear again in the first ranks among the executioners 
of the proletariat. Wherever power falls into the hands of reactionaries the 
social-democrats appear as their supporters. . 

In face of sufferings and persecution, the victims of which are the Bulgarian 
proletariat and its best fighters, the Communist International calls on the 
proletarian parties and the proletarian organizations of all countries to demon- 
strate their solidarity with the Bulgarian workmen. The workmen belonging 
to the Hamburg and Amsterdam Internationals have to either stand by the Bul- 
garian workmen or join their executioners. 

Workmen and peasants of Europe and America, raise your voices for the 
defense of the accused in Plavna. Defending their cause you defend your 
own. Don’t let the criminal sentence be executed. 

Workmen and peasants of Bulgaria, rally for the defense of your vanguard, 
close your ranks against the reaction. By an united close front struggle for 
your rights, for the workman-peasant government. 

Proletariat of all countries, to the help of the Bulgarian proletariat. 




















EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


The next is taken from the Moscow Pravda of September 21 
1923, entitled “Ruffianly attack of the Tsankov government upon 
the Bulgarian communists.” 


Events in Bulgaria have developed exactly as was foreseen by the Com- 
munist International on the day after the white revolution on June 9. Th 
cunctatory position which the leaders of the Bulgarian Communist Party 
had chosen by mistake was utilized by the gang surrounding Tsankov i 


q 
4 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. ti 


. 
fortitying themselves; after which they have taken the offensive. On Sep- 
tember 12, under the pretext that the communists were planning a coup d’etat, 
the gang of Tsankov arrested about 1,000 communists, which included almost 
all the re#ponsible members of the party. All communist papers are closed, 
all the party and professional institutions demolished. The Government of 
Tsankov is spreading false news, e. g., with Comrade Kabakchiyev and other 
‘aotable communists when arrested was found compromising correspondence 
with Moscow, including also some letters from the active members of the 
Communist International. The arrested leaders of the party are taken as 
hostages, and are in danger of being shot in case of a revolutionary movement. 
The executive committee of the Communist International announces that all 
che information about letters found, about a plot, ete., is a fraudulent provoca- 
‘ion. The government of Tsankov, who is more and more losing ground, is 
forced to adopt risky adventurous measures. It is devoted to destruction, and 
any new provocation in regard to communists will hasten that conelusion. 

The gang of Tsankov is only looking for an occasion to take revenge upon the 
‘eaders of the Bulgarian proletariat. Let Tsankov, all his ministers, and his 
other most eminent servants remember that they will have to give an answer to 
the Bulgarian workmen and peasants and to the international proletariat for all 
cheir crimes. Let Tsankov, his ministers, and those supporting his party know 
chat they will have to give an answer to the Bulgarian workmen for the lives 
bf the old leaders of the proletariat movement in Bulgaria. Not a single drop 
»f blood shall be pardoned them when the day of settlement comes. 

' Let Bulgaria réaction rage; its days are counted. Let the Bulgarian social 
Jemocrats truckle to the Bulgarian fascisti, who are proving that there is noth- 
‘ng too mean for the party of the Second International. In a country like Bul- 
varia the workman-peasant union will be most powerful from the moment it is 
offected. The tactics of the robber government of Tsankov are hastening the 
parly realization of that union. 

| The Communist International sends its fraternal greetings to the Bulgarian 
workmen and peasants in the hour of trial. To the provocatory policy of 
Tsankov the workmen and peasants of Bulgaria must reply by closing ranks, 
with the organization of illegal groups all over the country, with the spread of 
yropaganda among the millions of the working classes, and, when the time 
»omes, by establishing workman-peasant government. The detestation of the 
xyovernment of the white hangmen is growing stronger. The time will come 
when the Bulgarian workmen and peasants will give the brutes their due. 

Organize yourselves for the defense of your interests. 

Organize yourselves for the displacement of the government of Tsankov. 

Organize yourselves for the defense of your captured leaders. 

Long live the Bulgarian Communist Party. 

Long live the union of workmen and peasants in Bulgaria! 


EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 
Next is from Pravda, November 17, 1923, and the subject is ‘ the 
revolt of Polish workmen at Crakow.” 








ee 





PROCLAMATION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTER- 
NATIONAL. 





' The Polish labor class has abandoned its condition of passivity. It is nec- 
jassary to widen the Union of Workmen and Peasants, sealed with blood at 
SOrakow. It is necessary to create a united fighting front, and not a single 
|workman must accept the treachery of the leaders of the P. P. S. (Polish 
| Socialist Party). 
| To the workmen of all countries. The big strikes which burst out during 
jche last few weeks in all parts of Poland, miners, textile, and railway work- 
j/men, employees of the post; the general strike in Uupper Silesia, in Galicia, at 
|Warsaw, and, finally, the bloody fights at Crakow, Tarnoy, and Borislay at- 
‘ract the attention of the entire international proletariat to the Polish sector 
fof this proletarian battle front. 
These events reveal that Polish labor has abandoned its condition of pas- 
sivity, that it is determined to meet the attack of capital with raised vizors, and 
hat capital will nowhere succeed in making humble slaves of the workmen. 

The German workmen see therefore that they are not solitary in the hard 
struggle, that their Polish brethren are fighting at the same time at home 
against reaction, and that they will not permit intervention against the Ger- 





72 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


man revolution. There is no doubt that the proletarian revolution in Ger- 
many, now begun, has influenced the struggle of the workmen in Poland. The 
entry of the German proletariat into the revolutionary struggle must be the 
signal for all those who are exploited in any country. The German workman 
faces the dilemma; ruin and slavery, or revolution. | 

During the recent struggle of the Polish proletariat all problems of the 
Polish revolution were clearly revealed, and the road of the fighting Polish 
proletarian was clearly seen. The cruel terror of the government of Dmov- 
sky-Korfanti, the militarization of the railways and the surrender of the 
strikers to the court-martial have revealed to what crimes the bourgeoisie is 
capable when fighting for its gain. They have shown to the large labor 
masses that it is necessary to escape death by starvation, to overthrow this 
government of landowners and capitalists, and that a workman-peasant 
government must be fought for. | 

This slogan has ceased to be only a theory. Recent experience reveals that 
this aim is quite attainable and that it might have been already reached. 
This struggle has revealed all the weakness of the bourgeoisie and the pres- 
ence of large reserves of revolutionary forces. | 

Upper Silesia, this hearth of Polish nationalism and bourgeois infiuence on 
the proletariat, has opened fight on German-Polish capital which has con- 
eluded a close union. When the Polish Government, with all its police forces 
and dragoons, hurried to rescue of the German mining barons, White-Korfanti — 
insurgents, unfolding red banners, with communists at their head, attacked | 
the government soldatesca. 

At Crakow the Polish and Ukrainian peasants in military uniform passed 
over to the workmen, surrendering the arms aimed at them by the bourgeoisie. | 

To widen and strengthen this workman-peasant union, sealed with blood at 
Crakow, is the main condition of victory of the Polish revolution; this is the 
main lesson of Crakow events; this is also the fundamental task of the com- 
munists. The Polish peasants and the peasants of the oppressed national 
minorities will overthrow the bourgeoisie under the direction of the workmen. 
The Polish labor class must learn from the Crakow events how to realize the 
slogan of disarmament of the bourgeoisie and armament of the proletariat. 

This slogan must never more be taken off the labor program. Crakow must 
give the working class renewed strength, courage and contidence in vietory. 
It will be on the other hand an eternal menace for the bourgeoisie. 

At the head of all the tasks of the struggling proletariat is now, as before, 
the great task of forming a united fighting front. To attain this, the Polish 
Communists and the Communist International have repeatedly proclaimed, in 
word and deed, their readiness to follow whoever is ready to fight the bour- 
geoisie for the attainment of proletarian aims. And this time also the Polish 
Communist Party, from the very beginning, has done all in its power to draw 
the leaders of the Polish Socialist Party and the opportunist leaders of the 
Polish trade unions into the general struggle. It has shown the workmen from 
the very beginning that it was possible to be victorious over the bourgeoisie 
only in a sustained and united struggle with the participation of the workmen 
of all branches of industry and of all regions. 

In Poland and in other countries the communists always endeavor to unite 
the proletariat for battle. Therefore, inasmuch as the opportunist leaders 
and the central groups have still some influence on a considerable part of the 
proletariat, and its participation in the upheaval to a certain extent depends 
on them, the communist, supported by the pressure of the masses, will force 
them to take part in the general upheaval, in spite of their resistance and 
repeated treachery. 4 

But the masses must already realize from their own experience that the 
leaders are not to be judged by words, but by deeds. What is this experience 
and what are these deeds? The Polish Socialist Party has done all in their 
power to isolate the individual armed upheavals, from the very beginning they 
have checked the victorious Upper Silesian strike. They have not supported 
the railway men and prevented the entire proletariat from supporting it. 

Only when the Government used court-martial in its struggle with the strik- 
ers, the indignation of the entire proletariat forced the leaders of the Polish 
Socialist Party to put forward the slogan of a general strike, and they joined 
Mee go dacbare only upon pressure from outside, reluctantly, grinding their 
eeth. 

But the depth of the treachery, and low-down meanness of those who pro- 
claim themselves to be the representatives of the workmen was revealed only 

























RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 73 
at the moment when the great test came and the masses in close ranks entered 
the fight with the secular foe. For many months they had propagated struggle 
with the actual Government, but when at Crakow the soldiers went over to 
the people, they hurried to the rescue of the Government, lest it be overthrown 
by the large masses. 

_ For five long years the leaders of the Polish Socialist Party have adorned 
their central organ with the slogan: ‘“‘ Long live the workman-peasant govern- 
ment.” And when the moment arrived to realize the slogan, they betrayed the 
workmen and peasants and delivered them, body and soul, to the mercy of the 
sovernment of landowners and capitalists. 

They trumpeted retreat at Warsaw at a time when Crakow had raised the 
ganner of revolt. They sold their brethren at Crakow from fear of their 
victory. They delivered the Crakow workmen and soldiers to the bloody 
ene of capital. Whoever has not understood this hitherto will understand 
.t now. 

' The leaders of the Polish Socialist Party fear the victory vf the proletariat, 
vhey fear the workmen-peasant revolution. As long as they lead, the labor class 
‘Ss menaced with ruin. With them at the head, it has no hope to free itself 
‘rom the yoke of capital and avoid hunger and degradation. 

-~ Workmen, learn from Polish and German events. Just as the revolt of the 
3erman proletariat was subdued by Ebert and Zollman, the Crakow revolt was 
crushed by Morachevsky and Dashinsky. Not a single honest workman who 
nas still remained in the ranks of the Socialist Party, can acquiesce to this 
sreachery. Away with the hangmen and Judases! Unite under the banner of 
-he Communist International! Prepare for a new struggle! Learn from recent 
vig events! Gather the large masses under the banner of Communism ! 
/ Honor and glory to the dead of Crakow! 

' Long live the Polish revolution ! 

i Away with the traitors! 

| Long live the Commuist International! 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


Senator Boran. How many countries have entered into trade 
‘elations with, or recognized Russia ? 

Mr. Ketury. Nine have recognized Russia and six have entered 
nto trade relations. 

Senator Borau. Six in addition to the nine? 

Mr. Keutry. Yes, sir. 
- Senator Boran. Making 15 in all? 

Mr. Keuuey. Fifteen. 

Senator Pepper. How many in the nine that have recognized Rus- 
sia are nations whose recognition of Russia is an assertion of their 
ywn. political independence of Russia? 





Mr. Ketiey. Of those which have recognized Russia, Finland, 
‘Usthonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland, five of the nine were 
»bliged to recognize Russia in order to assert their own political in- 
lependence. That was necessary because they were formerly parts 
»f the Russian Empire. 
_ Persia, Turkey, and Afghanistan were obliged to recognize Rus- 
(ia for a similar reason. Through the rise of the soviet power ad- 
|ustments were brought about which required those states to enter 
‘nto formal relations with the Soviet Government. 

Germany recognized Russia under the peace of Brest-Litovsk 
\March, 1918. 
Senator Borau. What was the occasion of England to make a 
‘rade agreement with them? Did she have to do that? 
Mr. Ketizy. I do not understand—have to? 
- Senator Borau. What was the reason of England’s trade agree- 
nent? Was there anything that compelled her to do that? 








: 


14 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. | : 


Mr. Kerrey. England made a trade agreement because she, de- 
cided, I presume, that it was in accord with the best interests of 
England. : 

Senator Borau. Proceed. : 

Senator Lenroor. Mr. Kelley, have you introduced or do you in- 
tend to introduce any evidence with reference to protests of govern- 
ments with whom agreements have been made regarding the viola- 
tion of agreements or with respect to propaganda, or are there such 
protests ? . 
| Mr. Ketiny. Practically all—all the trade agreements concluded 
by the Soviet régime with foreign states include a clause prohibiting 
propaganda by the official representatives. In practically every case 
that has been violated by the soviet officials. However, in not every 
case has the diplomatic correspondence been made public. In the 
case of Great Britain, for instance, everything has been made pub- 
lic. We have two notes of Great Britain going into details. . 

Senator Lenroor. And you propose to introduce those later? ] 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir; we propose to introduce those later. | 

In regard to the violation of other stipulations assumed in peace 
treaties, there have been made public protests of Esthonia, Latvia, 
Lithuania, and Poland. Other States have protested, but the corre- 
spondence has not been made public. 

In the case of Turkey the only thing that has been made public 
is the fact that Turkey officially expelled two soviet consuls for 
carrying on propaganda. { 

Senator Boran. Has any of the recognition you speak of been 
withdrawn by reason of propaganda? com 

Mr. Keiiey. Recognition can not be withdrawn in international 
law. When recognition is accorded to a new government or a new 
state, it can not be withdrawn. 7 

Senator Lenroor. The only thing would be to sever diplomatic 
relations ? 

Mr. Keniry. Yes. | 

Senator Boran. That is what I refer to. That would be with- 
drawing recognition, would it not? 

Mr. Ketiry. No; that would not be withdrawing recognition. 
Senator Boran. When you sever diplomatic relations, that mean 
the recognition is at an end, does it not? 

Mr. Keniny. No; the recognition still continues but temporarily 
relations are broken off. 

Senator Boran. Is there no way to end recognition after you 
have once made it ? 

Mr. Keniry. No, sir; no way to end it. That is the present inter- 
national law on the subject. 

Senator Boran. How did we end our relations with Germany ? 

Mr. Ketiry. We declared war against Germany. 

Senator Boran. Well, that was the end of the recognition, was i 
not? 

Mr. Keuuny. Yes; in that particular case. 

Senator Prppsr. Is that not a form of recognition 2 

Mr. Keiiry. No; it is not a form. 

Senator Prprer. Is not the declaration of war against a nation 
an implication that that is a state or a nation and that the recog 
nition, although hostile, nevertheless recognizes its existence? 














RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 75 


_ Mr. Ketter. Yes, sir; that is correct. ! 
_ Senator Boran. Do you claim, Senator Pepper, that during the 
war we were in a state of recognition with Germany ? 
_ Senator Prrrer. My view is that the distinction is between ignor- 
hg the existence of a so-called government as a government at all 
ind conceding its existence by recognition, and the concession of 
»xistence may be either passive or it may be hostile. 

Senator Boran. Well, the government which we recognized at 
he beginning of the war did not exist. at the close of the war. 

Senator Prrprr. That is true, sir; and therefore, it was necessary 
o make a treaty of peace in order to involve the recognition of the 
1ew government. 
_ Senator Boran. That is what I had in mind. The recognition 
was broken by reason of the facts which eventuated. 
_ Mr. Keutrry. Following your argument, Senator Pepper, it would 
ye more correct to say, broken by the overthrow of the Imperial 
sxovernment of Germany. 
Senator Lenroor. When two states are at war there is constant 
ecognition of the status of those two countries as organized states, 
s there not? 
Mr. Keiiry. Yes, sir. | 
_ Senator Borau. Let me call your attention to the fact there that 
rough the French Revolution we had recognized, of course, the 
iid French Government, but we formally recognized the govern- 
nent which succeeded the old government, did we not? 

Mr. Keuuixny. I believe we did, sir; yes. 
_ I would like to introduce in evidence the constitution of the Fed- 
sration of Social Soviet Republics and read a few pertinent extracts 
‘rom that constitution. © 
: Senator Purrrr. That is the same organization that is sometimes 
‘eferred to as the union? 
_ Mr. Ketiry. That is the union. It is a question of the translation 
af a Russian word, whether you translate it “union” or “federation.” 
. prefer to translate it federation, because that is somewhat less 
iefinite. 
This copy from which I am reading is published by the Russian 
nformation bureau of Washington, D. C., and it is presumably 
porrect. It substantially corresponds with the Russian text as pub- 
ished in Russia. 

In order to give you a general idea of the ideology lying in the 
‘ainds of the Bolshevik leaders, I would like to read the declaration 
af union, which corresponds somewhat to the preamble in our Con- 





titution. 

Senator Prrprr. This was published when? 

Mr. Kerrey. It was adopted in December, 1922. I think the date 
i here. 





Senator Pepprr. Well, never mind. 
Mr. Keriny. The constitution was published on December 31, 
B92? : 


| Since the formation of the Soviet Republics the world has become divided 
nto two camps—that of capitalism and that of socialism. 

Within the capitalist camp national hatred and inequality, colonial bondage 
/nd chauvinism, national oppression and massacres, imperialist brutalities 
‘nd wars prevail, while here, within the camp of socialism, mutual trust and 






76 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


peace, national freedom and equality, peaceful coexistence and fraternal coi- 
laboration of peoples are to be found. 

The efforts of the capitalist régime in the course of the decades to solve 
the question of nationalities by the joint methods of the free development 
of peoples and the exploitation of man by man have proven vain. On the 
contrary, the web of national antagonism is becoming even more entangled 
until it threatens the very existence of capitalism itself. The bourgeoisie has 
proven impotent of bringing about cooperation among peoples. 

Only within the camps of the soviets, only under the prevalence of the 
proletarian dictatorship around which the majority of the population has. 
rallied, has it become possible to destroy national oppression, root and branch, 
to create an atmosphere of mutual trust, and to lay the foundations for the 
brotherly cooperation of peoples. 

Owing to that, and to that only, it was possible for the Soviet Republics. 
to repel the external as well as the internal attacks of world imperialism. 
Solely because of these conditions were they able successfully to end the civil 
war, become secure in their existence and to pass to the tasks of peaceful 
economic reconstruction. 

But the years of war have left their scars. The devastated fields and idle 
factories, the breakdown of productive forces and the depletion of economic 
resources, this legacy of the war makes the isolated efforts of individual 
republics toward economic reconstruction inadequate. The rebirth of eco- 
nomic welfare was found impossible as long as the separate republics main- 
tained a divided existence. At the same time the unsettled state of interna- 
tional affairs and the danger of new attacks point to the necessity of creating 
a common front of the Soviet Republics against the surrounding capitalist 
world. 

Finally, the very structure of the soviet power, which is international in 
its class character, calls the toiling masses of the Soviet Republies toward a 
unity of one socialist family. 

All these circumstances imperatively demand the unification of the Soviet 
Republics into one federal state, powerful enough of warding off foreign 
attacks and the security of internal economic welfare, as well as the unham- 
pered existence of the various nations. 

The will of the peoples of the Soviet Republics unanimously proclaimed 
at their recent soviet congresses in their decision for the formation of the 
Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics, stands as the unimpeachable guaranty 
that this union shall be the voluntary association of these sovereign nations 
on a basis of equality. each republic reserving to itself the right of free with- 
drawal from the union, that admission to this union shall be open to all Soviet 
Socialist Republics, such as are now existing and such as shall arise in the 
future, that the new united state is a fitting consummation of the beginnings 
which had their inception in November, 1917, toward the tranquil and co- 
operative existence and mutual bond of the peoples, that it shall stand as the 
firm bulwark against world capitalism, and form a decisive step toward the 
union of the toilers of all countries into one World Soviet Socialist Republic. 


Now I will read a few pertinent extracts in regard to international 


representation. ; 
Article 1, scope of authority of the union: 


The sovereignty of the Union of Soviet Socialistic Republics, as exercised 
through the supreme governing departments, shall include— 

(a) The representation of the union in international affairs, the conduct of 
all diplomatie intercourse, and the conclusion of political and other treaties 
with foreign states; 

(b) The modification of the frontiers of the union and the regulation of 
questions dealing with the alteration of boundaries between the constituent 
republics; 

(c) The conclusion of treaties for the admission of new republics into the 
union ; 

(ad) The declaration of war and conclusion of peace; 

(e) The contracting of foreign and domestic loans by the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and the sanctioning of foreign and domestic loans by the 
several constituent republics. 


. RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 77 


Then, under article 2, paragraph 7— 


_ Federal citizenship of the union shall replace the citizenships of the several 
constituent republics. 


And those several constituent republics at present are the Russian 
Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet 
Republic, the White Russian Socialist Soviet Republic, and the Trans- 
Caucasian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic. 

Then I would like to read one more paragraph in explanation of a 
question which arose yesterday. 

Article VII, the supreme court of the union: 


_ 46. The attorney general of the union and his deputy shall be appointed by 
‘the presidium of the central executive committee of the union. The duties 
‘of the attorney general of the supreme court of the union shall include the ren- 
dering of opinions on all questions submitted to the supreme court of the union 
and the arguing for the validity of such opinion rendered at the session of the 
court. Whenever the supreme court of the union at its plenary sessions shall 
render a decision in disagreement with his opinion, the attorney general shall 
‘have the right of appealing from such decision of the court to the presidium of 
the central executive committee of the union. 


Appeal, therefore, lies from a judicial organ to an executive and 
legislative organ. 


_ 47. The right to submit questions specified in section 43 to the plenary sessions 
‘of the supreme court of the union may be exercised only by the central execu- 
tive committee of the union, its presidium, the attorney general of the union, 
supreme court, the attorneys general of the constituent republics, and the politi- 
cal department of the union. 

48. The supreme court of the union, at the plenary session thereof, shall 
have jurisdiction, sitting as a trial court, in— 

(a) Criminal and civil cases of exceptional importance affecting the safety 
of two or more of the constituent republics. 

(6b) Cases of impeachment and liability of the members of the central 
executive committee of the union and the council of the people’s commissars 
of the union. 


No such cases, however, shall be tried by the supreme court of the union 
except upon a motion in each case made by the central executive committee 
of the union or the presidium thereof. 

Senator Borau. What is this central executive committee of the 
‘union? Define that a little further. 

Mr. Ketiny. The central executive committee of the federation 
or union is the committee elected at the annual Union Congress of 
Soviets. It is composed at present of 371 members. 

Senator Borau. That is one of the controlling governments 
__ Mr. Ketiry. That is the supreme authority, in a sense. It sets 
forth in the constitution that it exercises all powers of the Con- 
gress of Soviets when the Congress of Soviets is not in session. 
‘Therefore, it exercises full executive and legislative powers. 

' Senator Borau. The appeal from the Supreme Court to this 
body of which you speak would be something in the nature of an 
appeal from the Supreme Court to the Congress of the United 
‘States, would it? 

* Mr. Ketury. Yes, sir; in a sense it would. 

Senator Boran. In other words, they propose there to have 
‘what you might call a political body ultimately review a decision 
of the judicial power? 

Mr. Ketiry. Yes, sir; I mentioned this because I think a member 
of the committee asked yesterday if there were any provisions in 
the constitution relative to the organization of the courts. 


: 





78 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 


Senator Lenroor. There is one paragraph there with reference 
to the motto of the Federation, or insignia upon the flag. J have 
forgotten which. 

Mr. Keuiey. Yes. 

Senator Perrer. Before you leave the judicial system, as 1 under- 
stand it, your thought is that instead of the supremacy of the 
judiciary in judicial matters there is in this system an executive 
and/or legislative supervision. 

Mr. Kerwuury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prrrer. The ultimate determination ? 

Mr. Ketuiy. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prerrrr. And that that must be taken in connection with 
the fact that since there is by law only one political party it, in 
effect, means that the view binds the organ of that political party? 

Mr. Ketuey. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. As a matter of fact, of course, the Senator is 
correct in his logic undoubtedly, but, as a matter of fact, they do 
appeal to a governmental body from the Supreme Court. ‘That 
is all the constitution says. 

Mr. Keniry. Yes; that is the provision of the constitution. 

Senator Boran. Now suppose there was a provision in our Con- 
stitution—it has been proposed, I believe, and indorsed by very re- 
putable bodies—providing that the, decisions of the Supreme Court 
of the United States should ultimately be referred to the Congress 
of the United States when constitutional questions were involved; 
the principle would be practically the same as here, would it not? 

Mr. Keruuiey. As far as this written text is, yes, but further than 
that the analogy would not hold. 

Senator Boran. That is all we have got, is the written text. 

Mr. Ketuiry. I showed yesterday that the decisions of the central 
executive committee are really decided in the political bureau of 
the Russian Communist Party. 

Senator Boranu. We will come to that later. But I think I will 
be able to show you the class of cases they take control of are wholly 
different from those the court takes care of. 

Senator Lenroot. In reference to this supposed analogy, Mr. 
Kelley, this places in control of the political body every decision 
of the Supreme Court? | 

Mr. Keiury. Yes, sir. 

Senator Lzenroor. I did not know there was any proposition in- 
dorsed by anybody that the United States Congress should have 
control of every decision made by our Supreme Court. 
Senator Boran. No; but all constitutional questions, and I was 
simply using it as an illustration of a principle. The principle 
of Government would be the same, precisely; that is, transferring 
a judicial question to a political body, although it is limited to 
constitutional questions. But the principle of referring decisions 
of a judicial body to a political body is precisely the same as it is 
there, and in that respect I differ with both of them. a 

Senator Lenroor. Would you read that paragraph with refer- 
ence to the motto of the federation? . 

Mr. Ketizy. Article XI on page 26: 


70. The insignia of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics shall con- 
sist of a sickle and hammer mounted upon a terrestrial globe surrounded | 


| 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 79 


; 


by sheaves of grain, bearing the inscription, in the six languages mentioned 
in section 384, “ Proletarian of all countries, unite.’ The upper portion of 
the insignia shall be surmounted by a five-pointed star. 

Senator Boran. “ Proletarians of all countries, unite.” That is 
taken from Marx? 
Mr. Keutey. Yes; that is the official motto. 

Senator Borauw. And has been for the last 60 years. 

Mr. Kewuey. In conclusion, I would like to introduce, with the 
consent of the committee, in view of the fact that an article from Mr. 
Duranty has already been introduced, a quotation from an article 
by Mr. Duranty of September 6, 1923, in the New York Times 
touching upon a point which came up yesterday in regard to the 
financing of the international movement by the Russian Communist 
Party and Soviet Government. | 

The paragraph dealing with this is: 


r MOSCOW DIRECTS FOREIGN REDS. 


One thing is certain: In the last 12 months the communist parties of 
Hurope—in particular those of Germany, France, and England——have been 
brought much closer into line with Moscow. They have received clear direc- 
tions and are working together toward a definite goal. If a crisis comes, the 
effect of all this will be apparent in a fashion that may cause surprises. 

It goes without saying that the ‘ comintern’”’ spends money abroad for its 
‘work. The amount doubtless is exaggerated—indeed, the best results have 
‘been achieved in Moscow where foreign communists receive instructions and 
where chapter-and-verse examples of what to do and what to avoid are shown 
them. 

The officials of the Russian Government declare that the “ comintern’s ’” work 
and money are entirely apart from the Russian Government. But they admit 
that the Communist Party controls the Russian Government; and the ‘‘ comin- 
tern’ is simply the party’s foreign or missionary branch. The money it em- 
ploys abroad comes from Russian pockets, so that the distinction they attempt 
to make is rather Jesuitical. 


STATEMENT OF A. W. KLIEFOTH, ASSISTANT CHIEF, EASTERN 
EUROPEAN DIVISION, DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 
ie ’ 

Mr. Kurerorn. Adverting to Mr. Kelley’s opening remarks, who 
‘stated that the next large memorandum would describe the or- 
‘ganization and its affiliated branches in the United States which are 
identified in organization, in character, with the larger unit that 
has been described in Russia, and in order to bring the matter to a 
concrete illustration, I will have to use some time in describing a 
‘similar historical development of the communist unit in the United 
States as was done in Russia. ikeuioes 

A congress of the Communist League was held in London Novem- 
‘ber, 1847. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were there commis- 
‘sioned to prepare a manifesto, which is the basis for the communist 
manifesto and the Marxian teachings. It was written in German in 
1848 and printed in England. In 1851 the German police arrested 
‘a number of the officials and in 1852 they were sentenced to imprison- 
‘ment and the league was dissolved. In 1864 the International As- 
‘sociation of the Workers was established in London and became 
known as the First International. Karl Marx then prepared his 
program which was intended to develop the working class intellectu- 
ally to the point where the complete manifesto would be acceptable. 


82325—24—pT 1——6 









oF 


80 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


The Second International was established at Paris in 1889, but 
was repudiated in 1914, it being charged by the extreme radical ele- 
ment that the Second International favored the bourgeoisie at the 
outbreak of the war. . 

In 1877 Vera Zasulich shot Trepov, chief of police, St. Peters- 
burg. She was acquitted, left the country, and joined George Plek- 
hanoyv, R. Axelrod, and Leo Deutch. In 1883 they organized the 
“ group for the emancipation of labor ” to further Marxian socialism 
in Russia. In 1898 the group developed into the Russian Socialist 
Democratic Labor Party, known also as the Workmen’s Party. They 
published Iskra, which up to 1905 was printed in Switzerland. Plek- 
hanov was the leader. The party held a congress in 1903 with the 
extremists in majority. A split occurred, the majority becoming 
known as the Bolsheviki, which name they took as their party name. 

Nicholas Lenin was one of their leaders. 

After many years of agitation, through the instrumentality of 
propaganda augmented by strict party discipline, culminating in 
armed force (civil war), the provisional government of Russia was 
overthrown and there resulted an organization which styles itself the 
Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, the executives of which 
are almost entirely drawn from the Russian Communist Party. They 
are subject to the orders of the Russian Communist Party in the per- 
formance of their duties in the so-called Russian Socialist Federated 
Soviet Republic. 

Upon the formation of the Russian Communist Party and its seiz- 
ure of power communism received an impetus not only in Russia but 
throughout the entire world. 

On February 24, 1919, the Russian Communist Party issued a call 
for the assembly in Moscow of the First Congress of the Communist 
International. 

Senator Boran. What is the date of that? 

Mr. Kurerorn. February 24, 1919. 

Senator Boran. And by whom was,the call signed? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. The call was signed'®s follows: 7 

The central committee of the Russian Communist Party, Lenin and Trotski; 
the foreign bureau of Poland’s Communist Workers’ Party, Karski: the foreign 
bureau of Hungary’s Communist Party, Rudnjanski; the foreign bureau of the 
German-Austrian Communist Party, Oudo; the central committee of the Finnish 
Communist Party, Sirola. 

This call for the First Congress of the Communist International 
was released by Rosta, official telegraph agency of the Bolsheviki, 
under date of February 24, 1919. This call complete appears as Ex- 
hibit 1-A. Under the portiton referring to “Aim and tactics,” the 
following appears: 

The present is the period of destruction and crushing of the capitalistic system 
of the whole world, and it will be a catastrophe for the whole European culture 
should capitalism with all its insoluble contradictions not be done away with. 

The aim of the proletariat must now be immediately to conquer power. To 
conquer power means to destroy the governmental apparatus of the bourgeoisie 
and to organize a new proletarian governmental apparatus. 


The dictatorship of the proletariat must be the occasion for the immediate 
expropriation of capital and the elimination of the private right of owning the 


means of production, through making them common public property. * * * 


the establishment of a workmen’s government and the concentration of economic 


functions in the hands of the organs of the proletarian dictatorship are the 


most essential aims of the day. 


Riis - 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 81 


In order to protect the socialist revolution against external and internal 
enemies and to assist the fighting proletariats of other countries, it gecomes 
necessary to entirely disarm the bourgeoisie and its agents and to arm the 
‘proletariat. 

The call admits that the aims and tactics set forth have been 
worked out in accordance with the program of the Russian Com- 
munist Party. 

In one of the concluding paragraphs of the call appears the 
following statement: 

The most important method is the mass action of the proletariat, including 
armed struggle against the government power of capitalists. 

The call contains invitations to various organizations throughout 
the world to participate in the Congress of the Third International 
‘and among the organizations named were the I. W. W. of America, 
the Socialist Labor Party of America, and the left wing elements of 
the Socialist Party of America. 

In accordance with the call of the Third International, there 


assembled in Moscow in March, 1919, representatives from all com- 


munist factions throughout the entire world, resulting in the adop- 
tion of a manifesto and program which has, since that date, been 


‘the organic law of all communist parties throughout the world and 


‘which sets forth the principles and tactics to be employed by the 
communists in bringing about the revolutions within the respective 


countries of the world, culminating in a world revolution. 

The manifesto and program of the Third International that I 
referred to, of which I have a complete copy, is Exhibit No.2. This 
manifesto is addressed to the proletariats of all lands. 


MANIFESTO AND PROGRAM OF THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL. 


The following excerpts indicate a portion of the aims: 


The most important task at the present moment for the conscious and 
honorable workmen of all countries is to strengthen the soviet, to increase 
their authority, and to imitate the government apparatus of Russia. 

The working class must answer blow for blow unless it renounces itself, 
and its own future, never artificially provoking civil war. This makes neces- 
sary the simultaneous disarming of the bourgeoisie, the arming of workmen, and 
the creation of a communist army to defend the authority of the proletariat 
and the inviolability of its socialistic structure. Such is the Red Army of 
Soviet Russia, which springs up and exists as the bulwark of the working 
class against all attacks from within or without. The soviet army is insepa- 


‘rable from the soviet state. (Translation by Department of State, United 


States, from Severnaya Kommuna, official organ of the Petrograd Soviet 
of workmen and Red Army deputies. ) 

The manifesto makes specific reference to the United States of 
America, to the government of Wilson, and to the Government of 
Washington. 

The manifesto and governing rules were adopted by the congress 


‘of the Communist International at Moscow, March 2-6, 1919, and 


were signed by Rakovsky, Lenin, Zinoviev, Trotski, and Fritz 


Platten. 


The following excerpts are taken from the platform: 
Together with the expropriation of factories, mines, landed estates, etc., the 


proletariat must also put an end to the exploitation of the population by 


-eapitalistic house owners, and transfer the large houses into the hands of local 


82 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


workmen’s Soviets, and move the workmen into the apartments of the bour- 
geoisie, ete. 

The revolutionary epoch demands of the proletariat the application of such 
methods of struggle as will concentrate all its energies, first of all melting of 
mass struggle with its logical conclusions—direct conflict in open battle with 
the bourgeois governmental machinery. To this end must be subordinated 
all other means, as for example the revolutionary making use of bourgeois 
parliamentary institutions. 


The platform of the Third International closes with— 


The proletariat must defend itself at any cost. The Communist Inter- 
national calls on the entire proletariat of the world to take part in this last 
struggle. Arms against arms! Force against force! 

Down with the imperialistic conspiracy of capital! 

Long live the International Republic of Proletarian Soviets. 


The First Constitutent Congress of the Communist International 
did not draw up precise conditions of admission to the Third 
International. 

At the moment of the convocation of the first congress in the 
majority of countries only Communist currents and groups existed. 

In view of this the second world congress found it necessary to 
establish most definite conditions for the joining of new parties, 
as well as to point out to such parties as already had joined the 
Communist International the duties which are laid upon them. 

The Second Congress of the Communist International (July 17 
to August 7, 1920), ruled that the conditions for joining the Com- 
munist International should be as follows: 


1. The general propaganda and agitation should bear a really communist 
character and should correspond to the program and derisions of the Third 
International. The entire party press should be edited by reliable communists 
who have proved their loyalty to the cause of the proletarian revolution. 
The dictatorship of the proletariat should not be spoken of simply as a cur- 
rent hackneyed formula; it should be advocated in such a way that its neces- 
sity should be apparent to every rank and file workingman and working 
woman, to each soldier and peasant, and should emanate from every-day facts, 
Systematically recorded by our press day by day. 

All periodical and other publications, as well as all party publications and 
editions, are subject to the control of the presidium of the party, independ- 
ently of whether the party is legal or illegal. It should in no way be per- 
mitted that the publishers abuse their autonomy and carry on a policy not 
fully corresponding to the policy of the party. 

Wherever the followers of the Third International have access, and what- 
ever means of propaganda are at their disposal, whether the columns of 
newspapers, popular meetings, labor unions, or co-operatives—it is indispensable 
for them not only to denounce the bourgeoisie. but also its assistants and 
agents—reformists of every color and shade. 

2. Every organization desiring to join the Communist international shall 
be bound systematically and regularly to remove from all the responsible 
posts in the labor movement (party organization, editorship, labor unions, 
parliamentary, factions, co-operatives, municipalities, ete.) all reformists 
and followers of the “centre,” and to have them replaced by communists, 
even at the cost of replacing at the beginning “ experienced” opportunists by 
rank-and-file workingmen, 

0. The class struggle in almost every country of Europe and Amerie; is) 
entering the phase of civil war. Under such conditions the Communists can 
have no confidence in bourgeois laws. They should create everywhere a 
parallel illegal apparatus, and at the decisive moment should be of. 
assistance to the party to do its duty toward the revolution. In every. 
country where, in consequence of martial law or of other exceptional laws, 
the communists are unable to carry on their work legally, a combination of. 
legal and illegal work is absolutely necessary. ‘i 

4. Persistent and systematic propaganda and agitation must be carried 
on in the army, where communist groups should be formed in every military | 


: 
| 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 83 
organization. Wherever owing to repressive legislation agitation becomes 
impossible it is necessary to carry on such agitation illegally. But refusal 
to carry on or participate in such work should be considered equal to treason 
‘to the revolutionary cause, and incompatible with affiliation to the Third 
Siiternational. 

_ 5. A systematic and regular propaganda is necessary in the rural districts. 
The working class can gain no victory ualess it possesses the sympathy and 
suppor of at least part of the rural workers and of the poor peasants, and 
unless other sections of the population are equally utilized. Communist work 
in the rural districts is acquiring a predominant importance during the pres~ 
ent period. It should be carried on throug?. communist workmen of both 
city and country who have connections with the rural districts. To refuse 
to do this work, or to transfer such work to untrustworthy half reformists 
is equal to renouncing the proletarian revolution. 

_ 6. Every party desirous of affiliating to the Third International should 
renounce not only avowed social patriotism, but also the falsehood and the 
hhypocrisy of social pacifism: It should systematically demonstrate to the 
workers that without a revolutionary overthrow of capitalism no international 
arbitration, no talk of disarmament, no democratic reorganization of the 
League of Nations will be capable of saving mankind from new imperialist 
‘wars. 

| 7. Parties desirous of pointing the Communist International must recognize 
‘the necessity of a complete and absolute rupture with reformism and the policy 
of the “ centrists,” and must advocate this rupture among the widest circles 
of the party membership, without which condition a consistent communist 
policy is impossible. The Communist International demands unconditionally 
and peremptorily that such rupture be brought about with the least possible 
‘delay. The Communist International can not reconcile itself to the fact that 
such avowed reformists as for instance Turatti, Modigliani, Kautsky, Hilfedding, 
Hillgquit, Lonquet, Macdonald and others should be entitled to consider them- 
selves members of the Third International. This would make the Third In- 
ternational resemble the Second International. 

8. In the colonial question and that of the oppressed nationalities, there is 
necessary an especially distinct and clear line of conduct of the parties of 
countries where the bourgeoisie possesses such colonies or oppresses other na- 
tionalities. Every party desirous of belonging to the Third International should 
be bound to denounce without any reserve all the methods of ‘“‘its own” im- 
perialists in the colonies. supporting not in words only but practically a move- 
ment of liberation in the colonies. It should demand the expulsion of its own 
imperialists from such colonies, and cultivate among the workmen of its own 
country a truly fraternal attitude towards the working population of the 
colonies and oppressed nationalities, and carry on a systematic agitation in its 
own army against every kind of oppression of the colonial population. 

9. Every party desirous of belonging to the Communist International should 
be bound to carry on systematic and persistent communist work in the labor 
unions, co-operatives, and other organizations of working masses. It is neces- 
sary to form communist nuclei within these organizations, which by persistent 
and lasting work should win over labor unions to communism. These nuclei 
should constantly denounce the treachery of the social patriots and of the fluc- 
tuations of the “centre.” These communist nuclei should be completely sub- 
ordinated to the party in general. 

10. Any party belonging to the Communist International is bound to carry 
on a stubborn struggle against the Amsterdam ‘“ International” of the yellow 
labor unions. It should propagate insistently amongst the organized workers 
the necessity of a rupture with the yellow Amsterdam International, It should 
support by all means in its power the International Unification of Red Labor 
Unions joining to the Communist International. 

11. Parties desirous of joining the Third International shall be bound to 
inspect the personnel of their parliamentary factions, to remove all unre- 

liable elements therefrom, to control such factions, not only verbally but in 
reality, to subordinate them to the central committee of the party, and to 
demand from each communist representative in parliament to subject his 
entire activity to the interests of real revolutionary propaganda and agitation. 

12. All the parties belonging to the Communist International should be 
formed on the basis of the principle of democratic centralization. At the 
present time of acute civil war the Communist Party will only be able fully 
to do its duty when it is organized in a sufficiently centralized manner; when 


84 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


it possesses an iron discipline, and when its party center enjoys the confidence 
of the party membership and is endowed with complete power, authority, and 
ample rights. 

13. The communist parties of those countries where the communist activity 
is legal should clean out their members from time to time, as well as those 
of the party organization, in order to systematically free the party from the 
petty bourgeois elements which penetrate into it. 

14. Each party desirous of affiliating to the Communist International 
‘should be obliged to render every possible assistance to the Soviet Republics 
in their struggle against all counter-revolutionary forces. The Communist 
parties should carry on a precise and definite propaganda to induce the 
workers to refuse to transport any kind of military equipment intended for 
fighting against the Soviet Republics, and should also by legal or illegal 
means carry on a propaganda amongst the workers’ republics, ete. 

15. All those parties which up to the present moment have stood upon the 
old social democratic programs should within the shortest possible time draw 
up a new communist program, in conformity with the special conditions of 
their country, and in accordance with the resolutions of the Communist 
International. As a rule the program of each party belonging to the Com- 
munist International should be confirmed by the next Congress of the Com- 


munist International or its executive committee. In the event of the failure 


of the program of any party being confirmed by the executive committee of 


the Communist International, the said party shall be entitled to appeal to 


the Congress of the Communist International. 

16. All the resolutions of the congresses of the Communist International, 
as. well as the resolutions of the executive committee are binding for all 
parties joining the Communist International. The Communist International, 
operating under the conditions of most acute civil warfare, should be central- 
ized in a better manner than the Second International. At the same time, 
the Communist International and the executive committee are naturally bound 


in every form of their activity to consider the variety of conditions under 


which the different parties have to work and struggle, and generally binding 
resolutions should be passed only on such questions upon which such reso- 
lutions are possible. 

17. In connection with the above, all parties desiring to join the Communist 
International should alter their names. Each party desirous of joining the 
Communist International should bear the following name. Communist Party 
of such and such a country, section of the Third Communist International. 
The question of the party name is not only a format one but is a political 
question of great importance. The Communist International has declared 
a decisive war against the entire bourgeois world, and all the yellow Social 
Democratic parties. It is indispensable that every rank-and-file worker should 
be able clearly to distinguish between the Communist Parties and the old 
official ‘‘ Social-Democratic” or ‘ Socialist”? Parties, which have betrayed 
the cause of the working class. 

18. All the leading organs of the press of every party are bound to publish 
all the most important documents of the Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist International . 

19. All parties which have joined the Communist International, as well 
as those which have expressed a desire to do so are obliged in as short a 
space of time as possible, and in no ease later than four months after the 
second Congress of the Communist International to convene an Extraordinary 
Congress in order to discuss these conditions. In addition to this, the Central 
Committees of these parties should take care to acquaint all its local or- 
ganizations with the regulations of the Second Congress. 

20. All those parties which at the present time are willing to join the 
Third International, but have so far not changed their tactics in any radical 
manner, should, prior to their joining the Third International, take care that 
not less than two-thirds of their committee members and of all their central 


institutions should be composed of comrades who have made an open and 


definite declaration prior to the convening of the Second Congress as to 
their desire that the party should affiliate to (with) the Third International. 
Exceptions are permitted only with the consent of the executive committee 
of the Third International. The executive committee of the Communist 


International has the right to make an exception also for the representatives 


of the “center” as mentioned in paragraph 7. 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 85 


21. Those members of the party who reject in principle the conditions and 


the theses of the Third International, are liable to be excluded from the 
party. 


This applies also to the delegates at the special congressess of the party. 
That both the manifesto and the platform of the Third Interna- 


‘tional contemplate the use of force and violence in accomplishing 


the world revolution is shown not alone by the above but in the 
resolutions, theses, statutes and edicts of the various congresses 
of the Third International. Page 4 of the Theses and Statutes 
announced that the Communist International (second congress 
July 17 to August 7, 1920)— 


makes its aim to put up an armed struggle for the overthrow of the inter- 


national bourgeoisie and to create an international Soviet Republic as a 


transition stage to the complete abolition of the State. 


On page 36 of the Theses and Statutes, we find the following 


definite statement (second congress July 17 to August 7, 1920) : 


The working class can not achieve victory from the bourgeoisie by means 
of a general strike alone and by the policy of folded arms. The proletariat 
must resort to an armed uprising. 


Again on page 30 of the Theses and Statutes, in showing the 


distinction between the Communist International and the Socialist 
Democratic Parties, it is stated (third congress, June 22 to July 


! 


12, 1921): 


Communists are trying to take advantage of all means and methods for 
the purpose of overthrowing and destroying the capitalist government and 
establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. 


Again, on page 61 of the Theses and Revolutions, an instruction 
appears to conduct propaganda to convince the proletariat that: 
every economic or political conflict (third congress, June 22 to 
July 12, 1921)— 


given the necessary combination of circumstances, may develop into civil 
war, in the course of which it will become the task of the proletariat to 
conquer the power of the State. 


This almost immediately follows a reference to the United States 
of America, which appears on page 60 of the Theses and Resolu- 
tions in the following words (third congress, June 22 to July 12, 
1921): 


The organizations of strike breakers and ecut-throats, which are the old 
time embellishment of the American democracy, have now acquired a leading 
organ in the so-called American Legion, made up of the flotsam and jetsam 
of the war. 


On page 47 of the Theses and Statutes the following appears: 


The elementary means of the struggle of the proletariat against the rule 
of the bourgeoisie is first of all methods of mass demonstrations. Such 
mass demonstrations are prepared and carried out by the organized masses 
of the proletariat under the direction of a united, disciplined, and centralized 
Communist Party. 

“Civil war is war.’ * * * The mass struggle means a whole system 
of developed demonstrations, growing ever more acute in form, and logically 
leading to an uprising against the capitalist order of government. In this 
warfare of masses, developing into a civil war, the guiding party of the pro- 
letariat must, as a general rule, secure every and all lawful positions, making 
them its auxiliaries in the revolutionary work and subordinating such positions 
to the plans of the general campaign, that of mass struggle. 


86 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


From page 5 of the printed report of the fourth congress of 
the Communist International covering the first session, Zinoviev 
concludes his opening address with the statement (fourth congress, 
November 7 to December 3, 1922): 


We shall witness the world shaken by numberless revolts and tens, nay 
hundreds, of millions of oppressed people, rising against imperialism. Long 
live the international revolution ! 


Immediately following this Zinoviev read a telegram from Lenin, 
which closed: 


The soviet power in Russia is celebrating its fifth anniversary. It is 
more firmly established than ever. The civil war has come to an end and 
we can already see the first signs of the economic revival. It is Soviet 
Russia’s greatest pride to be able to help the world proletariat in the difficult 
task of overthrowing capitalism. The victory will be ours. Long live the 
Communist International ! 

(Signed) V. ULIANov-LENIN. 


(From official printed report published for the Communist International 


by the Communist Party of Great Britan, p. 6, 1922. ) 


On page 14 of the same official printed report Zinoviey is quoted 
as follows: 


You are aware that we have been accused of using the International as a 
weapon of the Russian Soviet Republic. There are even some “friends” who 
make this assertion. It is, of course, self-evident that there is and there ought 
and must be an interaction between the first proletarian republic and the 
Communist Party which is fighting against the bourgeoisie. From our com- 
munist viewpoint it is perfectly clear that the Communist International is of 
the greatest importance for Soviet Russia, and vice versa. It is utterly ridicu- 
lous to ask who is the exploited, who the subject and who the object. The re- 
public and the international are as the foundation and the roof of a building ; 
they belong to each other, 


The Worker, official organ published by the Central Executive 
Committee of the Workers Party of America (communist), touches 
upon this subject editorially in the issue of August 11, 1923. The 
executive secretary of the Worker’s Party, who also is responsible 
for the editorial policy of the paper, is Charles E. Ruthenberg, and 
the managing editor is J. Louis Engdahl. The following is quoted 
from this editorial: 


Of course, the old party statesmen who go to Russia like to talk much of the 
disappearance of communist aims and Bolshevist taint from soviet rule. All 
of which is utter nonsense. Soviet Russia is more firmly rooted to-day than 
ever before in her struggle for the world social revolution. 


It is very interesting to note that at this same congress Lenin 
stated (fourth congress, November 7 to December 3, 1922)’: 


I am confident that in the sense we have to say not only for the Russians 


but for foreigners as well that the most important thing for us all in the period: 


now opening is to learn. * * * If you do this, I am confident that the prospects 
for the world revolution are not merely favorable but splendid. 


Page 119. official printed report published fcr the Communist In-_ 


ternational py the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1922. 

As showing the aims of the Third International toward world 
revolution, reference is made to the resolution on the Russian revo- 
Intion as published in the Resolutions and Theses of the fourth 
congress of the Communist International, November 7 to December 


t 


¢ 


BY 


ee ae ee 


—— 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 87 
8, 1922, published for the Communist International by the Com- 
munist Party of Great Britain: 


The fourth world congress reminds the proletarians of all countries that 
the proletarian revolution can never be completely victorious within one 


single country, but that it must win the victory internationally, as the world 


revolution. The work and struggle of soviet Russia for its existence and 
for the achievement of the revolution, is the struggle for the emancipation 
of the proletarians, the oppressed and exploited of the whole world from 
Slavery and servitude. The Russian proletarians have done more than their 
duty as the revolutionary pioneers of the world proletariat. The world 
proletariat must at last do its share. In all countries, the workers, the dis- 
inherited and the enslaved, must show morally, economically, and politically, 
the most active solidarity with soviet Russia. Their own interest, and not 
only international Solidarity, demand that they shoudl engage for this purpose 


in the most energetic struggle against the bourgeoisie and the capitalist 


state. In all countries their watchword must be “hands off soviet Russia.” 
“De Jure” recognition of soviet Russia! 
Universal active support for the economic reconstruction of soviet Russia. 
The consolidation of soviet Russia means the weakening of the world 


} bourgeoisie. The 5 years’ existence of soviet Russia is the greatest blow which 
world capitalism has yet received, and which it can not overcome. 


The fourth world congress calls upon the proletarians of the as yet 
capitalist countries, inspired by the example of soviet Russia, to strike a 
death-blow against capitalism and to do their utmost for the world revolution. 


Page 22, resolutions and theses of the fourth congress of the com- 
‘munist international, 1922. 


Further with regard to the use of force and violence and armed 


uprising, the following excerpts are taken from the Program of the 
Communists, by Bukharin (May, 1918) : 


A thoughtful survey of the position reveals to us that Russia is the only 
country in which the proletariat has yet overthrown the bourgeois state.’ The 
rest of the world is still possessed by the capitalist exploiters. Soviet Russia 
with her workers’ and peasants’ government, is like a tiny island in the 
stormy ocean of capitalism. Should the victory of the Russian workers be 
followed by the victory of the German and Austrian workers there would 
still remain the other great robber states of capitalism. Should the entire 
capitalism of EKurope give way under the hammer stroke of the working class, 
there would still remain the capitalism of Asia, headed by the robbers of 
Japan, and the capitalism of America, headed by the enormous robbers’ 
league named the United States of America. 

These capitalist states will not surrender their position without a struggle. 
They will fight desparately in order to prevent the proletariat from securing 
world power. The greater the onrush of the proletariat the more precarious 
becomes the position of capitalism, the more must it strain every muscle in 
its fight against the workers. 

When the proletariat has been victorious in one, two, or three countries, it 
will come into unavoidable collision with the capitalist world still remaining, 
which will endeavor to crush, with blood and iron, the attempt of the workers 
to liberate themselves. Therefore, even after the revolution we must under- 
stand that there will be, in some countries, a transition period between capi- 
talism and communism, in which the workers will be faced by a hard struggle 
against their enemies, both at home and abroad. 

For this struggle it is necessary to have a rigid, widespread, and firmly 


_welded organization completely equipped for the struggle. The proletarian 


State, the workers’ government, provides this organization. Like every other 


State, that of the working class is an organization of the ruling class. In this 


ease the ruling class is the working class, and its organization is at once a 
defense against capitalism and the means which will finally destroy it. (Pro- 


gram of Communists, Bukharin, p. 17.) 


Also the following taken from pages 60-61 of the Theses and 


Resolutions (third congress June 22 to July 12, 1921): 


In the struggle of the proletariat against the capitalist offensive it is the duty 
of the communists not only to take the advanced posts and lead those engaged 


88 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


in the struggle to a complete understanding of the fundamental revolutionary 
tasks, but it is also their duty, relying upon the best and most active ele- 
ments among the workers, to create their own workers legions and militant 
organizations which would resist the pacifists and teach the “ golden youth” 
of the bourgeoise a wholesome lesson that will break them of the strike-break- 
ing habit. 

In view of the extraordinary importance of the counterrevolutionary shock 
troops, the Communist Party must, through its nuclei in the unions, devote 
special attention to this question, organizing a thoroughgoing educational and 
communication service which shall keep under constant observation the mili- 
tary organs and forces of the enemy, his headquarters, his arsenals, the con- 
nection between these headquarters and the police, the press, and the political 
parties and work out all the necessary details of defense and counterattack. 

The Communist Party must in this manner convince the widest circles 
of the proletariat by work and deed that every economie or political conflict 
given the necessary combination of circumstances, may develop into civil 
war, in the course of which it will become the task of the proletariat to con- 
quer the power of the State. (Theses and Resolutions, pp. 60-61, 1921.) 

The theory of the strengthening of communism solely by propaganda and 
agitation and by the organization of separate communist trade-unions had 
met with complete failure. Nowhere has a communist party of any influence 
arisen in this way. (Theses and Resolutions, p. 40, Third Congress, June 22 
to July 12, 1921.) 


The matter of violence also is covered on pages 112, 118, and 114 
of the Theses and Resolutions of the third world congress, June- 


July, 1921: 


The formation of our fighting organization in the pre-revolutionary period 
must depend principally on the general Communist Party work. ‘The entire 
party must be made into a fighting organization for the revolution. 

Therefore our general party work must be apportioned in a manner which 
would insure, even in the prerevolutionary period, the foundation and consoli- 
dation of a fighting organization commensurate with the needs of the revolution. 
* * * The formation of a regular Red Army is, as yet, out of the question. 
We must conquer without a previously organized army—through the masses 
under the leadership of the party. For this reason, even the most heroic effort 
would not succeed should our party not be well prepared and organized for 
such an eventuality. * * #* 

The communist organizer must look upon every member of the party and every 
revolutionary worker as a prospective soldier in the future revolutionary army. 
For this reason he must allot him a place in the party which will fit him for 
his future rdle. * * * (Theses and Resolutions, pp. 112, 113, 114, 1921.) 


As to the participation of the army of Soviet Russia, reference is 
made to an article written in May, 1918, by Bukharin. See his Pro- 
gram of the Communists, page 73: 


This period is over for Russia. The revolution of the workers has conquered. 
The period of disorganization has receded into the past. Before us Jies the 
period of the creation of the new. A Red Army is being formed—not for robbery, 
but for the defense of socialism; not for the defense of the fatherland of the 
usurers, where the capitalists and the estate holders had everything under their 
control, but for the defense of the socialistic fatherland, where everything is 
transferred into the hands of the workers; not in order to parcel out foreign 
countries, but to aid the international communistie revolution. (Program of the 
Communists, p. 73.) 

It is obvious that this army will be built up on different foundations than the 
old one was. The Red Army, let us say, must be the armed people against the 
disarmed bourgeoisie. It must be the class army of the proletariat and of the 
poor peasants. It is essentially directed against the bourgeoisie of the entire 
world; among them also their own bourgeoisie. For this reason it must con- 
tain no bourgeois element * * *. Not to arm the bourgeoisie, but to disarm 
them ; to take the last Browning away from them, that is our duty. 

The second, and not less important, duty is the training of the proletarian 
officers’ corps. The working class must defend itself from the enemies which are 
storming upon it from all sides. * * * And just as during the revolution 
the more experienced and more active working class led the poor peasants, just 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 89 
‘so in the war against the imperialist atrocity perpetrators the worker-officers 
will lead the mass of the Red Army composed of peasants. 
- The Red Army must be created on the foundation of universal military train- 
ing of the workers and the poor peasants. * * * EHvery worker and every 
peasant must be drilled, and it is his duty to learn how to use a weapon. * * * 

One of the best means for maintaining the connection with the masses, besides 
those already mentioned—lectures, political meetings, etc.—is the utilization of 
the soldiers of the Red Army for the continual training of the workers in shoot- 
ing with guns, machine guns, ete. * * * In this way the armed people, the armed 
proletariat, and the armed poor peasants, which guard the workers’ revolution, 
will be formed. (Program of the Communists, pp. 73, 74, 75.) 

The program of the Communist Party is not only a program for the libera- 
tion of the proletariat of one country—it is a program for the liberation of the 
“peoples of the entire world, for it is their program of the international revolu- 
‘tion. * * *. We adopt the method of supporting the international revolution 
.of the whole world, the method of supporting uprisings in the colonies of these 
countries. * * * Overthrow of the imperialist governments by armed up- 
rising an organization of an international republic of the soviets—that is the 
way to the international dictatorship of the working class. * * * The better 
we are organized, the stronger the armed troops of the workers and peasants 
“are, the mightier the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia is, so much the 
-quicker will the international revolution develop. 

* * * Sooner or later the International Soviet Republic will be created. 

(Program of Communists, pp. 75, 76, 77, and 78.) 


The following interesting excerpt is taken from a proclamation 
issued for May Day, 1919, by the executive committee of the Com- 
“munist International and published in Volume I of their official 
-organ. The Communist International, page 26: 


French, English, American, Italian, Serbian, Roumanian, and Polish work- 
men and soldiers! Turn your bayonets against your own bourgeoisie! Your 
enemy is in your own country. Attack your own bourgeois governments from 
the rear. Force them to abandon every attempt of sending you over to Russia 
or Hungary to throttle and assassinate the Russian and the Hungarian revolu- 
tion. (The Communist International, p. 26.) 

Our Mottoes: 

Long live the world-wide dictatorship of the proletariat. 

All to the defense of the soviet republics in Russia, Hungary, and Bavaria. 

Long live the International Red Army. 

Long live the Third International. 

Long live communism. 

Long live the communistic first of May. 

Let innumerable battalions of the proletarian army parade the streets of all 
Eureopean capitals on the 1st of May, 1919. Let all toilers, wherever they live 
and struggle, come out into the streets on the first day of May, 1919. Let 
every city and every village celebrate the first day of May 1919 by an impos- 
ing demonstration. Let the motto: ‘“ Down with capital Long live com- 
munism.” reverberate throughout the world. 

Let the working men of all countries stubbornly cling to the rifles which the 
bourgeoisie had against their will pressed into their hands in 1914. ‘Arms 
for the workmen, no arms for the bourgeoisie.” such is the watchword of the 
day. 

The battles that have heretofore taken place in various countries are noth- 
ing but skirmishes between the outposts of labor and capital. The great de- 
cisive battle is still impending. Europe is vibrating with the hum of voices of 
indignant proletarians who are longing to rush into battle. Subterranean dis- 
turbances are being felt at various points of our planet. Thunder and tem- 
pest, blood and ‘ears, hunger and illimitable suffering, attend the birth of the 
new world, the glorious communistic world, a world of universal brotherhood 
between toilers. 

The Great Communist International was born in 1919. The great interna- 
tional soviet republic will be born in 1920. (The Communist Internation, p. 28.) 


So far under this subject this paper has covered excerpts from 
- Manifesto, Program, Theses, Statutes, and Resolutions of the Third 


90 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


International together with the defense of its leaders. The re- 
mainder of this report will prove that the Third International, in 
its plan for forcible overthrow of all governments other than Soviet 
in form, includes the United States of America, and that the com- 
munist organizations in this country obtain their inspiration, direc- 
tion, and support from the Third International. 

In order that there may be a very full understanding of the irom 
discipline maintained in every Communist Party, the following quo- 
tation is taken from the Theses and Constitution of the Third In- 
ternational, pages 5, 6, and 7, which were adopted at the session of 
the Third International held in Moscow in 1921. This quotation, 
being as it is the enunciation of the governing body of communism 
as it now exists in the world, is particularly interesting and sig- 
nificant: 


The Communist International is aware that for the purpose of a speedy 
achievement of victory the International Association of Workers, which is 
struggling for the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of communism, 
should possess a firm and centralized organization. To all intents and pur- 
poses the Communist International should represent a Single universal Com- 
munist Party, of which the parties operating in every country from individual 
sections. The organized apparatus of the Communist International is to se- 
cure the toiler of every country the possibility at any given moment of obtain- 
ing the maximum of aid from the organized workers of the other countries. 

For this purpose the Communist International confirms the following items. 
of its statutes: 

1. The new International Association of Workers is established for the pur- 
pose of organizing common activity of the workers of various countries who 
are striving toward a single aim; the overthrow of capitalism; the establish- 
ment of the dictatorship of the proletarian and of the International Soviet Re- 
public ; the complete abolition of classes, and the realization of socialism—the 
first stop of communist society. 

2. The new International Association of Workers has been given the name 
of the Communist International. 

3. All the parties and organizations comprising the Communist International 
bear the name of the Communist Party of the given country (section of the 
Communist International). 

4. The World Congress of all parties and organizations which form part of 
the Communist International is the supreme organ of this international. The 
world congress confirms the programs of the various parties comprising 
the Communist International. The world congress discusses and decides the 
more important questions of program and tactics, which are connected with 
the activity of the Communist International. The number of decisive votes. 
at the world congress for every party and organization is determined by a 
special regulation of the congress; it is found necessary to strive for a speedy 
establishment of a standard of representation on the basis of the actual num- 
ber of the members of the organization and the real influence of the party in 
question, 

5. The World Congress elects an executive committee of the Communist 
International which serves as the leading organ of the Communist Interna- 
tional in the interval between the convention of World Congresses and is 
responsible to the World Congress only. 

6. The residence of the executive committee of the Communist International | 
is every time decided at the World Congress of the Communist International. 

7. A special world congress of the Communist International may be con- 
vened by regulation of the executive committee or at the demand of one-half — 
of the number of the parties which were part of the Communist International 
at the last World Congress. 

8. The chief bulk of the work and greatest responsibility in the executive 
committee of the Communist International lie with the party of the country — 
where, in keeping with the regulation of the World Congress, the executive 
committee finds its residence at the time. The party of the country in ques- — 
tion sends to the executive committee not less than five members with a de- | 
cisive vote. In addition to this, one representative with a decisive vote 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 91 


‘3s sent to the Communist International from 10 or 12 of the largest com- 
“munist parties. The list of these representatives is to be confirmed by the 
‘Universal Congress of the Communist International. The remaining parties 
“and organizations forming part of the Communist International enjoy the 
right of sending to the executive committee one representative each with a 
-consulative vote. 

9. The executive committee is the leading organ of the Communist Inter- 
national between the conventions: The executive committee publishes in no 
Tess than four languages the contral organ of the Communist International 
(the periodical The Communist International). The executive committee 
makes the necessary appeals on behalf of the Communist International, and 
issues instructions obligatory on all the parties and organizations which form 
part of the Communist International. The executive committee of the Com- 
/munist International enjoys the right to demand from the affiliated parties 
“the exclusion of groups of members who are guilty of the infringements of 
international proletarian discipline, as well as the exclusion from the Com- 
-munist International of parties guilty of the infringement of the regulations 
of the World Congress. In the event of necessity the executive committee 
organize in various countries its techinical and auxiliary bureaus which are 
entirely under the control of the executive committee. 

10. The executive committee of the Communist International enjoys the 
right to include in its rank representatives of organizations and parties not 
aecepted in the Communist International but which sympathize toward com- 
-munism; these are to have a consulative vote only. 

: 11. The organs of all the parties and organizations forming part of the 
- Communist International as well as of those which are recognized sympathi- 
_zers of the Communist International, are obliged to publish all official regula- 
tions of the Communist International and of its executive committee. 

12. The general state of things in the whole of Europe and of America 
makes necessary for the communists of the whole world an obligatory forma- 
tion of illegal communist organizations along with those existing legally. 
The executive committee should take charge of the universal application of 
this rule. 

13. All the most important political relations between the individual parties 
forming part of the Communist International will generally be carried on 
through the medium of the executive committee of the Communist Interna- 
tional. In eases of exigency direct relations will be established, with the 
provision, however, that the executive committee of the Communist Interna- 
tional shall be informed of them at the same time. 


In 1890, the Socialist Labor Party of the United States was 
founded. A split occurred in 1899. From 1907 to 1912 there were 
numerous disputes in the Socialist Party of America, resulting’ in 
a definite split in 1912. In 1916 a number of the extremists organ- 
ized the Socialist Propaganda League at Boston and issued a news- 
paper known as The New International. In April, 1917, The Class 
Struggle appeared. During 1917 and 1918 the radical elements of 

the Socialist Party continued activities contrary to the platform 
and in November 1918 a communist propaganda league was formed 
in Chicago. During the same year the Boston branch of the Social- 
ist Party began the publication of The Revolutionary Age. 

Senator Boran. In 1917, you say the Communist Party was or- 
ganized definitely at Boston? 

Mr. Kurerorn. No, sir; in 1916. A number of the extremists 
organized the Socialist Propaganda League at Boston and issued 
‘a newspaper known as The New International. 

Senator Boran. Now, your next date? 

Mr. Kuirerorn. In 1917 and 1918 the radical elements of the So- 
cialist Party continued activities contrary to the platform, and in 
November, 1918, a Communist Propaganda League was formed in 

— Chicago. 


92 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Borau. What did this radical element call themselves? 
Did they pass under any name? 

Mr. Kurerors. No particular name. 

Senator Boran. Who were among the leaders of this radical ele- 
ment ? 

Mr. Kurerora. I have the names in a later section. I have 
them also in a section in which I show the officials that appeared 
in these organizations in those years are the same in the present 

ear. 

4 Senator Boran. This was a split or division in the Socialist 
Party ? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. And the radical element you are now speak- 
ing of? 

Mr. Kurrroru. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. The other was a conservative element. 

Mr. Kurmroru. During November, 1918, the Boston branch of the 
Socialist Party began the publication of Revolutionary Age, which 
advocated communist tactics. All of these activities resulted in a 
formation in New York City in February, 1919, of a left-wing sec- 
tion of the Socialist Party, the program of which was adopted by 
many of the locals of the Socialist Party and all of the Slavic fed- 
erations of the party joined. The Socialist Party of America ex- 
pelled every branch and every local which adopted the left-wing 
manifesto and program, in all approximately 40,000 members. In 
June, 1919, a national left-wing conference was held in New York 
for the purpose of organizing a new party, which effort was de- 
feated and 31 of the delegates withdrew. These delegates issued a 
call for a convention on September 1, 1919, to organize a communist 
party. 

In August, 1919, at Detroit, Mich., there was held a Rusian con- 
vention, designated “The convention of the Russian socialist feder- 
ations in America, or the fifth regular convention of federations of 
Russian branches of the Communist Party of America.” This fed- 
eration has grown from 450 members in 1917 to 123 branches with 
over 9,000 members in 1919. The convention adopted a_resolu- 
tion of greeting to the communist convention which was to be held 
in Chicago in September, 1919. 

In March of 1919 the Communist Party of Russia had issued a 
call for an international congress to organize a new international. 
The left-wing section of New York City transmitted credentials to 
S. J. Rutgers to present it at the congress. 

The first convention of the Communist Party of America was held 
September 1, 1919, at Chicago with 140 delegates, supposedly rep- 
resenting 58,000 members. There was organized simultaneously the 
Communist Labor Party, supposedly with about 10,000 members. 
The faction which formed the Communist Party of Ame>- 
ica was headed by C. E. Ruthenberg, I. E. Ferguson, Louis C. 
Fraina, Alexander Stocklitky, John Ballan, Jay Lovestone, Dennis 
Batt, and Rose Pastor Stokes. Prominent in the organization of the 
Communist Labor Party at that time were John Reed, Marguerite 
Prevey, Ludwig Lore, James P. Cannon, Charles Baker, Charles’ 
Krumbein, and Max Bedacht. | 






| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 93 


| These names are given here in order to show the continued con- 
‘aection of the individuals with the communist movement from its 
|mception down to the present day, even into what is known as the 
|Workers’ Party. 

' At the convention held in Chicago in the summer of 1919, a mani- 
festo and program was drawn up and adopted by the Communist 
Party of America, an examination of which is necessary as it was 
the first manifesto and program of this character that had been 
adopted in the United States and which for the first time alined 
the communist movement in this country with the Third Interna- 
tional. 

The manifesto and program of the Communist Party of America 
‘I have as a separate Exhibit No. 9. I do not know whether you 
care to have any parts of it read. 

' Senator Lenroor. Are the excerpts long? 
Mr. Kutrerorn. I can omit those that are long. 
' Senator Boran. Just give us enough to give an idea. 
Mr. Kurerorn. Under the subject “ Political action,” it is stated: 


- Communism does not propose to “capture” the bourgeoise parliamentary 
state, but to conquer and destroy it. As long as the bourgeoise state prevails, 
the capitalist class can baffle the will of the proletariat. 


* * * * * * * 


The conquest of the power of the state is accomplished by the mass power 
of the proletariat. Political mass strikes are a vital factor in developing this 
mass power, preparing the working class for the conquest of capitalism. The 
power of the proletariat lies fundamentally in its control of the industrial 
process. The mobilizing of this control against capitalism means the initial 
form of the revolutionary mass action that will conquer the power of the 
state. 


Under the title “ Unionism and mass action,” the following ap- 
pears: 


Mass action is industrial in its origin, but it requires political character as 
it develops fuller forms. Mass action, in the form of general political strikes 
and demonstrations, unites the energy and forces of the proletariat, brings 
proletarian mass pressure upon the bourgeoise State. The more general and 
conscious mass action becomes, the more it antagonizes the bourgeoise state, 
the more it becomes political mass action. Mass action is responsive to life 
itself, the form of aggressive proletarian struggle under imperialism. Out of 
this struggle develops revolutionary mass action, the means for the proletarian 
conquest of power 
* * * Tt will be necessary to rally the workers, organized and unorganized, 
by means of revolutionary mass atcion. 

Under the subject “ Dictatorship of the proletariat,” the follow- 
Ing appears: 

The proletarian revolution comes at the moment of crisis in capitalism, of 
a collapse of the old order. Under the impulse of the crisis the proletariat 
acts for the conquest of power by means of mass action. Mass action con- 
centrates and mobilizes the forces of the proletariat, organized and unor- 
ganized; it acts equally against the bourgeoise state and the conservative or- 
ganizations of the working class. Strikes of protest develop into general 
political strikes and then into revolutionary mass action for the conquest of 
the power of the state. Mass action becomes political in purpose while 
extraparliamentary in form; it is equally a process of revolution and the revo- 
lution itself in operation. 

The State is an organ of coercion. 


94 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Under the title “The program of the party,” the following ap- 
pears: | 


The Communist Party is the conscious expression of the class struggle of the 
workers against capitalism. Its aim is to direct this struggle to the conquest 
of political power, the overthrow of capitalism, and the destruction of the 
bourgeois state. 

The Communist Party prepares itself for the revolution in the measure that 
it develops a program of immediate action, expressing the mass struggles of 
the proletariat. These struggles must be inspired with revolutionary spirit 
and purposes. 

The Communist Party is fundamentally a party of action. It brings to the 
workers a consciousness of their oppression, of the impossibility of improving 
their condition under capitalism. The Communist Party directs the workers’ 
struggle against capitalisin, developing fuller forms and purposes in this 
Struggle, culminating in the mass action of the revolution. 

The Communist Party maintains that the class struggle is essentially a po- 
litical struggle; that is, a struggle to conquer the power of the state. 

(a) The Communist Party shall keep in the foreground its consistent appeal 
for proletarian revolution, the overthrow of capitalism, and the establishment 
of a dictatorship of the proletariat. 

(b) Participation in parlimentary compaigns, which in the general struggle 
of the proletariat is of secondary importance, is for the purpose of revolu- 
tionary propaganda only. 

Bo * * * * us % 


(d) Nominations for public office and participation in elections are limited 


to legislative bodies only, such as municipal councils, State legislatures, and 
the national congress. 


* % ‘k * * ** % 


(a) The Communist Party shall participate in mass strikes, not only to 


achieve the immediate purposes of the strike, but to develop the revolutionary 
implications of the mass strike. . 


(b) Mass strikes are vital factors in the process out of which develops the 
workers’ understanding and action for the conquest of power. h 
(c) In mass strikes under conditions of concentrated capitalism there is 
talent (latent) the tendency toward the general mass strike, which takes on 


a political character and manifests the impluse toward the proletarian dic- 
tatorship. 


* * * * * * * 

The Communist Party must engage actively in the struggle to revolutionize 
the trade unions. As against the unionism of the American Federation of 
Labor, the Communist Party propagandises industrial unionism and industrial 
organization, emphasizing their revolutionary implications. Industrial union- 
ism is not simply a means for the everyday struggle against capitalism; its 
ultimate purpose is revolutionary, implying the necessity of ending the capi- 
talist parliamentary state. Industrial unionism is a factor in the final mass_ 
action for the conquest of power, as it will constitute the basis for the indus- 
trial administration of the communist commonwealth. 


f 


Senator Prrrer. Then, as I understand it, sir, the story begins, 
as far as America is concerned, somewheres about 1890 with the 
organization of the Socialist Labor Party; then you have a series 
of contentions between the more and the less radical elements in 
that body ? : { 

Mr. Kuirrorn. Yes, sir. s 

Senator Prprer. And finally the dissension becomes so acute that. 


the left wing or radical group acquires a separate consciousness of 
its own ? 


Mr. Kurrroru. Yes, sir. © it 
Senator Prpprr. And there is a difference of opinion among tha 


group whether they shall regard themselves as a separate party? 
Mr. Kurmrorn. Yes, sir. 


‘ 
e 





4 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 95 


_ Senator Perper. But they continue to insist that they are the 
egitimate supporters of the principles of the old party. That goes 
‘n until the Third International is contemplated in Russia. 

' Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

_ Senator Perper. And then for the first time this radical group 
ecognizes the importance as emerging as a separate party to relate 
tself to the party in Russia? 

Mr. Kurerors. That is correct. 

Senator Boran. Can you tell us briefly what the difference in view 
vas between the Communist Party as organized in the United States 
ond the view which it came to entertain when it became a part of the 
Third International ? 

, Mr. Kurerorn. The main split, to use their terminology, occurred 
luring the Great War, when the so-called conservative element with- 
no the socialist parties here in the United States and abroad sup- 
yorted in a general way the aims and the program of their govern- 
jaent then at war against Germany, and the left wing element of the 
socialist Party in the United States and abroad were more or less 
inder the guidance of the small group of men then residing in 
Switzerland, of which Lenin was a member, and this group in Swit- 
‘erland advised the left wing elements that they should withdraw 
rom the regular party organization unless the regular party organi- 
ation refused to support the government at war. | 

_ Senator Boraw. I am very glad you stated that, but that was not 
uxactly what I had in mind. I want to know the difference in 
yolicies and principles between the Communist Party as it was 
wriginally organized in the United States before it became a part of 
he Third International and the policies and principles which it came 
‘o adopt after it became a part of the Third International. In 
ither words, was it advocating the same principles and policies prior 
o the time it became a part of the Third International? 

Mr. Kurerorn. After it became a section, as they themselves de- 
eribe it, of the Third International, they adopted the Russian com- 
nunist program of violence and force, which is to be carried out 
ither through a legal party in the United States, if the laws per- 
ait it, or through an illegal party if the laws prevent it. 

Senator Borau. Is that the distinction between the two organiza- 
ions prior to the time they became a part of 

Mr. Kurerotu. That is the more important distinction. 

Senator Borau. Have you the resolutions there or the platform 
vhich indicated their adoption of the Third International program ? 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes; I have that later on. 

Senator Boraw. Are you coming to that? 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. Very well, then, I will not interfere with your 
rogram if you are going to reach that. 

Mr. Kurerors. During the latter part of 1919 the Department of 
lustice submitted to the Department of Labor a large amount of 
vidence on the Communist Party of America. This resulted in the 
'gsuance of a large number of warrants of arrest for deportation 
‘earings. The cases were based upon the theory that the Communist 
arty of America advocated the overthrow by force and violence of 
he Government of the United States and, therefore, its officers and 


82325—24— PT 1 7 











96 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


members who were aliens, were subject to deportation as bein 
members of an organization proscribed by the immigration law; 
The decision on this point was the case of Englebert Preis, and th 
decision is considered of sufficient importance to quote in full: 


DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, 
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY, 
Washington. 


[Opinion of Secretary Wilson with regard to membership in Communist Party, in 1 
Engiebert Preis. ] 


Age 31; native of Austria; entered the United States at Port Huron, Mick 
on November 138, 1915, having arrived in Quebec by S. S. Scotan, June 1 
1914. This is a case arising under the provisions of the act of October 16, 191! 

It is alleged that the alien is a member of the Communist Party of Amerie: 
which is affiliated with the Communist International: The alien admit 
membership in the Communist Party of America, and that it is affiliated wit 
the Communist International. The sole question, therefore, to be determine 
by the Secretary of Labor is, Is the Communist Party of America such a 
organization as is described in the act of October 16, 1918, membership i 
which makes an alien liable to deportation? The language of the act aj 
plicable to this particular case is as follows: 

“SEcTION 1. * * * aliens who are members of or affiliated with a 
organization that entertains a belief in, teachers, or advocates the overthro 
by force or violence of the Government of the United States. * * * 

“Sec. 2. * * * shall, upon the warrant of the Secretary of Labor, be take 
into custody and deported in the manner provided in the immigration act ¢ 
February fifth, nineteen hundred and seventeen.” 

It will be observed that belief in, teaching, or advocating the overthrow o 
the Government of the United States is not alone sufficient to bring an 
organization within the scope of the act. There must in addition be a belie 
in; teaching, or advocacy of force or violence to accomplish the purpos 
Bearing that in mind, we may proceed to an examination of the facts. 

The manifesto and program and constitution of the Communist Party 
America:-and the manifesto of the Communis* International are submitted i 
evidence and their authenticity admitted. The constitution of the Con 
munist Party (see page 19 of the manifesto) requires that— 

Sec. 2. Applicants for membership shall sign an application card reac 
ing as follows: 

“The undersigned, after having read the constitution and program of th 
Communist Party, declares his adherence to the principles and tactics of th 
party and the Communist International; agrees to submit to the disciplin 
of the party as stated in its constitution, and pledges himself to engage activel 
in its work.” 

An examination of the documents submitted clearly demonstrate the fac 
that it is the purpose of the Communist Party to overthrow the Governmer 
of the United States. There are many statements that might be quoted shoy 
ing that purpose. The two following are typical. On page 9 of the man 
festo and program the statement is made: 

“Communism does not propose to ‘capture’ the bourgeoise parliamentar 
state, but to conquer and destroy it.” 

And again, on the same page: 

“The proletarian class struggle is essentially a political struggle * * 
The objective is the conquest by the proletariat of the power of the state.” 

Many other statements of similar purport are to be found in the same doct 
ment. After having found that it is the purpose of the Communist Party t 
conquer and destroy the Government of the United States the next point ¢ 
inquiry is as to how the conquest is to take place. A 

It is apparent that the Communist Party does not seek to attain its obje: 
tive through the parliamentary machinery of this Government, established by 
and operated under, the Constitution. That is made sufficiently clear by th 
following excerpt from page 15 of the manifesto referred to: f, 

“(b) Participation in parliamentary campaigns, which in the general strug 
gle of the proletariat is of secondary importance, is for the purpose of revolt 
tionary propaganda only.” . b 


mere epee RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 97 


And again, from pages 9 and 10 of the same document: 

“In those countries where the conditions for a workers’ revolution are not 
yet ripe, the same process will go on. The use of parliamentarism, however, 
is only of secondary importance.” 

And further, on page 10: 

“The parliamentarism of the Communist Party performs a service in 
mobilizing the proletariat against capitalism, emphasizing the political char- 
acter of the class struggle.” 

The parliamentary processes established by our Government are to be dis- 

earded or used for propaganda purposes only and other means adopted for 
overthrowing the Government of the United States. These means are stated 
at considerable length and frequently reiterated, seemingly for purposes of 
emphasis. The conquest of the power of the state is to be accomplished by 
‘the mass power of the proletariat. 
.. Strikes are to be broadened and deepened, making them general and mili- 
tant, and efforts made to develop their revolutionary implication. The strike 
is to be used not simply as a means to secure redress of economic wrongs, 
but as a means through which the Government may be conquered and de- 
stroyed. A few excerpts from the Communist Party and Communist Inter- 
Pe itnas' manifestos will make these statements evident. 








Thus on page 10 of the manifesto and program of the Communist Party of 
‘America is the following: 

“The conquest of the power of the state is accomplished by the mass power of 
che proletariat. Political mass strikes area vital factor in developing this mass 
power, preparing the working class for the conquest of capitalism. The power 
of the proletariat lies fundamentally in its control of the industrial process. 
‘The mobilizing of this control against capitalism means the initial form 
,of the revolutionary mass action that will conquer the power of the state.” 
|, And again, on page 11 of the same document: 

‘““Mass action is industrial in its origin, but it acquires political character 
as it develops fuller forms. Mass action, in the form of general poltcal 
strkes and demonstrations, unites the energy and forces of the proletariat, 
brings proletarian mass pressure upon the bourgeois state. The more general 
and conscious mass actions becomes, the more it antagonizes the bourgeois 
‘state, the more it becomes political mass action. Mass action is responsive 
to life itself, the form of aggressive proletarian struggle under imperialism. 
‘Out of this struggle develops revolutionary mass action, the means for the 
proletarian conquest of power.” 

And further, on page 12, the same document: 

“ Strikes of protest develop into general political strikes and then into revo- 
jutionary mass action for the conquest of the power of the state. Mass action 
yecomes political in purpose while extraparliamentary in form; it is equally a 
grocess of revolution and the revolution itself in operation.” 

Then, on page 16: 

“The Communist Party shall participate in mass strikes, not only to achieve 
-he immediate purpose of the strike, but to develop the revolutionary im- 
Jlications of the same strike.” 

And, then, making the purpose still more clear, we have the following from 
Jjage 30 of the manifesto of the Communist International, with which the Com- 
nunist Party of America is affiliated and whose manifesto is accepted as part 
of the policy of the party: | 

“The revolutionary era compels the proletariat to make use of the means of 
jattle which will concentrate its entire energies, namely, mass action, with its 
ogical, resultant, direct conflict with the governmental machinery in open com- 
jat. All other methods, such as revolutionary use of bourgeois parliamen- 
‘arism, will be of only secondary significance.” 

From these quotations and numerous other statements in the manifesto, not 
ere quoted, it is apparent that the Communist Party of America is not merely a 
,0litical party seeking the control of affairs of State, but a revolutionary party 
seeking to conquer and destroy the State in open combat. And the only con- 
sjusion is that the Communist Party of America is an organization that believes 
_n, teaches, and advocates the overthrow by force or violence of the Government 
of the United States. 

It does not devolve upon the Secretary of Labor officially to determine whether 
‘Songress was wise in creating the law, or the Communist Party wise in creating 
‘he facts. It is his duty to apply the law to the facts as he finds them. It is 
mandatory upon him to take into custody aliens who are members of this organi- 












: 


98 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


zation and deport them in the manner provided for in the immigration act of 
February 5, 1917. 

Your memorandum of January 17, 1920, recommending that the department 
issue its warrant for the deportation of Englebert Preis, such deportation to be 
to Austria, at Government expense, is hereby approved. 

W. B. Witson, Secretary. 

The results of the arrests and deportations made by the Depart- 
ment of Labor in the latter part of 1919 and the early part of 192 
drove the communists “underground.” | 

Senator Boran. How many were deported out of those arrests? 

Mr. Kuieroru. I have not the table here. of the number of depor- 
tations, but that can be obtained. 

Senator Boran. Were citizens of this country arrested and tried 
for offenses? 

Mr. Kuterorn. I have not the information with me. 

Senator Boran. You are speaking now of those general arrests on 
the part of the Department of Justice in 1919, are you not? 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. In which a great many were arrested in Boston 
and other places? 

Mr. Kurerotrr. Yes, sir. ! 

Senator Boran. Can you tell us how many out of those arrested 
were either deported finally, or, being citizens of the United States. 
were convicted ? 

Mr. Kurerorx. No, sir; I can not say that now, but I can obtain 
the information. . 

Senator Borau. That was investigated by a committee of the Sen- 
ate. I suppose we can get it that way. I thought perhaps you had 
it there, handy. i 

Mr. Kurerorn. Chapter 7 contains legal opinions of the courts 
concerning the Communist Party of America. ‘ 

The situation had become so acute and the spread of ultraradical. 
ism so broad that by the end of 1920 most of the States had passed 
laws against anarchy, criminal syndicalism, sabotage, red flag dem- 
onstrations, and organizations advocating the use of force or vio- 
lence in a political or economic program. | 

The leading Federal case arising out of these arrests was United 
States ex rel. Martin Abern v. Wallace (268 Fed. 418). It was | 
Seip corpus proceeding, and District Judge Knox in his opal 
stated : ; 


I am of the opinion that the manifesto and program of the Communist Party 
together with other exhibits in the case, are of such character as to easil} 
lead a reasonable man to conclude that the purpose of the Communist Part) 
is to accomplish its end, uamely, the capture and destruction of the State, a: 
now constituted, by force and violence. Since the party has seen fit to use 
words of general application, which in their popular and ordinary sense may 
fairly import, and which are appropriate to the use of, force and violence, ant 
which have been found to have that meaning, there is no obligation upon the 
court to refine and construe the language so as to reach a different resu 
If force and violence be not within the contemplation of the party, it woule 
be a simple matter to have the absence of such thought clearly appear. As i 
is, the language used would seem designed to mean all things to all men anc 
to be fairly susceptible of meaning, even though it does not unequivocall: 
* declare in favor of force and violence. 


And still further in the decision the court proceeds: q 


¢ i a | 
If those who support the Communist Party in its present declaration of prin 
ciples hope for success—and I must assume that they have such hope—I a 


: 







| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 99 


i 
} 


| 
! 
‘ot do otherwise than conclude that they must contemplate the employment 
f force and violence. In other words, I am unable to perceive how the ex- 
ropriation of private property can be accomplished without the employment 
,£ forbidden instrumentalities. I say this because of the fact that up to the 
me of the capture and destruction of the present Government its officers 
ill be, as they now are, charged with the protection of property rights, and 
can not imagine that such officers and those whose property the communists 
ope to take will meekly capitulate the moment the communist demand. a 
ansference to them of all such rights. Should such a transfer be demanded 
nd refused, could it for a moment be supposed that the communists, if they 
mnsidered their strength sufficient, would hesitate and seek peaceful means 
f persuasion? It seems to me that they would unquestionably exert what- 


‘ver coercion and employ whatever force and violence was necessary to the 
\chievement of their success. ' 


In the Abern case the court was construing the first program and 
onstitution of the C. P. of A.—that of September, 1919. In May, 
921, the new program and constitution of the C. P. of A. was 
‘dopted, and reference to a subsequent section of this paper will 
aow the latter program to specifically advocate force and violence. 
| In this decision, of course, the court follows the line indicated 
y the Communist International itself when it uses its slogan, “ Force 
gainst force, violence against violence.” The international has in- 
icated that this force is to be used by the so-called proletariat in 
‘nswer to the force used legally by the present governments to. sup- 
‘ress expropriation and civil war stimulated by the communists. 

| There was a similar habeas corpus proceeding brought in the Fed- 
‘ral District Court for the Eastern District of Massachusetts known 
3 the Colyer case. This case, however, went up to the circuit court 
f appeals and the opinion of the lower court, leaning toward the 
mmmunists, was overruled, the title of the case above being Skeff- 
igton vw. Katzeff, the first circuit, October term, 1921, No. 1508, 
anuary 11, 1922. 

The Martin Abern case is thoroughly in line with the case In re 
vem Kosopud before Judge Westenhaver in the Federal District 
‘ourt for the Northern District of Ohio, while the Paul Glaser case, 
Tnited States v. Paul Glaser, United States District Court of Indi- 
‘na, No. 7926 at law, May 28, 1920, before Judge Albert B. Anderson, 
aembership in the Communist Party of America was held sufficient 
cancel certificate of naturalization. 

~In the case of Benjamin Gitlow before Judge Laughlin in the 
‘ypreme court, appellate division, State of New York, No. 5870, 
anuary, 1921, Judge Laughlin, writing the opinion of the court, 
‘hich was unanimous, determined that the dictatorship of the pro- 
'tariat neccessarily involves the use of force and violence. This 
tse originally came up in the city magistrate’s court, New York 
ity, and on November 14, 1919, City Chief Magistrate McAdoo in 
is decision stated : 

' According to the manifesto, the revolutionary socialists, calling themselves 
-e Communist Party, confronted with this common enemy which is to be 
sastroved, organized government as it exists to-day, the “ capitalistic”? state as 
vey call it, and the hated bourgeoisie, how are they going to effect the revolu- 
on? Does the manifesto tell us? It does, in very plain terms, with, it must 
» admitted, a tinge of subtle evasiveness, intended for a defense in court. 
-How is this revolution to be accomplished? The manifesto gives the battle 
y and slogan in practically two words, coercion and suppression. The mass 
‘tion strike is to paralyze all the industries of the country, depriving millions 


' people of the necessaries of life, paralyzing the armed forces of the United 
tates, making the soldier and the policeman impotent, and silencing of such 














100 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


yoices in the pulpit as are not in accord. This is the first stage, coercion bj 
absolutely and unqualifiedly illegal means, unlawful practices, and a crimina 
conspiracy deliberately invented to carry out the purposes intended. These 
strikes are called mass action and have nothing whatever to do with the 
efforts for increase of wages or lessening of hours or the betterment of the 
workers. It is a militant uprising of the red revolutionists. At this point 
the State is given the option that it must either suicide or be killed. Wherein 
does this differ from professed anarchy? | 


The following excerpts are taken from the decision of the appel- 
late division of the Supreme Court of New York: 


It is perfectly plain that the plan and purpose advocated by the appellant 
and those associated with him in this movement contemplate the overthrow 
and destruction of the Governments of the United States and of all the States, 
not by the free action of the majority of the people through the ballot box in 
electing representatives to authorize a change of government by amending or 
changing the Constitution, * * * but by immediately organizing the indus- 
trial proletariat into militant Socialist unions and at the earliest opportunity 
through mass strike and force and violence, if necessary, compelling the Gov: 
ernment to cease to function, and then through a proletarian dictatorship, taking 
charge of and appropriating all property and administering it and governing 
through such dictatorship until such time as the proletariat is permitted te 
administer and govern it. * * * But they are chargeable with knowledge 
that their aims and ends can not be accomplished without force, violence, and 
bloodshed, and therefore it is reasonable to construe what they advocate as 
intending the use of all means essential to the success of their program, 

The doctrines advocated are not harmless. They are a menace, and it be- 
hooves Americans to be on their guard to meet and combat the movement, 
which, if permitted to progress as contemplated, may undermine and endanger 
our cherished institutions of liberty and equality. 

The defendant and his fellow socialists of the left wing knew perfectly 
well that such results could not be peaceably accomplished, and, moreover, they 
are not advocating a change in the Constitution or a new Constitution or Govy- 
ernment. They are plainly advocating the destruction of all existing gov- 
ernment. The only practical difference between the doctrines advocated by 
them and the doctrine of anarchy pure and simple is that they intend to 
utilize the existing Government temporarily while organizing the proletariat 
for mass strike, and they intend a proletarian dictatorship for a period after 
the overthrow of the Government, and after that a government of production 
only, which they call communist socialism. 

When people combine and advocate such doctrines, there must necessarily 
be great latitude for reading between the lines to determine what is implied 
in the doctrine, and they should be held responsible for advocating what they 
must know is involved in the doctrine and will be essential to the accomplish- 
ment of their purposes. 

The doctrine advocated by the appellant is not for a change of control of 
the Goverment, but is for the annihilation of existing governments in general. 

It follows that the judgment of conviction should be affirmed. 


In People vw. Lloyd (804 Illinois) it was held that the Constitution 
clearly provides the lawful means by which the existing form of 
government may be reformed or changed, and the use of any other 
than those provided is unlawful. It was also held in this case that 
a prosecution for a conspiracy to overthrow the established Govern- 
ment documents and newspapers published by any one of the de- 
fendants in furtherance of the common design are admissible in evi- 
dence against all of the defendants, as any act or declaration of @ 
member of a conspiracy in contemplation of law is the act and 
declaration of all the members and is admissible against each of 
them, also the fact that a conspiracy to overthrow the Government 
by violent means has assumed world-wide proportions does not 
change the criminal character of the conspiracy. It is held spe- 
cifically that a conspiracy to overthrow the Government by forcing 

: 


" RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 101. 


5 to submission by the suffering that would necessarily follow a 
veneral strike is unlawful. This case involved William Bross Lloyd 
‘nd 17 others, all communists. 

- In People v. Winitsky in the New York Supreme Court in March, 
920, the defendant was charged with a violation of the criminal 
wnarchy law of the State because of his activities as executive secre- 
ary of the Communist Party of America. He was convicted, and 


N passing sentence upon him Hon. Bartow S. Weeks stated as fol- 
OWS: 


_ The doctrines that you preach, the doctrines to which you declared your ad- 
erence were a belief in the mass strike, a belief in the general strike and a 
velief in such things as are illustrated in the article as having occurred in Win- 
jipeg and Seattle, where the people attempted to take the reins of government 
vy refusing to work, by refusing to operate the electric light plant, by refusing 
0 operate the heating plants in the hospitals, by refusing to allow the cart 
‘nen to take the refuse out of the streets so that hospital service was disturbed 
ind plague was almost imminent. You preached a belief in these methods of 
iecomplishing a change in the government of this country. 

| When you talk about the possibility of accomplishing results by a mass 
strike or a general strike, it should be, and it seems to me it is, absolutely 
‘lear to any sensible person that the attempt to control the situation in a great 
‘ity, or in any place where many people are congregated together, by closing 
‘own all the industries, all the means of public life at one time, by a concerted 
novement, in order to bring about a revolution and to bring about a change, 
‘ould never by the blindest hope of an idealist be expected to go through with- 
put force and violence. 

| The line of démarcation between treason which is punshable by death and 
riminal anarchy is so narrow that it is almost impossible to distinguish it. 


Senator Borau. Who wrote the opinion that you read a moment 
igo 2 
PMY. Kurerots. Opinion of Secretary of Labor, Mr. Wilson. 
Senator Borau. And what is the date of it? 
_ Mr. Kureroru. February, 1920. The results of the arrests and 
leportations made by the Department of Labor in the latter part 
£ 1919 and the early part of 1920 drove the American communists 
inderground. 
One of the most important and Bearer of the deportation 
vases was that against Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, the “ official” 
‘oviet envoy to the United States. When he appeared before the 
Subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United 
States Senate, he gave the following very interesting testimony, 
mportant especially because of his “official” capacity (Govt. Ex. 
Yo. 9, pp. 156, 183) : 


‘ Mr. Eris. You believe in the dictatorship of the proletariat? 
. Mr. Martens. Yes, sir; and in Russia it is a fact. 

Mr. Etx.is. Mr. Boukharin says that there are certain means by which this 
‘ictatorship shall become the world order. 
' Mr. MARTENS. Yes. 
‘ Mr. Eris. That is to say, the government of all the countries of the world; 
.nd that is to be brought about by force. Do you believe in that or not? 
Mr. Marrens. Well, again your statement is too general. I believe in the 
‘lictatorship of the proletariat, the same as represents forces in other matters. 
ictatorship represents force, of course, every dictatorship represents force. 
f * * * * 2 * a 


Mr. Martens. If you ask me if I believe in force I answer yes; I believe 
Mm force against force, always. I believe in violence against violence, always, 
jut I do not believe in force and violence if it is not necessary to apply them. 
_ Mr. Etris. But, if it is necessary, you believe in them? 

' Mr. Marrens. Yes, sir; certainly. Force against force and violence against 
‘iolence. I believe in that. 





102) RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator BRANDEGEE: Do you believe in establishing the soviet form of 

government all over the world? | et 

Mr. MARTENS. Certainly. fu 
* % * * * * 


Mr. Etzris. Do you denounce the Third International now? 4 
Mr. Martens. Yes, sir. 7 
Mr. ELLis. Do, you agree with it? Lg Als , 
Mr. Martens. Yes, sir. ) : ; ( 
Mr. Ettis. Do you agree with the sentiments it expresses? 

Mr. MARTENS. Yes, sir. 


The Department of Justice presented to the Department of 
Labor a mass of evidence against. Martens and certain of his col- 
leagues, as a result of which a deportation hearing was held and a 
decision rendered by the Secretary of Labor, Hon. W. B. Wilson, 
on December 15, 1920. In view of the fact that this decision touches 
specifically the participation of the so-called Soviet Government 
in activities for the forcible overthrow of this Government, the 
following excerpts from the decision are given: 


The Soviet Government of Russia believes in, teaches, and advocates the 
overthrow of the Government of the United States by the use of force and 
violence, not by the process of military invasion but by conducting propaganda 
to stir up insurrection. It has appropriated money for that purpose. In the 
decree of December, 1917, the Soviet Government said 4 


Senator Boran. Is that the same decree referred to yesterday ? 
Mr. Kurerorn. Evidently the same decree. 

Senator Boran- $250,000? 4 
Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir. 


“The Soviet of the People’s Commissaries considers it necessary to come to 
the assistance of the left international wing of the labor movement of. all 
countries, * * * absolutely independent from the fact whether these coun- 
tries are at war with Russia or in alliance or are maintaining a neutral con- 
dition. With these aims the Soviet of the People’s Commissaries decides to 
assignate for the needs of the revolutionary international movement for the 
disposition of the foreign representatives of the commissariat for foreign affairs 
2,000,000 rubles.” ji 

When the Soviet Government speaks of a revolutionary movement it does 
not mean a peaceful revolution brought about by parliamentary processes, but 
a revolution by force and violence. Lenin, in a letter to American workingmen, 
says: ) r 
“Let incurable pedants, crammed full of bourgeois democratic and parlia- 
mentary prejudice, shake their heads gravely over our soviets. Let them de- 
plore the fact that we have no direct elections. These people have forgotten’ 
nothing, have learned nothing, in the great upheaval of 1914-1918. The combi- 
nation of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the new democracy of the 
proletariat, of civil war with the widest application of the masses to political 
problems—such a combination can not be achieved in a day, can not: be forced 
into battered forms of former parliamentary democratism.” " 

And again, in a New Letter to the Workers of Europe and America, he says: 

‘Now, no conscious workingman and no sincere socialist can fail to see wha 
shameful treason against socialism was perpetrated by those men who, in line 
with the Mensheviks and ‘social revolutionists’ of Russia, with the Scheide- 
manns and Suedekums of Germany, with the Renaudels of France and Vander- 
velds in Belgium, with the Hendersons and Webbs in England, and with 
Gompers & Co. in America, supported ‘their’ bourgeoisie in the war of 191 - 
1918. * * * Only the overthrow of the bourgeoise and the annhilation ft 
the bourgeoisie parliament, only soviet rule and proletarian dictatorship, can 
put an end to imperialism and safeguard the victory of socialism, safeguard 
a permanent peace.” 

The officials of the Soviet Government are members of the Russian Com- 
munist Party. Through that party Lenin and Trotski, the recognized heads 0: 
the Soviet Government, issued the call for the Communist International Con- 


owe 
Je 










: RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 108 
gress in 1919, which became known as the Third International. The partici- 
pated in the congress and guided its counsels. The following excerpts are 
taken from the call issued on February 24, 1919: 

“Comrades: The undersigned parties and organizations consider it indis- 
pensable to call the first Congress of the New Revolutionary International. 
* * * Already now the framework is laid for the real revolutionary inter- 
national. The gigantic pace of the world revolution, which gives rise to new 
problems, the danger that this revolution may be killed by the alliance. of. the 
capitalistic States which organize a league of nations against the revolution, 
the attempt of traitor socialists to gather, and, after having ‘amnestied’ each 
other, to assist their Governments and the bourgeoisie again to betray the 
working classes, and finally, in view of revolutionary experience and for the 
purpose of internationalizing the course of the revolution, we are induced to 
take the initiative in placing on the order of the day the question of calling the 
revolutionary proletarian parties to an international congress. * *. * 

*6. The world situation demands immediate and as perfect as possible rela- 
tions between the different groups of the revolutionary proletariat and a com- 
plete alliance of all the countries in which the revolution has already succeeded. 

“7, The most important method is the mass action of the proletariat, in- 
cluding armed struggle against the government power of capitalists. * * * 

_ “44, The congress must lay the foundation of a common fighting organ which 
will be a uniting link and methodically lead the movement of the center for 
the Communist International which subordinates the interests of the move- 
ment in every separate country to the common interests of the revolution on 
‘an international scale.” 

| In the platform adopted by the Third International at that time this language 
occurs: 

“The revolutionary epoch demands of the proletariat the application of such 
methods of struggle as will concentrate all its energies, first of all methods of 
‘mass struggle, with its logical conclusions—direct conflict in open battle with 
the bourgeois government machinery. To this end must be subordinated all 
other means, as, for example, the revolutionary making use. of bourgeois par- 
liamentary institutions.” 

These are but samples from masses of evidence along the same lines. 

With such definitions before us of what. is. meant by the revolutionary strug- 
gle, every reference to the revolution takes on the significance of force and 
violence against the existing machinery of government. There is an abundance 
of evidence showing the use of the term by Martens, Lenin, Trotski, many 
other officials of the Soviet Government, the Russian Communist Party, and 
the Third International. 

As a mean of showing the close working cooperation between the Soviet 
Government and the Third International and the world-wide scope of their 
revolutionary purpose, the following order to the Red Army and the Red Fleet, 
issued by L. Trotski, is significant: 
| “Order to the Red Army and the Red Fleet No. 83, March 9, 1919, Moscow 
(Izvestia, March 11, 1919): 

“Greetings from the Communist International. 

“At the beginning of March in Moscow sat the representatives of revolu- 
tionary workmen of the various countries of Europe and America, who had come 
together to create a close revolutionary solidarity of the toilers of all countries 
in the struggle against oppressors of all countries. This congress founded the 
‘Communist International—that is, the international union of workmen, soldiers, 
and toiling peasants—for the purpose of establishing a world soviet republic 
Lwhich would put an end forever to hostilities and wars between peoples. At 
one of its sessions the Communist International adopted the following resolu- 
|tion of greeting to the Russian Workmen’s and Peasants’ Red Army: 
| “*Mhe Congress of the Communist International sends to the Red Army of 
Soviet a heartfelt greeting and all wishes for complete victory in the struggle 
against international imperialism. 

“«This brotherly greeting of the international proletariat should become 
‘known to all soldiers and sailors of the Red Army and Red Fleet. I hereby 
‘order the commissary to publish it in all regiments, divisions, and batteries, and 
on all warships. Every soldier of the Red Army, every sailor of the Red 
Fleet, with well-deserved: pride, will hear this word of greeting from the 
‘highest and authoritative institution of the world working class. The Red 
{ 













! 


104 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Army and the Red Navy will not deceive the expectation and hope of the Com- 
munist International. 

“* Forward, under the flag of the world working class. 

** PRESIDENT OF THE REVOLUTIONARY MILITARY SOVIET OF THE REPUBLIC. 

‘“** PEOPLE’S COMMISSARY FOR MILITARY AND NAVAL AFFAIRS. 

“*L. TROTSKI.’ ” / 

It will thus be seen that the Soviet Government, itself claiming to be a 
dictatorship of the proletariat, through its minister of war officially accepts the 
Third International as the highest and authoritative institution of the world 
working class and pledges the red army and navy not to deceive the expecta- 
tions and hopes of the Third International, and orders them forward under 
the flag of the world working class. 

That he (Martens) is an official of the Soviet Government of Russia is not 
controverted. The Soviet Government conducts a propaganda in the United 
States for the purpose of creating an insurrection to overthrow the Government 
of the United States by force and violence, as has already been pointed out. 
It is further shown that Lenin has proposed to withdraw the propaganda in 
turn for political and commercial recognition and intercourse between Russia 
and the United States. If there was no improper propaganda being conducted 
there would be nothing to withdraw. Martens is an official of, and therefore a 
member of or affiliated with the Soviet Government, an organization that enter- 
tains beliefs in, teaches, or advocates the overthrow by force or violence of the 
Government of the United States, and this fact, taken in conjunction with his 
expressed belief in and approval of the Third International proves that he 
believes in the overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United 
States. 

It is therefore decided that Ludwig C. A. K. Martens is an alien, a citizen of 
Russia, and that he entertains a belief in and is a member of or affiliated with 
an organization that entertains a belief in, teaches, or advocates the overthrow 
by force or violence of the Government of the United States, and the Commis- 
sioner General of Immigration is hereby directed to take the said Ludwig 
C. A. K. Martens into custody and deport him to Russia at the expense of the 
Government of the United States. 


From the above it will be seen that the question of whether com- 
munist programs contemplate the use of force and violence has been 
passed upon by every class of tribunal which could pass upon it, 
namely, State and Federal judicial courts, administrative tribunals, 
and legislative committees of both Federal and State Governments, 
and in every class the result has been in support of the theory of 
force and violence being inseparable from communist programs. 

In addition, the Secretaries of State of the United States under 
entirely different administrations have issued formal expressions on 
the subject of Soviet Russia, and all of them are in line with the fore- 
going decisions. 

During 1920 and 1921 the communist movement in the United 
States functioned illegally or “ undeground,” as the communists are 
inclined to characterize it. There were in existence during that 
period of time within the Communist Party certain factions, but for 
all practical purposes the communist movement was united in its 
ultimate aims and ends, the differences that existed being limited 
largely to personal leadership. 'The Communist International was 
finally moved by the differences existing among the various factions 
to pass upon the question of unity and to cement the communist 
movement within the United States in 1920 and 1921. 

Senator Boran. Martens was deported ? 

Mr. Kurrroru. Yes, sir. . 

Senator Boraw. By reason of the fact that he was a member or 
official representative of the Soviet Government and that the Soviet 
Government, or the Communist Party, whichever it was, was 
deemed to be inimical to our institutions. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 105 


Mr. Kuierotu. Yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. Teaching doctrines which were unfriendly to 
these United States? 

Mr. Kiierotru. To overthrow American institutions. 

Senator Boran. In other words, he was not deported by reason 
of any activities of his own in this country ? 

‘Mr. Kuterorn. No, sir. 

Senator Boran. Nothing was disclosed either with reference to 
his using any money or organizing any groups or anything of that 
kind of sufficient moment to justify the Secretary of Labor placing 
the deportation upon that ground? 

Mr. Kuerorn. No; as he states, the deportation was ordered on 
his—— 

Mr. Youne (interposing). Generally speaking, that is quite cor- 
rect. There is a little evidence comes in later. | 

Senator Bora. The decision was based on the proposition that 
he was a member of this organization. | 

Mr. Kuierorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. And the purposes and objects of the organiza- 
tion being such that Mr. Wilson thought they were unfriendly to 
this country ? | 

Mr. Kureroru. That is so. 

Senator Boran. We will adjourn until 2:30. 

(Whereupon, the committee recessed until 2:30 o’clock P. M.) 


AFTERNOON SESSION. 


The subcommittee reconvened at 2:30 o’clock p. m., Senator Wil- 
liam E. Borah presiding. 


STATEMENT OF MR. ALFRED KLIEFOTH—Resumed. 


Senator Boran. You may proceed, Mr. Kliefoth. 

Mr. Krieroru. This afternoon, Mr. Chairman, I will continue 
the presentation of what was referred to this morning and yester- 
day as the second half of our memorandum, that is the part dealing 
with the relationship between the Moscow organization and its 
agents and dependent groups in this country. 

Senator Borau. You closed just before the recess, did you not, 
the Martens matter? 

_ Mr. Kuierotu. Yes, sir. 

- Senator Borau. In order to have the matter explicit, about which 
I asked, I would like to have inserted in the record here, without 
reading them, one paragraph on page 284, one paragraph on page 
991, and two paragraphs at the top of page 292, of Mr. Louis F. 
Post’s book entitled “The Deportations Delirium of Nineteen- 
Twenty.” The object of this is simply to show that Mr. Martens 
was deported, as seemed to be admitted this morning, exclusively 
upon the one proposition, and that there was no evidence of his 
activity in this country in the way of propagandizing the country. 
I will ask the reporter to incorporate those passages in the record. 

(The paragraphs from the book referred to are here printed in 

the record, as follows:) 

(Page 284.) Whether or not his activities were in fact legitimate, they did 

not prove to have been illegitimate to the extent of illegality. Had such proof 








106 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


been available, Mr. Martens would surely have been prosecuted in’ New York, 
where his headquarters were and where he was pursued by yigilant and weari- 
less and resourceful agents of powerful business and political interests that 
were hostile to Russia, Nor even to the extent of bringing him within any of 
the proscriptions of our deportation laws did his activities prove to have been 
illegitimate. After an extended hearing in the Department of Labor upon a 
warrant of arrest charging deportation culpabilities. of all probable kinds+— 
a hearing conducted by an immigrant inspector recommended by the Depart- 
ment of Justice for his special qualifications, hearing that was prolonged over 
several months by adjournments solicited by the Department of Justice for. 
the purpose of piecing out testimony—not a shred of: proof of any deportable 
conduct of a personal kind by Mr. Martens was produced. cia 

(Page 291.) A lengthy argumentative hearing was accorded by Secretary 
Wilson, at which three counsel for Mr. Martens (Hardwick, Hourwich, and 
Recht) and three for the Attorney General (Hoover, Stone, and Grimes) had 
ample opportunity to present every phase of the case. Considered as a case 
against a dangerous “ red,’”’ such as Mr. Martens had for months been paraded 
in inspired newspaper stories as being, the presentation against him was frivi- 
lous. If he had not been an official of the unrecognized Government of Russia, 
he could not have been deported under any law of ours. 

(Page 292.) It was those inferences, and those alone, that either necessitated 
or permitted the deportation of Mr. Martens. But as they did necessitate’ it, 
Secretary Wilson decided, correctly in my opinion, that Mr. Martens must be 
deported from the United States to Russia. . 

Supplementary to that decision, however, Secretary Wilson permitted Mr. 
Martens to return to Russia voluntarily at his own expense, and upon receiving 
proof of his actual arrival in Russia ordered cancellation of the warrant’ of 
arrest. | 

Mr. Kuierori. In the latter part of this morning’s session I set 
forth the historical background of the relationship between the two 
units—that is, the unit in Russia and the unit in the United States— 
and set forth the situation in this country at the time when the 
Communist International was founded. I pointed out how the Com- 
munist International was organized in March, 1919, and how the 
American Communist Party was organized in November, 1919, thus 
creating for the first time a party with a Marxian communist pro- 
gram as developed and elaborated by the Bolsheviki. 

Senator Boran. This was the beginning of a, party in this coun- 
try; but there had been individuals in this country advocating such 
doctrines who had not organized themselves into a party, had there 
not? There had beeen groups existing in the United States, but 
a Communist Party in the United States was not organized and 
established until November, 1919; that is, some months after the 
organization and first call of the international in Moscow in March, 
1919. If you will pardon a personal reference 

Mr. Kurerorn, Yes; sir. ! 

Senator Boran. During the Coeur d’Alene riots some 20 years ago 
we captured a vast amount of printed material advocating anarch- 
ism and communism, etc., so that there must have been individuals 
in this country who were friendly to the proposition and who were, 
im a sense, connected with something of that. kind. r 

Mr. Krirrorn. I believe so. I now proceed for the next few 
minutes to set forth the activity of the Communist International in’ 
creating and controlling in this country a party subservient to its 
instructions and will. a 

The program and constitution of the Communist Party of America 
was adopted in May, 1921. As a result of the joint unity conven- 
tion of the United Communist and Communist Parties, held in May, 
1921, a revised program and constitution was adopted and issued 


\ 





| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 107 


by the central executive committee under the title “ Program and 
‘constitution of the Communist Party of America.” It also was 
published in this form in the official organ of the Communist Party 
of America (this is Exhibit No. 10). The Communist, for July, 
1921, and also in an official bulletin issued by the Communist Party 
on or about the month of June, 1921. This instrument is even more 
extreme than the one quoted above. The following quotations are 
taken from the edition printed by the central executive committee 
and sold throughout the country. This document was admitted in 
evidence in the Berrien County, Mich., Criminal Syndicalist cases 
(the Bridgman Convention cases). 
_ With regard to the Communist International, the following ap- 
pears on page 9: 

er, The Communist International is an organization for waging 
class warfare for the liberation of the working class; there can be no reser- 
vations in indorsement and affiliation with it. Loyalty “ with reservations ” 
is treachery. Indorsement and defense of soviets in Russia with failure to 
advocate the soviet form of proletarian dictatorship in the United States is 
hypocrisy. 


On page 11 of the same subject is the following: 


- The Communist International alone conducts the struggle of the proletariat 
for its emancipation. The Communist Party of America is its American 
section. 


Throughout the program and constitution the Communist Party 
of America is referred to as a section of the Communist Interna- 
tional. 

With regard to the dictatorship of the proletariat and the de- 
struction of the state as at present composed, except in Soviet Russia, 
the following appears on page 11: 


| The establishment of a proletarian dictatorship is indispensable to the 
attainment of the social revolution. The proletariat must destroy the bour- 
geoisie state. 


Under the title “Proletarian Dictatorship and Bourgeois De- 
mocracy,” the following appears: 


The proletarian revolution comes at a moment of economic crisis precipitat- 
ing a political crises. The political-economic crisis causes a collapse in the 
capitalist order. * * * 


On page 14 the following very specific statement with regard to 
the use of force appears: 


By the use of force, the proletariat destroys the machinery of the bourgeois 
state and establishes the proletarian dictatorship based on soviet power. 
» The proletarian state, like every other state, is an organ of suppression and 
| coercion, but its machinery is directed against the enemies of the working 
| @lass. It aims to break the desperate resistance of the exploiters who use 
| all the power at their command to drown the revolution in blood. The pro- 
} letarian state aims to make this resistance impossible. Under a proletarian 
| dictatorship, which is a provisional institution, the working class establshes 
itself as the ruling class in society. After the resistance of the bourgeoisie 
‘is broken, after it is expropriated and gradually absorbed into the labor 
} strata, then only do all classes vanish, the proletarian dictatorship disappears 
and the state dies out. 


The following conclusion appears on page 16: 


The proletarian revolution is a long process. It begins with the destruction 
of the capitalist state and the establishment of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat and ends only with the complete transformation of the capitalist 
system into the Communist society. 






108 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 


With regard to the dictatorship of the proletariat, Lenin, in 
his Soviet Republic and Its Problems, in the chapter entitled 
“Democracy and proletarian dictatorship,” has the following to 
say. This is quoted from Fraina, page 393 [reading]: 

But “dictatorship” is a great word. And great words must not be used 
lightly. A dictatorship is an iron rule, with revolutinary daring, and swift 
and merciless in the suppression of the exploiters as well as of the hooligans. 
And our rule is too mild, quite frequently resembling jam rather than iron. 

Under the subject “ Political action,’ the following statement 
appeared : 

Every class struggle is a political struggle. The object of the class strug- 
gle, which inevitably develops into civil war, is the conquest of political 


power. 
ac * o * * * * 


The Communist Party of America, section of the Communist International, 
is that part of the working class which is most advanced; intelligent, self- 
sacrificing, and class conscious. It is therefore the most revolutionary part 
of the working class. * * * 

It is well to keep in mind Lenin’s own definition as taken from 
his general program of the Bolsheviki, chapter on ‘¢ armaments 
and war,” as follows: 

Civil wars are also wars. Those who accept the class struggle must ac- 
cept civil wars, which, under certain circumstances, are a natural and in- 
evitable continuance, development, and accentuation of the class struggle 
in every society based on class divisions. All great revolutions prove this. 
To deny or to overlook civil wars would mean becoming a victim of the 
most hopeless opportunism and abandoning the social revolution. 

And again in his work entitled Constitutional Illusions, he says: 
says: 

Finally as we know the problems of social organization are solved by the 
class struggle in its most aggressive, most violent form, namely, in the form 
of civil war. 


In his Soviet Republic and Its Probelms, he says: 


Secondly, every great revolution, and especially a socialist revolution, even if 
there was no external war, is inconceivable without an internal war, thousands 
and millions of cases of wavering and of desertion from one side to the other 
and a state of the greatest uncertainty, instability, and chaos. 


In Izvestia of January 19, 1919, Trotski on this subject writes: 


The proletariat says (to “ consiprators,” “ saboteurs,” ete.) I will break your 
will for my will is stronger than yours, and I will force you to serve me. 
Terror as a demonstration of the will and strength of the working class is his- 
torically justified * .* * 

Under the title “Mass action,” the program and constitution of 
the Communist Party of America proceeds: ! 

The revolutionary epoch upon which the world has now entered forces the 
proletariat to resort to militant methods—mass action, leading to direct colli- 
sion with the bourgeois state—— 

Senator Swanson. Is all that included in Exhibit 10? 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir. ) 

Senator Swanson. Then suppose you just put it in the record, 
How much more is there of it? | 

Mr. Kurerotn. I have finished reading from Exhibit 10. 

Senator Swanson. We do not want to encumber the record. 

Senator Boran. No. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 109 


__ (The remaining portion of the question referred to is here printed 


‘In the record, as follows:) 


Mass action culminates in armed insurrection and civil war. The centralized 


power of the capitalist class manifests itself through control of the State ma- 


_chinery—the army, the navy, police, courts, bureaucracy, ete. It is through 
such means that the capitalist class imposes its will upon the workers. Mass 
action is the proletariat revolt against the oppression of the capitalist class. 


It develops from spontaneous activities of the workers massed in large indus- 


tries. Among its initial manifestations are mass strikes and mass demon- 


_ strations. 


The Communist Party will educate and organize working masses for such 
direct political action, i. e., mass strikes and mass demonstrations, and will 
lead them in these struggles. The struggles form the major campaign of the 
Communist Party. It is through such struggles that the working masses are 


_ prepared for the final conflict for power. This can be nothing else but a direct 


struggle between the armed forces of the cappitalist state on the one hand and 
the armed forces of the proletarian revolution on the other. In these mass 
strikes and demonstrations large masses of workers are united. New tactics 


and a new ideology are developed. As these strikes grow in number and in- 


| tensity, they acquire political character through unavoidable collision and open 
combat with the capitalist state which openly employs all its machinery to break 


' their strikes and crush the workers’ organizations. This finally results in armed 
-insurrection aimed directly at the destruction of the capitalist state and the 


ob 





establishment of the proletarian dictatorship. This objective can not be attained 
unless the entire mass movement is under the control and guidance of the Com- 
munist Party. 

The Communist Party will keep in the foreground the idea of the necessity 
of violent revolution for the destruction of the capitalist state and the establish- 
ment of the dictatorship of the proletariat based on Soviet power. 

The Communist Party will systematically and persistently propagate the idea 
of the inevitability of the necessity for violent revolution, and will. prepare the 
workers for armed insurrection as the only means of overthrowing the capital- 
ist state. 


Mr. Kuimroru. It is well to remember Trotski’s own definition 
_ of “ mass action,” which appears in his Proletariat and the Revolu- 
tion, published in 1904: 


We have got to summon all revolutionary forces to simultaneous action. 
How can we do it? First of all we ought to remember that the main scene 
' of revolutionary events is bound to be in the city. Nobody is likely to deny 
‘this. It is evident, further, that street demonstrations can turn into a popu- 
lar revolution only when they are a manifestation of masses—that is, when 


| they embrace, in the first place, the workers of factories and plants. To make 


the workers quit their machines and stands, to make them walk out of the 
factory premises into the street, to lead them to the neighboring plant, to 
proclaim there a cessation of work, to make new masses walk out into the 


| street, to go thus from factory to factory, from plant to plant, incessantly 
' growing in numbers, sweeping police barriers, absorbing new masses that hap- 


pened to come across, crowding the streets, taking possession of buildings suit- 


| able for public meetings, fortifying those buildings, holding continuous revolu- 

tionary meetings with audiences coming and going, bringing order into the 
| movements of the masses, arousing their spirit, explaining to them the aim 
| and the meaning of what is going on; to turn, finally, the entire city into 
| one revolutionary camp—that is, broadly speaking, the plan of action. The 
| starting point ought to be the factories and the plants. That menas that street 


manifestations of a serious character, fraught with decisive events, ought to 
‘begin with the politicl strikes of the masses. 


The following defense of mass action is taken from the theses and 


resolutions adopted at the Third World Congress of the Third 


International, page 143, of the edition published by the Contempo- 
rary Publishing Association, New York City, 1921, which edition 


| was admitted in evidence in the Berrien County (Mich.) criminal 


110 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


syndicalist cases, the edition being used as one of the standard com- 
munist textbooks: | 


Under “ direct action’? we mean all forms of direct pressure of the workers 
upon the employers and the State—boycott, strike, street demonstrations, sei- 
zures of the factories, armed uprisings and other revolutionary activity which 
tend to unite the working class in the fight for socialism. 


Under the title “ Parliamentary action” the program and consti- 
tution of the Communist Party of America contains the following: 


The Communist Party of America recognizes that the revolutionary prole- 
tariat must use all means of propaganda and agittion to win over the exploited 
msses. One of these means is parliamentary ctivity. The work of communist 
representtives in parliament will consist chiefly in making revolutionary 
propaganda from the parliamentary platform. * * * 

Communist representatives shall make all their parliamentary activity de- 
pendent on the work of the party outside of parliament. They should regularly 
propose demonstrative measures, not for the purpose of having them passed 
by the bourgeois majority but for the purpose of propaganda, agitation, and 
organization. All this activity must be carried on under the direction of the 
party and its central executive committee. 

* *« * Tt is the task of the proletariat to destroy the entire machinery of 
the bourgeois State, not excluding its parliamentary institutions. * * * 

The American bourgeois State was quick to recognize the communist parties 
in America as its historic and deadly enemies. It employed all its power in a 
vicious onslaught against them. Being outlawed, the communist parties 
reorganized as underground, illegal parties. Thus for the present the Commu- 
nist Party of America is prevented from participating in the elections under 
its own name. 

While the Communist Party of America wages its major campaigns and 
activities through the mass struggles of the working class outside of parlia- 
ment, it will also organize the necessary legal machinery for participation in 
municipal, State, and national election campaigns. It shall, wherever pos- 
sible, enter its candidates in opposition to all bourgeois and social-reform 
parties. 


With regard to the Trade Union Educational League and the 
Red Labor Union International, the program and constitution con- 
tains the following on pages 30 and 31: | 


The Communist Party will carry on an extensive propaganda for the affilia- 
tion of all organized labor in America to the Red Labor Union Interna- 
donal tt 

The Communist Party will fully cooperate with the Red Labor Union Inter- 
national and any committee or bureaus it may establish to carry on its work 
in the American labor movement, in keeping with the decisions of the Com- 
munist International. 


With regard to the Government of the United States being a capi- 
talist government, and therefore included in the aims of the com- 
munists generally, the following appears on pages 37 and 38 of the 
program and constitution of the Communist Party of America: 


The Communist Party of America will support with all its power every 
movement for the liberation of the oppressed colonial peoples of the United 
States. The Communist Party will fight against the economic and military 
aggression of American capitalists upon the populations of the weaker Ameri- 
can Republics. The Communist Party of America will carry on a systematic 
agitation in the American Army and Navy against every kind of oppression 
of the colonial peoples by American imperialism. * * * The Communist 
Party will systematically agitate against the oppression of the colonial peoples 
by American imperialism and support every uprising on the part of these 
oppresssed peoples. "a 


Reverting back to the subject of the Communist International, 
the program and constitution of the Communist Party of America 


‘ 
ail 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 111 


a) 


has a chapter, beginning at. page 38, from which the following ex- 
zerpts are taken: 


- The Communist International, brought forth by the proletarian revolution in 
action, is the central organ of the revolutionary proletariat in its struggle for 
‘the conquest of world power. * * * 

The Communist International subordinates the so-called national interests 

to the interest of the international proletarian revolution. The Communist 
International merges and centralizes the reciprocal aid of the proletariat of all 
mountries, *  * * 
_ * * *- Tts mission is to organize the working classes of the world for the 
overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of communism. . The 
-Communist International is a fighting body and assumes the task of combining 
the revolutionary forces of every country. 

In order to overthrow the international bourgeosies and to create an Inter- 
‘national Soviet Republic as a transition stage to the communist society, the 
Communist International will use all means at its disposal, including force 
of arms. 

* #* * The Communist International represents the single universal Com- 
tmunist Party, of which the parties of the various countries are sections. 


Section 1 of article 2 of the constitution of the Communistic Party 
of America, referring to membership, includes the following: 


SECTION 1. Every person who accepts the principles and the tactics of the 
Communist Party and of the Communist International and agrees to submit to 
‘the party discipline and engage actively in its work shall be eligible for mem- 
‘bership, provided he is not a member or supporter of any other political 
organization. 


' On the question of “ Illegality,” section 1 of article 3 of the con- 
‘stitution of the Communist Party of America states as follows: 


SEcTION 1. The Communist Party of America is an underground,. illegal 
organization. 


On the subject of “ Party discipline,” section 2 of article 8 of the 
constitution of the Communist Party of America is as follows: 


SEcTION 2. The following offenses are breaches of party discipline: 

1. Violation of the fundamental principles of the program and the consti- 
tution of the party. 
2, Refusal to accept and carry out the decisions of the party. 

8. Willfully to block and disrupt party work and. the cooperation of the 
various party units. 
_ 4, Knowingly and unnecessarily 10 endanger the underground work of the 
‘party. 
' 5, In any way to betray the party trust. 


Section 12 of the same article is as follows: 


_ Secrron 12. Every member of the Communist Party elected or appointed to 
-an official position in a labor union or any other organization shali be under 
strict party control and the immediate instructions of the party nucleus of 
his labor union or other organization. 


') In the issue of Novy Mir, the official organ of the Russian Federa- 
_tion of America, for March, 1921, volume 2, No. 12, there appears 
_a@ very interesting report of the third convention of the Communist 
' Party of America. The following excerpts are taken from this 
report: 
We will stop on two points of our program, which have actually caused a 
‘ misunderstanding, but not a dissension. 
The last paragraph of the chapter of “ Mass actions” reads in the plan of 
the program: ‘The Communistic Party of America will systematically and 


' ceaselessly preach in the midst of the working class the necessity of an armed 
‘uprising, as the only means for the destruction of the bourgeois government 


82325—24—pr 1——8 








112 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of a 
Soviet Government.” 


The communists consider it disgraceful to hide their viewpoint and their 
aims. They declare openly that their aims can be attained only by the means 
of a forcible overturn of the entire present-day social régime. 


After long debates a special committee was elected, which made up the 
wording of this paragraph to read as follows: . 

“The Communistic Party of America will systematically and ceaselessly 
preach in the midst of the working class the principle of the inevitability and 
the necessity of a forcible revolution and will prepare the working class for 
an armed uprising, as the only means necessary for the destruction of the 
bourgeois government and the establishment of the dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat in the form of a Soviet Government.” ) 

This wording was unanimously accepted. 


The preceding quotation clearly indicates the intent of the Com- 
- Munist Party as then constituted to use force and violence, and it 
should be noted that it was this party which, a few months later, 
following the edict of the Ihird International, formed the Workers’ 
Party of America in order that the communist doctrines might 
obtain a broader. field in the United States. 

Senator Borau. Have you the names of the members of the party 
who organized the party at the date which you gave here? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. They are in the possession of the authorities? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Bora. How long have they been in their possession ? 

Mr. Kriiny. As I understand, we can secure the information 
which you want. 

Senator Borau. You have the parties identified ? 

Mr. Keutry. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Are some of them citizens of the United States? 

Mr. Kuierorn. Some of them are citizens of the United States. 

Senator Boran. Some of them are not? 

Mr. Kireroru. Some of them are aliens. 

Senator Borau. The details can be given later on. 

Mr. Kurrrorn. Some of them will be taken up later. 

Senator Boran. Very well. 

Mr. Kuierorn. I will take up next the edict of the Communist 
International to form a legal party. 

The Third Congress, June-July, 1921, of the Communist Interna- 
tional issued instructions to the Communist Party of America to 
form an open political body which could operate legally. ‘This is in 
Exhibit No, 18. This quotation is from the Communist for August, 
1921 [reading]: 


The Communist International draws the attention of the Communist Party of 
America (united) to the fact that the illegalized organization must not only 
form the ground for the collection and crystallization of active communist 
forces, but that it is their duty to try all ways and means to get out of their 
illegalized condition into the open, among the wide masses; that it is their 
duty to find the means and form to unite these masses politically through 
public activity into the struggle against American capitalism. 


The Cuatrman. Will you give the date of this? . 

Mr. Kurrroru. This was in the Communist for August, 1921. 

In this same paper, the Communist, the official organ of the Com- 
munist Party of America, for September, 1921, appeared an article 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 1138 


'y Roger B. Nelson entitled “The party at the crossroads,” from 
thich I quote the following: , 


What has been done? 

Our central executive committee, conscious of its duties and the pressing 
eeds of the Communist International and the party, has laid the foundation 
w unifying and centralizing the open, legal activities of the party. It is 
igh time that our efforts to win the masses should cease being sporadic 
ilies. If we are to develop a mass Communist Party in the United States, 
‘aur efforts at coming into open, direct contact with the working class in all its 
truggles must be highly organized and centralized on a national seale. This 
3 indispensable to a proletarian revolution in America. In doing this we are 
imply accepting the tactics adopted by the Third Congress of the Comintern. 
Ve are only taking steps to carry out the especially emphatic instructions of 
‘he Third Congress to the Communist Party of America. 

_We quote from the Theses on Tactics as submitted to the Third Congress by 
enin, Radek, Bukharin, Trotski, Zinoviev, and Kamenev: “In the United 
‘tates of North America, where, on account of historical circumstances, there 
yas lacking a broad revolutionary movement even before the war, the com- 
jaunists are still before the first and simplest task of creating a communist 
‘ucleus and connecting it with the working masses. The present economic 
risis, which has thrown 5,000,000 people out of work, affords very favorable 
oil for this kind. of work. 

“ Conscious of the imminent danger of a radicalized labor movement becoming 
ubject to communist influence, American capital tries to erush and destroy 
he young communist movement by means of barbarous. persecution. The 
Xommunist Party was forced into an illegalized existence, under which it 
vould, according to capitalist expectation, in the absence of any contact with 
he masses, dwindle into a propagandist sect and lose its vitality. The Com- 
nunist International draws the attention of the Communist Party of America 
‘unified) to the fact that the illegalized organization must not only serve 
is the ground for collecting and crystallizing the active communist forces, 
yut that it is the party’s duty to try all ways and means to get out of the 
legalized condition into the open, among the wide masses. It is the duty 
yf the party to find the means and forms to unite these masses politically 
through public activity into the struggle against American capitalism.” 


Karl Radek in his report to the third congress, as quoted in 
the Communist, official organ of the Communist Party of America, 
for August, 1921, page 26, said in part as follows: 

* * * The communist parties are the instrument of this leadership. In 
many countries the communist parties are still in the process of formation. 
There the first task of the Communist International is to urge on these com- 
munists to increase their efforts tenfold, to draw the masses to themselves 
and spread communist influence among them. This is the position in England 
and in the United States of America. 

To carry out the mandate of the Communist International to 
form a so-called legal political party in this country the Communist 
Party of America organized what was known as the American Labor 
Alliance. 

This is in Exhibit 15. See report of Jay Lovestone, executive 
secretary of the Communist Party of America, to the illegal Com- 
munist Party convention at Bridgman, Mich., on August 21, 1922, 


page 2. 

H Pian > this policy, the central executive committee organized 

the American Labor Alliance. The entire party membership was 

called upon to organize branches of the American Labor Alliance. 
The organization of the American Labor Alliance, not being the 

type of political organization desired by the Communist Inter- 

national, the central executive committee on the return of Marshall 


(Max Bedacht) from the Third Congress of the Communist Inter- 









114 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


national, carrying instruction from the Communist Internationa 
‘ to organize a legal political party, at once made plans to chang 

the various units of the American Labor Alliance into units of ¢ 
political party to be known as the Workers’ Party of America 
(See Jay Lovestone’s report, referred to above.) 


Comrade Marshall, returning from the Third Congress, reported to us or 
the instructions for the American party to organize an open, legal politiea| 
party. The central executive committee immediately appointed a subcommittee 
to work out the details of the application of this instruction. Our plan was 
to change the various units of the A. into units of the No. 2 to be organized. 
The legal federations were to affiliate with the No. 2. There were to be 
formed language sections of the No. 2. The party unit in each city was to 
appoint a corresponding provisional committee of the No. 2. Branches of 
No. 1 were to form branches of No. 2 and to appoint provisional committees. 
These branches were to centralize into GC. C. Q’s. Special organizational modi- 
fications were permitted for such legal federations as the Finnish and Hun- 
garian. 


The “A” was the American Labor Alliance. The “No, 9” was 
the Workers’ Party of America. The “No. 1” was the Communist 
Party of America. The “C. C. C.’s” were the city central com- 
mittees. , | 

After the organization of the Workers Party, also known as the 
legal political party, a difference of opinion arose among the mem- 
bership of the Communist Party of America, which led to a split 
in the organization. The dispute was submitted to the executive 
committee of the Communist International and the Communist 
International reinstructed the Communist Party of America for 
the immediate formation of a legal political party, emphasizing 


that no delay was permissible. (See Jay Lovestone’s report above 
referred to, p. 5): | 


The central executive committee was suStained 100 per cent in its plans for 
the development of legal activities by the Communist International. This can 
be seen from the following quotations from official communications sent. to 
us through our delegate and the executive committee of the Communist Inter- 
national. The instructions we received were specifically and emphatically 
for the immediate formation of the legal political party. “No delay is per- 
missible,” was the instruction of November 14, 1921. The answer of the Com- 
munist International to the appeal of the “ minority’ was a unanimous un- 
reserved indorsement of the policy of the party and a mandatory instruction 
for all members to comply immediately with the decisions of the central 
executive committee. (See Exhibit No. 5 and Exhibit No. 6 and Exhibit No. 
7, instructions of the comintern entitled: “ Concerning the next tasks of the 
Rial pail «sgt 


The activities of the American Labor Alliance in the formation of 
the Workers Party of America, including its call for the conven-. 
tion, are covered in that. portion of this paper entitled “ The forma- 
tion of the Workers Party.” | 

The Communist International, in conformity with its instruc- 
tion to the Communist Party of America to organize a legal politi-. 
cal party, transmitted a program for guidance to the Communist | 
Party, entitled “Concerning the Next Tasks of the Communist | 
Party of America. (A Thesis by the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International.) 1, Main Aspects of Strategy,” excerpts: 


from which are as follows: , : 

In order to assist the American comrade in working out and formulating | 
their line of action, the executive committee of the Communist International | 
proposes for their examination, the following main points: ‘a | 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. ) 115 


* *  * The general election in which hundreds of thousands of workers 


ike part, can not be rejected as being merely a peaceful movement with 
y hich the communists will have nothing to do. Further, certain mass organ- 
ations which not only are not communistic, but are not proletarian in com- 
,osition, must be utilized by communist strategy for the benefit of the pro- 
‘tarian class struggle. As, for instance, the existing mass movements of 
nall farmers (who are, in a sense, semiproletarian), and even movements of 
‘iddle-class farmers under some circumstances. Another instance is the 
‘egro mass movement for radical betterment, which movement often attempts 
eliberately to avoid proletarian class character but must include great masses 
'f toilers. Communist strategy must utilize these movements as auxiliary 
Jorces, or at least must win them to benevolent neutrality in the class war. 
4, * * * The fighting proletarian is to be led from one stage to another 
4 the revolutionizing process by means of suitable slogans. They must help 
fae proletariat to free itself from the illusions and false traditions, that limit 
S$ vision and fetter its activities and to counteract the fossilizing influences of 
he trade union bureaucracy. One must organize the proletariat for the his- 
‘orice training school, in which it will learn to become the conqueror of cap- 
talism. 

! Only the Communist Party can do this. The organization and training of 
fhe Communist Party as leader of the revolutionary movement is, therefore, 
‘he fundamental task of the communists. 








II. MINOR STRUGGLES AND DEMANDS. 


: *%* * * mh, * * * 

| The Communist Party must remember that it is not its purpose to reform 
‘he capitalist state. The purpose of the communist is, on the contrary, to 
‘ure the working masses of their reformistic illusions, through better ex- 
verience. Demands upon the State for immediate concessions to the workers 
aust be made, not after the fashion of the Social-Democrat Parties which 
ry to make those demands within the limits in which the State can grant 
‘hem while retaining its strength intac. Communis demands for immediate 
-oncessions to the workers are formulated, not to be “reasonable” from the 
mint of view of capitalism, but to be reasonable from the point of view of 
he struggling workers, regardless of the State’s power to grant them without 
veakening itself. Thus, for instance, a demand for payment out of the 
xyovernment treasury, of full, union-standard wages for millions of unem- 
oyed workers is highly reasonable from the point of view of the unemployed 
yorkers, but damaging from the point of view of the capitalist State and the 
‘atpitalist wage competition which the State defends. 

We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be made. It 
nust be clearly understood that these are merely examples for illustration, 
ind are not binding, or are they to be concretely regarded even as advised 
dy the comintern. 
te * we o® * # * 


10. Favoring a close alliance between the United Mine Workers of America 
vith the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common action to 
‘aise the standard of living of all workers in both industries. 


Bo % * * * * 


14. For the unrestricted right of soldiers and sailors to organize in unions. 
immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers or sailors. No 
yrivate soldier or sailor to be judged by a court-martial except composed 
world war. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of the Far East. 
and other regions for exploitations. 

*% * * * % *k % 


20. Condemnation of the Washington conference as a preparation for a new 
World War. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of the Far East 
and other geions for exploitations. 


* ms % *% k as 


22. For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet 
Russia. For the reestablishment of postal agreement with Russia. 
_ These and other similar demands must be considered only as starting points 
for broader, sharper, more universal slogans. 


* * * % * * * 


116 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


The communists must participate as revolutionists in all general electiol 
campaigns, municipal, State, and congressional, as well as presidential. No 
in the same manner as the social traitors and centrists, not in order to avoir 
violent revolution and substitute parliamentary activity for revolution, but, or 
the other hand, in order to use even the election campaigns to revolutioniz 
the workers and lead them forward, to sharpen their class consciousness and t 
bring them together and unite them under communist leadership. Class-con 
Scious, courageous, and wise communists as elected representatives of the worke 
can always find the possibility in the various institutions of the bourgeois 
State in one way or another to give effective object lessons to revolutionize 
the working class. Besides, the Communist Party can conceal its undergrounc 
apparatus and develop it very effectively within the outer framework of the 
legal campaign organizations and the election activities. 


Til. PARTY ORGANIZATION, 


In all these minor struggles, as well as in the final revolutionary battle of 
the protetariat, the party organization must be the leader of the struggling 
workers. 

Its weapons are manifold and vary according to the situation, from entirely 
legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest movements for in: 
crease of wages, and from peaceful demonstrations to the revolutionary class 
struggle. 

In agitation and propaganda communists can not be satisfied with mere 
dogmatic presentation of communist principles or the propagandizing of the 
armed struggle under all circumstances. They must not permit themselves to 
appear to the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts who know nothing about the 
realities of life. They must understand how to lead the working masses from 
the struggle for the satisfaction of their first concrete needs on to such a battle 
that the struggling masses themselves will begin to believe in success and 
victory. 

The legal party press is under all circumstances a most important weapon 
to the Communist Party. Just as the political movement of the workers in 
America has remained very backward in regard to matters of organization, so 
the revolutionary labor press is also as yet very weak. 

* * * In addition, the party must publish an illegal official organ. 

All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must be utilized 
by the party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the illegal activities is 
no communist at all, and neither is that type of conspirator who does not want 
to know anything about legal activities. ; 

Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist Party in 
the United States to be a legal party. Of course, the party can develop open 
labor organizations. It can even build a legal revolutionary workers’ organiza- 
tion. It can even also launch a legal revolutionary labor party. It must 
launch also such a legal party with the purpose that the communists can 
openly enter its ranks. * * * But the underground organization whose 
membership consists entirely of communists must not be liquidated. On the 
contrary, it must be built ever firmer and stronger. It must guide and control 
the legal revolutionary party through its members. Every communist—that 
is, every member of the underground party—must submit to an iron discipline 
and must act in accordance with the directions of the leading organs of the 
underground party in all legal as well as illegal activities. . 

As a matter of course, all real communists in the United States will subscribe 
to this. The executive of the Communist International knows that the mi- 
nority of the party executive does not deny the advisability of taking advan- 
tage of legal opportunities, although this minority opposes the rapid and 
energetic procedure of the majority in founding the legal revolutionary party. 
This distinction is, in the judgment of the executive committee of the Comin- 
tern, without good ground. The fact that the party executive is proceeding 
rapidly and energetically with the formation of the legal party organization 
is not a fault. It would have been a fault to wait with the launching of the 
legal party until the underground organization had developed “sufficient 
strength.” The development of the underground organization can best be fur- 
thered through these very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal 
party. t 

* * * The Communist Party must take the initiative in the formation of 
the new legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands. It 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 117 






must be eareful to assure itself the actual control over all the leading organs 

of the legal party. For this reason the legal organization must take the per- 

-manent form of a party organization. * * * Furthermore, the develop- 

ment of a solidly organized legal party, in which members of the Communist 

Party have at least the majority on all important committees, will make pos- 

pine the control of still other anticapitalistic organizations through the legal 

party. 

. For the foregoing reasons we draw your attention to the following for your 

) guidance: 

1. The Communist Party of America is as yet far from having satisfactory 

, connections with the masses. The means of contact must be constructed with 

the greatest possible speed. 

: 2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation. 
| Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, can not be satis- 
. factory mass operations. The means of public contact with the masses must 
' be principally: 
| (a) A legal press, including at least one daily English newspaper. * * * 

(b) Organized groupings of sympathizers within the trades-unions. 

8. * * * The Government of the United States will not now permit a 
. “Communist Party” to exist, but it is compelled to permit “parties” to exist 
I in an otherwise almost unrestricted variety for the purpose of its own preser- 

_ yation. * * * The State attempts, wherever it can, to exclude a truly 

proletarian revolutionary party from this public field. It attempts first to 

. exterminate the revolutionary party if possible; or, second, to terrorize and 
| corrupt the revolutionary party into subservience to capitalist law which 
' makes revolution impossible; or, third, at least to confine the revolutionary 

. party’s operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached secretly. 
A Communist Party must defeat all these attempts. It must not be exter- 
| minated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law, and must ‘urge 
the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal machinery. 
It is equally the duty of a Communist Party to defeat by any means that may 
be necessary the capitalist government’s attempt to confine the revolutionary 
party to the underground channels in which it is even more concealed from 

the masses than it is from the Government. . 

The program of the legal party will have to be somewhat restricted. Special 
measures and slogans which, while not stating the illegal communist purpose, 
will objectively have the revolutionary effect upon the masses, must be adopted. 
The legal party must, at all times, go as far toward the communist program 
as is possible while continuing a legal existence. 

5. The entire membership of the underground party, the real Communist 
Party, must join the open party and become its most active element. Com- 
munist Party members must, at all times, hold the positions of leadership in 
the legal party. In addition to the entire Communist Party membership, the 
jegal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers who accept 
the principle of the class struggle, and the abolition of capitalism through the 
establishment of the workers’ power. Working class organizations that sub- 
scribe to these principles can be admitted to or affiliated with the legal party, 
as a body, within the judgment of the central executive committee of the Com- 
munist Party. 

6. The executive of the Communist International has resolved to support 
the position of the majority of the central executive committee of the Com- 
munist Party of America in favor of the immediate construction of a legal 
political party on a national scale, which will act as an instrument of the 
ilegal Communist Party for participation in legal activities, such as electorial 
campaigns, etc. * * * The ruling of the Communist International must 
be accepted as obligating every member of the Communist Party of America, 
minority or majority, to work diligently in the immediate construction of a 
legal political party. As a rule, party members who fail to participate whole- 
heartedly in the legal work, or who sabotage that work, must leave the party. 

7. But, in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself against 
the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work—the tendency to become 
legal in fact as Well as in outward appearance. sc ha 

8. The underground organization of the Communist Party must not sink 
into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal machinery 
further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal party. While 
coming out in the open, the Communist Party must not make the mistake of 
being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district Communist 


118 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA. 


Party headquarters, records of illegal machinery, its underground printing 
arrangements, or the personnel of its central executive committee. The central 
executive committee headquarters (of the party proper) must continue to be 
guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of ‘redoubling its security from dis- 
covery should be constantly studied). The underground machinery of the Com- 


the party structure must continue to keep its secret addresses and meeting 
places and to use these in constant underground functioning. Every member, 
no matter what his work is in the legal party, must also perform his duties in 
the underground organization. 

9. The party underground press must continue. The means of publishing 
unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must be kept always in 
hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how “ liberal” it may be, 
a Communist Party must never relinquish its facilities for underground press 
and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United States, the active 
functioning of the underground press can not be abated. But it would be fool- 
ish to print any considerable amount of literature underground that could be 
printed legally. The legal political party will be able to take upon itself the 
printing of a large portion of the literature that is not definitey illegal. It 
may also be made sponsor for a great many legal communist newspapers. 
Legal newspapers must form a very large part of the work of a mass party. 
The illegal press must carry the propaganda that the legal press can not carry, 
thus making sure that the full communist message is made clear at all times. 

10. * * * It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary 
party—the Ameriean section of the Third International—is the Communist 
Party of America and that the legal party is but an instrument which it 
uses to better carry on its work among the masses. Only through member- 
ship in the American section—the Communist Party of America—can Amer- 
ican workers become members of the Communist International. 

* * * It is, as a matter of course, very necessary that you make all 
preparations in your underground party convention for the public convention 
at which the legal revolutionary party is to be launched. With communist 
greetings, 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 
(Signed ) BUKHARIN. 

RADEK. 

KUUSINEN, Secretary. 


This thesis consisted in 10 typewritten pages, being a copy of 


minutes of a meeting of the presidium of the executive committee 
of the Communist International for November 19, 1921, certified 
as a correct copy by one “Rankon,” secretary of the E. C. C. L,, 
which certificate was dated Moscow, December 8, 1921. 

Jay Lovestone, executive secretary of the Communist Party of 
America, during the month of April, 1923, while testifying for the 
defense in People of the State of Michigan v. Charles E. Ruthen- 
berg, better known as the Berrien County Criminal Syndicalist 
cases, in the circuit court of said county, stated under oath that the 
document to which said certificate was attached and which said 
document bore the signatures of Bukharin, Radek, and Kuusinen, 


representing the central executive committee of the Communist | 


International, was a true and correct copy of what it purported to 
be; that it was received by him, said Jay Lovestone as executive 
secretary of the Communist Party of America, and that the signa- 
tures affixed thereto were bona fide. 

After the foregoing written instructions had been received by 
the Communist Party of America, a faction known as the minority 
in the Communist Party still refused to submit to the decree of 
the Communist International, which brought forth further instruc- 
tions from the Communist International to the said minority fac- 
tion, with the demand that said minority must rejoin the Com- 


is RS ee 


es a Ta 










RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 119 


qwunist Party of America, led by the so-called majority, which 
aajority had organized the Workers Party of America in obedi- 
nce to the instructions received from Moscow. 

. Senator Swanson. What positions did those parties that. signed 
hat program of instructions to\ the Communist Party of America 
iold with the Soviet Government of Russia at that time? 

Mr. Kurerotu. Bukharin and Radek were both members of the 
soviet Government, and Kuusinen was secretary of the executive 
ommittee of the Communist International. 

_ Senator Swanson. Which of them were in power and influence 
vith the Soviet Government ? 

. Mr. Kettry. Bukharin and Radek. 

Senator Swanson. What office did they hold at that time? 

_ Mr. Ketury. They were both members of the All-Russian Central 
ixecutive Committee. 

, Mr. Kurerorua. After the foregoing instructions had been received 
vy the Communist Party of America, a faction known as the minor- 
‘ty in the Communist Party still refused to submit to the decree 
£ the Communist International. 

Senator Boran. Did you give the date of the instructions signed 
ry Radek? 

_ Mr. Ketiry. November 19, 1921. 

_ Mr. Kurroru. The minority of the Communist Party refused to 
ubmit to the decree, which brought forth further instructions from 
he Communist International to the said minority faction, with the 
lemand that said minority must rejoin the Communist Party of 
America, led by the so-called majority, which majority had organ- 
zed the Workers’ Party of America in obedience to the instructions 
‘eceived from Moscow. This is Exhibit No. 16. I quote as follows: 

* * * We advise that when you inform the minority membership of this 
lecision you also convey to them your desire to reinstate at once with full mem- 
ership rights suspended comrades willing to conform to the theses on legal 
ictivities sent to you by the HK. C. of the C. I. and to the decisions of your C. E. C. 


n harmony therewith. 
With communist greetings, 


EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
O. W. KuvustoGco, Secretary. 

[Seal of E. C. of C. I] 

In consequence, the Communist International rendered another 
lecision, under date of March 11, 1922, in which decision the execu- 
ive committee of the Communist International reaffirmed anew its 
lecision of November 21 and January 24. (See “ Decisions of E. C. of 
rn 99 
We ° 

(Special bulletion on party situation, issued by the C. E. C. of the 
Sommunist Party of America, dated New York, May, 1922, excerpts 
from which read as follows:) 





DECISION OF E. C. OF C. I. 


1. The executive committee of the Comintern reaffirms anew its decisions of 
November 21 and January 24. * * * The E. C. of C. I. demands of the 
sroup which split away from the C. P. of A. that it rejoin immediately and par- 
cicipate in the work of the legal party that has been founded. 

* * * All members that do not comply with these instructions within two 
months from the time that they. are sent out by the C. E. C. of the C. P. A. stand 
outside the C. P. of A., and therefore also out of the Comintern. 

5. The E. C. of the C. P. of A. is instructed to reinstate with full membership 
rights all members of the split-off fraction that rejoin within the given time, 


120 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


and to grant them opportunity to participate in the election of delegates to the 
C. P. of A. convention in the spring. Should these decisions of the Comintern 
arrive too late in America, then the C. E. C. of the C. P. of A. is instructed te 
postpone the party convention to such a date that it will be possible for the 
reinstated members and groups of the split-off fraction to participate within 
the sections in the choice of electors for picking the convention delegates. 

6. Comrade Moore is instructed to return to America immediately and te 
help with Comrade Marshall to carry out these decisions. 

(Signed) RAKON, | 

Senator Swanson. What is the date of that? 

Mr. Kexiiry. March 11, 1922. 

Senator Swanson. Who were members of the executive committee 
of the international who were at that time also members of the 
Soviet Government of Russia? Will you put that right in there, 
so that we will not have to look it up? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. Zinoviev, Radek, Lenin, Trotski, and 
Bukharin. 

“Comrade Moore” is the party name-of J. Ballam, who was one 
of the delegates sent over to settle this controversy before the Third 
International. y 

Further correspondence in this connection was carried on. as 
shown by a letter set out in the special bulletin referred to above, 
dated Moscow, March 30, 1922, excerpts of which are as follows: 


LETTER FROM E. C. OF C. I. TO THE MINORITY. 


Moscow, March 30, 1922. 

DEAR COMRADES: * * * The Communist International sends its plenipo- 
tentiary representative to America, whose task will be to help you in over- 
coming the still existing difficulties. We already had to contend with even 


greater obstacles than yours in some countries, and have learned to overpower 
them. 


We place at your disposal the whole of our revolutionary experience—we 
will together find the way out and pursue it in the future * * * 
With fraternal greetings, 


THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. _ 
[Seal of HB. C. of C. 1.] | . 


Senator Boran. Is the Communist International and the Third 
International the same? 

Mr. Kurtiry. Yes, sir; it is the same. 

Mr. Kurerorn. Also see a letter set out under aforesaid bulletin b 
John Moore, entitled “An appeal to my comrades of the opposi- 
tion in the C. P. of A.,” excerpts of which are as follows: 

Dear Comrapes: * * * Opposition to the Communist International is 
treason to the world proletariat. To fight the Communist International is to 


betray the Russian revolution and the Soviet Government. To leave the Com- 
munist International means to renounce the communist movement. 


And further a letter from the chairman of the Comintern (Com- 
munist International), signed G. Zinoviev, was received, dated Mos- 
cow, April 3, 1922. 

Senator Swanson. That is from whom? 

Mr. Kirerorn. That is also in the same exhibit, No. 16. It is from 
Zinoviev, the chairman of the Communist International. 

Senator Swanson. What position did he hold at that time? j 

Mr. Ketiry. He was a member of the All-Russian Central Execu- 
tive Committee. This letter reads as follows: i 


Dean CoMRADE Moore: We are all extremely delighted to learn that after all 
‘an agreement has been reached. I certify herewith that in this matter sh | 


al 
a 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 121 


have done your best, although you defended the mandate of your faction until 
the very last. ; REESE? 'A20) 
' We are firmly convinced that after your arrival in America you will do every- 
thing possible in order to carry out immediately the Moscow resolutions re- 
‘garding America. A legal workingman’s party in America is absolutely neces- 
sary and for the present possible. The Communist International supports the 
‘young legal party with all its power. All American comrades must now carry 
out the instructions of the executive immediately and without qualifications. 
We instruct you to do everything possible for the enforcement of this resolution. 
Against eventual opportunism we shall fight together. 

With communist greetings, 







(Signed) G. ZINOVIEV. 
Moscow, April 3, 1922. 


The majority members of the Communist Party through the of- 
ficial organ of that party, The Communist, carried many articles 
during the summer of 1921 relating to the formation of the com- 
‘munist mass party as instructed by Moscow. In the issue of The 
|; Communist, volume 1, No. 2, for August, 1921, commencing on 


i 


‘page 5, appears an article entitled, “The Need for Open Work.” 
“The following are quotations from the article referred to which 
throw an interesting light on the movement preliminary to the 
| formation of the Workers Party of America: 


[The Communist, vol. 1, No. 2, August, 1921, p. 5.) 
THE NEED FOR OPEN WORK. 


The position of the Communist International on the question of legal and _ illegal 
methods is very clear. It urges that both methods must be part of the tac- 
ties of the Communist Party. Where bourgeois democracy still permits the 
| party to exist openly. It must develop an underground organization in prep- 
- aration for the time when it will have to meet the attack of the capitalists’ 
state and to do that work which can not be done openly; and where capitalist 

_ tervorism has forced the party underground, it must take advantage of every 
means to conduct open work. The communists of the United States have been 
criticized by the Communist International because of their failure to take 
eare of all the available means for carrying on open work. 

The underground organization has its tasks, tasks which are of first im- 
portance which can not be carried on openly. It must keep before the workers 
the goal of overthrowing and destroying the capitalist state; it must develop a 

- membership which understands the full implications of its program and educate 
this membership to assume the leadership of the masses; it must have its 
tentacles reaching out into every form of workers’ organizations, striving to 

sway, to control, to develop revolutionary purpose; it must maintain its illegal 
press and distribute its illegal literature in which its whole program is fear- 
lessly presented; it must prepare the organization and means of using armed 
force in anticipation of the revolutionary crisis. These tasks can not be ac- 

- complished by an open organization. 

What is urged here is, that to conduct its work most effectively, the Com- 

_munist Party must have two arms, one out in the open, functioning publicly, 
the other unseen, secret, underground. 

The first of these dangers can be met by so organizing the open arm of the 
party that none but Communist Party members can participate in its control. 

_It can not be an organization with a dues-paying membership which is open 
for any worker to join. The second danger can not assume serious propor- 
tions if a party discipline is established under which party members are as- 
signed the work they must perform. 

In order to fulfill the requirements set forth above, the open organization 

- must be known to the masses as the valid reason why this should not be so. 
The U. C. P. during the period of its existence created an open organization 
which was known as an auxiliary of the party. In some cities the authorities 
and the White Guard organizations of the capitalist class charged that this 
organization was but the camouflaged U. C. P. but no attack was made upon it 
and its work was not interfered with. The fact that such connection is estab- 

_ lished by general repute can not serve as the basis for the prosecution so long 


122 RECOGNITION. OF RUSSIA. 


aS no provable connection can be established between the open organization 
and the Communist Party, and its activities are not of an illegal nature and in 
the open organization becoming known as the open expression of the Com- 
munist Party, the party purpose is served in that the prestige of the activi- 
ties of the open arm rebound to the credit of the Communist Party. 


The following issue of The Communist, namely volume 1, No. 35 
for September, 1921, contained an article commencing on page 3, 
entitled “The party at the cross roads,” from which the following 
excerpts are taken as indicative of the connection existing between 


the formation of a legal party by the then illegal party, the Com- 
munist Party of America: 


|The Communist, vol. 1, No. 3, September, 1921, Di ost 
THE PARTY AT THE CROSS ROADS, 


It is high time that we act. The party must develop such a machinery as 
will enable the entire membership to actively participate in all the struggles of 
the working masses. We must further give these struggles a political charac- 
ter and direct them into revolutionary channels. We must give them a deep 
eommunist hue. 


Our central executive committee, conscious of its duties and the pressing 


needs of the Communist International and the party, has laid the foundation 
for unifying and centralizing the open, legal activities of the party. 


Comrades, conditions known to all of us and at present beyond control make 


it impossible for us to go into an elaboration of the details involved in our 


plans, For this end the central executive committee is devising other means, — 
Suffice it to say that our central executive committee is not pledged to any 
iron-clad formula as to our machinery for country-wide work, We frankly — 


recognize that the form is a matter mainly dependent upon the prevailing 


party and outside conditions. But taking all circumstances: into consideras — 
tion, the central executive comimittee’s plan is best suited for the present. — 
It is therefore the involable duty of every member of the party to give the © 
central executive committee undivided support in its efforts to build a party — 


of life, of action, of revolutionary power. 

We have taken all steps possible to insure complete and unquestionable 
control of the entire open work of the party, Our open work is completely 
under the control of the party. Only the most reliable comrades, subject to 
strict party discipline are entrusted with such work. 


We must, therefore, develop an auxiliary organization that will be so or-— 


~~ 


in 


ganically constructed as to secure for the Communist Party a controlling in- — 


fluence on the working masses. 
Let us consider these problems, First, anent the fears of losing control. 


Well, the problem of control is one which we will always face. The central _ 
executive committee has taken away every step possible to effect 100 per | 


cent control of the legal work. As time goes on, still better nrethods of con- 
trol may be devised. Then again, our entire membership must swine into 
the open work so as to perpetuate our control. 


The third congress of the Communist International. emphasized most strongly 


the urgent necessity of our finding ways and means to so function. . 
The existence of a_ strong, open, fighting auxiliary organization of the 


Communist Party will not undermine or do away with the underground — 


party. Such a subsidiary organization will positively add strength and life 
to our party. 

At present we can openly apply and work out all of our principles except 
that of armed insurrection and the seizure of power. The party must lose 
ho Opportunity for winning over the masses to our position. on this problem, 
For this task, the underground organization is especially fitted. In other 
work the Communist Party should fully and most openly utilize all legal 
opportunities. The underground party should limit itself to that work which 
can and must be done underground only. This should be the guiding policy 
for our press, education, defense, agitation, and labor union work. Such a 
policy is not one of compromise, It is the policy urged and demanded by 
the Third International. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, 123 


The class struggle and the very life of the Communist Party demand a, 
unification and centralization of all our open work on a national seale. The 
Communist International is most insistent on our accepting such a policy. 


__ In the same issue of The Communist, namely volume 1, No. 3, 
for September, 1921, commencing on page 16, appeared an article 
entitled, “The necessity for legal work,” from which the following 
extracts are taken: | 





{The Communist, vol. 1, No. 3, September, 1921, p. 16.] 


THE NECESSITY FOR LEGAL WORK. 


The C, P. A. has now reached a point where a change of tactics is an abso- 
lute necessity. This change is vital not only to the party but to the progress 
of the entire American labor movement. 

The mountain did not go to Mahomet, so Mahomet must go to the 
mountain. The masses do not and will not come to our underground organi- 
zation, so we must organize above and carry our agitation on a legal basis. 
| The question of legal work was raised at the unity convention but on ac- 
count of lack of time, nothing definite was decided and it was given to the 
“C. E. C. The C. E. C. realizing the importance and conscious of the necessity 
for combining legal work with the illegal, decided to conduct legal work on 
ja large seale. For this reason they have established a special department 
for the purpose of pushing this work .by all possible means. The decision 
of the C. E. C. as is usual with any new departure, was met with some 
‘skepticism. But this step was necessary as our party was becoming more 
jand more Sectarian. Our isolation was affecting the entire party. In order 
‘to rid itself of this harmful influence, to establish real contact with the 

toiling masses, the C. E. C. decided to conduct work not only within labor 
unions but also through all other workers’ organizations upon a unified and 
systematic plan. 

Another argument put forward against legal communist propaganda is that 
at the present time we will be compelled to refrain from propagating openly, 
some of our principles, such as the necessity of, armed insurrection. This 
policy as is claimed may lead to centrism. This argument would hold true 
if our work were limited to legal propaganda only. But whatever can not 
be circulated through legal means can be and must be given publicity through 
our underground political party. The illegal party remains the controlling 
factor. It directs all the agitation and propaganda of the illegal as well as 
the legal organizations. 

Under the direction of the illegal party there will be conducted communist 
propaganda as far as the existing conditions permit. The legal organization 
will also serve as a recruiting ground for the party. 


- Confirmatory of the preceding enunciations of the Communist 
Party of America, and clearly establishing the fact that the Workers’ 
Party of America was formed by the Communits Party of America 

‘and for purposes similar to those of the Communist Party of Amer- 

ica, is the issue of the Communist for October, 1921, volume 1, No. 

4, in which, on page 3, appears an article entitled “ The task of the 

hour.” 

This is in Exhibit 17.. From this the following excerpts are taken: 





[The Communist, vol. 1, No. 4, October, 1921, p. 3.] 
THE TASK OF THE HOUR. 


What we want is action. In order to get that, those workers that respond 
sympathetically to our calls and slogans must be organized. Should we, for 
example, succeed in making a worker feel that Soviet Russia ought to be 
recognized, it is our task to have him do something in favor of such a policy. 

What should such a worker do to make his sympathies count? Join the 
underground, Communist Party? This only convinced communists will do. 

The group of workers we are particularly interested in is the one that in its 
daily struggles reacts favorably toward out immediate slogans and tactics. 


124 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


We must organize this group if our party is to break the isolation in which 
it finds itself and become a factor in the class struggle. The problem, as it 
presents itself to us at this moment, is how can the Communist Party, an 
outlawed, underground organization, get in touch with the sympathetic and 
benevolent neutral elements of the working class? How can the Communist 
Party of America make them function in an organized manner under its con- 
trol and leadership? 


After nearly two years of existence our party numbers. only 10,000.. It is 
obvious there is something wrong with the party. The trouble is that we 


were too much underground spiritually as well as organizationally. It is 
true we could not avoid our party’s going underground. We were driven to it 
in self-protection against the brutal onslaught of the capitalistic government. 
We said, “ Either we remain legal and betray communism, or save our com- 
munist souls and go underground.” We did not see then that we could be 
above ground and underground at the same time. 


[The Communist, vol. 1, No. 4, p. 1.] 


After all our blunders and failures and with the helpful guidance of the 
Communist International we are beginning to see the light. In order to end 
the unbearable isolation of our. party and bring it into direct touch with the 
masses we must create a legal organization actively participating in every 
phase of the class struggle on the industrial field on a platform that will meet 
the requirements of the law as actually enforced by the ruling class. We 
must have an organization coexisting with the Communist Party and led by it. 

The opponents of a legal organization fear that it will not be able to tell the 
workers the “ whole truth”; that by giving them half truths it will be deceiv- 
ing them. 

What do we mean by telling the workers the whole truth? At every stage 
of the class struggle the workers must be told all that will, on the one hand, 
help the successful conclusion of their immediate struggles and, on the other 


hand, contribute toward widening the class struggle along the lines of the 


program of the Communist International. 


The whole truth does not mean telling the workers at every turn of the 


game that the seizure of power will have to be accomplished by force of arms. 
The injection of the idea of the armed force, whether as a means of defense 
or offense, at the wrong psychological moment can only harm the revolutionary 
movement. There are stages in the class struggle that do not eall for the 
introduction of the idea of forced arms. Telling the workers the whole truth 
about a given situation does not mean giving the workers full communist 
program. 

If our tactics should prove correct, our slogans appealing, and our propa- 
ganda effective, the legal organization will become a power. This does not 
imply the liquidation of the underground organization. , 

Our underground organization as an organization will remain intact. But 
its functions will undergo a change. It will no longer publish all its literature 
underground. It will no longer distribute this literature through the outlawed 
organization. All these will be done by the legal organization. The Com- 
munist Party, as such, will address the working class of America only when 
the legal organization will not be able to do so. The underground organization 
will remain without change, except that instead of functioning in a vacuum, 
as it does now, the Communist Party of America will be working on a living, 
fighting, mass organization in every unit of which there will be a communist 
nucleus working under the centralized control of the regular party organiza- 


tion. There is, then, no danger that the Communist ‘Party of America will be 


liquidated. 
The question of leadership and control is also a question of organization. 


Considering the matter from this angle, we must remember that the legal 
organization is to be created by the party. This is a sufficient insurance against 


the danger of losing control at the outset. Furthermore, as many of our 
members as possible should actively participate in the life of the legal organi- 
zation. This w'll insure party control for a very long time to come. 

The building of an open political organization is the task of the hour. This 


will end our isolation and political sterility. It will make us a party of action, 


a real revolutionary party. 


In order that there may be a very full understanding as to the 


administrative organization of the Communist. Party of America 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 125 






ad the duties of the district: organizers, which are frequently re- 
‘srred to in the various instructions prepared by the Communist 
arty of America after the formation of the Workers’ Party of 
erica in December, 1921, the following extracts are taken from 
‘ie constitution of the Communist Party : : 


ARTICLE 1. Name, purpose, and emblem. 

SEcTIon 1. The name of this organization shall be the Communist Party of 
merica, section of the Communist International. 

Sec. 2. The Communist Party of America is the vanguard of the working 
ass, namely, its most advanced class conscious and therefore its most revolu- 
onary part. Its purpose is to educate, direct, and lead the working class of 
‘merica for the conquest of political power; to destroy the bourgeois State 
sachinery ; to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of soviet 
ower; to abolish the capitalist system and to introduce the communist society. 
Sec. 3. The emblem of the party shall be the crossed hammer and sickle 
‘etween sheaves of wheat and within a double circle. Below the hammer and 
lieckle the words “All power to the workers.” In the circular margin the words 
Communist Party of America—section of the Communist International.” 


_ The rest of the constitution I will not read in that connection. 
I next take up the formation of the workers’ party of Ameriea. 
The following is the convention call to organize the Workers Party 
if America sent out from the headquarters of the American Labor 
Alliance, New York, N. Y.,.1in December, 1921: 


{The Toiler, vol. 4, No. 199, p. 6, December 3, 1921.] 


; 
: {Extracts from the constitution of the Communist Party.] 





A CALL. TO ACTION. 


Convention call to organize the Workers Party of America. 

A fierce class war is raging throughout the world. All capitalist governments 
re openly fighting the battles of the exploiters, 

The struggle of the workers, even for the most elementary needs, is to-day 
net with merciless suppression, and develops into a fight for political power. 

Inspired by the proletarian revolution in Russia, and impelled by the cowardly 
ind traitorous conduct of their leaders, the workers of the world have organized 
he Communist International as an answer to the unholy alliance of their 
‘apitalist oppressors. Despite the bitter opposition of the capitalists and their 
abor lieutenants, the Communist International is growing rapidly. It has 
yecome a world power. 

The American capitalists are using the present economic crisis to increase 
heir power of exploitation and oppression. The whole working class is being 
‘rushed under the heel of a brutal capitalist dictatorship. 

At this critical moment we must have an organization that will not only 
valiantly defend the workers but will also wage an aggressive struggle for the 
ybolition of capitalism. Only a revolutionary workers’ political party can fulfill 
‘this task. 

Such a party will and must grow out of all political groups which stand on 
the platform of the militant class struggle. It is not necessary to create this 
Jesire for unity. It is already a living reality, grown out of the very struggle 
of the masses during the years since the ending of the World War and the 
naugurating of soviet rule in Russia, 

- With a full realization of these facts, the undersigned join in issuing this 
“all for the organization of the Workers Party of America, pledged to the fol- 
‘owing principles: 

1. The workers’ republic: To lead the working masses in the struggle for 
the abolition of capitalism, through the establishment of a government by 
the working class and for the working class—a workers’ republic in America. 

2. Political action: To participate in all political activities, including electoral 
‘ampaigns, in order to utilze them for the purpose of carryng our messages 
7o the masses. The elected representatives of the workers’ party will unmask 
the fraudulent capitalist democracy and help monopolize the workers for the 
inal struggle against their common enemy. 


126 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


3. The labor unions: To develop the labor organizations into organs of mili 
tant struggle against capitalism, expose. the reactionary labor. bureaucrats 
and educate the workers to militant unionism. . . 

4. A fighting party: It shall be a party of militant, class-conscious workers 
bound by discipline and organized on the basis of democratic centralization 
with full power in the hands of the central executive of the party, shall als: 
coordinate and direct the work of the party members in trade unions. 

0. Party press: The party’s press shall be owned by the party and all ot 
its activities shall be under control of the central executive committee. . 

All working-class bodies that accept the above program are invited to join 
in the first national convention of the Workers’ Party, to be held in New 
York City December 23-26, 1921. ; . 

Working men and women! Help build the political party that will lea¢ 
the oppressed masses to achieve their own complete emancipation! Let us 
raise the banner of the militant workers of the world with the immortal rally: 
ing ery of— 

Workers of the world unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains! 
You have a world to gain! ; 


American Labor Alliance; Affiliated Organizations—Finnish Social. 
ist Federation, Hungarian Workers’ Federation, Italian Workers 
Federation, Jewish Workers’ Federation; the Workers’ Counci 
of the United States of America; the Jewish Socialist Federa. 
tion; Workers’ Education Association (Arbeiter Bildungs 
Verein). 


AMERICAN LABOR ALLIANCE. 


References to the above organization appear in reports submitted 
by the district organizer of district No. 10 of the United Communist 
Party of America. Copies of two such reports were found among 
the papers seized at 170 Bleecker Street, New York City. 

One of them, dated February 7, 1921, reads in part as follows—this 


? 


is Exhibit No. 19: 
Senator Borau. What was the date of the seizure? | 
Mr. Krerrorn. April 29, 1921. One of these reports referred to 
reads, in part, as follows: 


, But there is an organization here now of red unions or what we know as 
“pinks.” About 200 delegates attend a convention and organize “The Ameri- 
can Labor Alliance,” for trade relations with Russia. It offers us a splendid 
field for work, and we are doing all we can to shape its policy. We have 
about one-third of the board of 18. And I feel sure, when we have the un- 
employed going, they will give us good support. We intend to salivate them 
with toilers, etc. I think it is possible to get a lot of propaganda across with 
open air, unemployed meetings, that will wake up the unions a bit. 


One, dated March 12, 1921, reads in part as follows: 


Now, then, I received a clipping from a New York paper that there was a 
conference of unions held at the Peoples House on the 5th, and their line of 
action was to invite the unions and technical men to cooperate with them. I 
want to know if that is the plan that you are going to follow? If so, I am 
on the wrong track here. I rather like that plan, because I feel sure that after 
the 24th of this month, when the American Labor Alliance for Trade with 
Russia have held their mass meeting, they will swing in behind the unem- 
ployed movement. So for the time being I am going to call off our mass meet- 
ing of the 21st and devote the time to working up the sentiment for a con- 
ference of unions and technical men. If you do not want this, why, let us 
know as soon as possible. And about our headquarters for registration, let 
me know about that also. We have always had a headquarters for every 
unemployed started here. The question of finances also must be settled. As 
yet we have made no appeals to the unions and anyone. One reason is that 
the unions are now being worked by the Labor Alliance and we are now being 
worked by the Labor Alliance, and we don’t want to conflict with them at 
present. But I had an experience last night that convinces me that after their 
meeting is over we will have to talk Turkey to them. They must be made 


oa 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. £27 


to understand that the unemployed movement is going to be the big movement 
in this country and ail other labor activities are subordinate. Now, I saw 


indications last night that some of the men in the Labor Alliance who are 
' not C.’s are trying to make that a permanent organization for the purpose 


of making a meal ticket out of it. They expect to take up a big collection on 


the 24th, and I feel sure that they will allow salaries to those that take the 
lead in the movement. 


I think we have about 12 delegates as members, and as soon as the mass 
meeting is over we will start the movement to make it an auxiliary to, our 
unemployed movement. I am going to bring the matter up at the next meet- 
ing. Now, then, I had it arranged to get before the labor council last night, 
‘but failed for the time being. One of our members of the unemployed is a 
delegate there. 

Address all communications and requests for further information to 

WorKERS PARTY CONVENTION COMMITTEE, 
EuMeErR T. ALLISON, Secretary, 
201 West Thirteenth Street, New York; N: Y. 


The Workers Party of America held its first convention in New 


York City, commencing on December 23, 1921. It was announced 
that this party would centralize and direct the struggle of the labor- 


Ing masses against the powerful centralized opposition of their 


_ exploiters. | 


Senator Boran. You will have the names of those who constituted 


that convention, will you? 


2 


_ Mr. Kurmrorn. Yes; we have them. Its ostensible purpose was 
to be the consolidating of existing labor organizations to develop 
them into organizations of militant struggle against capitalism and 


_ penetrate the labor unions with truly revolutionary elements, to par- 


ticipate actively in the election campaigns for the sole purpose of 
unmasking the so-called fraudulent capitalist democracy, with the 
ultimate aim of forcing the abolition of capitalism and establish a 
workers’ republic. (See the program, of the Workers. Party of 


_ America, published and circulated by the Workers. Party, 201 West 


Thirteenth Street, New York City.) 
_ The delegates consisted of 94 delegates representing the American 


Labor Alliance and 12 delegates representing, the workers’ council. 








. The credentials committee reported in favor of seating 94 delegates 
representing the American Labor Alliance, as follows: 


Delegates. 
pi ieee gf gk CL) Ee 07 § Sime empl il di i hel lh oa po dda 12 
rate tere eo ee me et ee eee 3 

PE GT ATTANCO ee eee ee a 1 

tt sgl gill gy RS ep ca in eu a iA Saceaio em N,V pe 
ieee Slavic. Workers Federation 2240!" Nonay Wyo 2 
feoanisn Workers Union... Wicket eonietien = Rr) VEE 1 
Ar Bi JAN! leith he oT UD Pg eg he gg 8 1 
Miomininhbrameniiow 900 belo alelliqnug) ed) qi sdet wl ol heal ot? i 
Mian yeecionleLisis vihoeiive “toils 3yo silayoh bie showmeh hold oe 4 
ree, termite eee ee Pe SP too sb hei 2 

merriairvecotion £00 Us sildines “eybihou: 2 Bolwell bikiAd oddoee seedy 10 
MRE IEROULOU. SG AA cele ig 2b i eee nl ie ts i 3 
Pe eeCitOM ie. Oot a rots oO Fie) 5 
gS ll a leg a bgp SR bed aU ne Das Ae Re A, RR LMA fa URS 2 
pS MS st 5 MR Sada aa ep ha Slee. bee sgusiaie apa aaN 12 
SE 0.28 Tn ee ee en eae ees 13 
: SIIMRITIENIEOL TOGHOTUSION i 12 
I TEINS AO dk a pe et 4 
Scandinavian Socialist Labor Federation-________-___-___________-_____ 2 

meandinAvian Socialist: Mederationiiss. oa bsi.4 nt ce be, 2 

meuiialo Socialist Labor. Party, (Club oi 2 nu. seni oh Lee dee ce 1 


} 
} 


82325—24—prT 1——9 


128 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Fraternal representation was granted as follows: Proletarian 
Party, 3; Jewish Socialist Party Left Paola Zion, 4; 1. W. W, 
committee for the red trade-union international; Young Workers’ 
League, 2; Esthonian Uus Im, 1; Columbiana Political League, 
1s African Blood Brotherhood, 2s Amalgamated Metal Workers, 
1; application for representation "of Marx- Engels Institute was 
denied. 

The following are excerpts from the program adopted at the 
first convention of the Workers’ Party of America, New York City, 
December 23, 1921. 

Senator Bora. Did those people agree upon any program? 
[ Laughter. | 

Mr. Kurrrorn. This program is very mild in form and has been 
superseded by the program adopted at the second convention of the 
Workers’ Party, which is covered in a subsequent part of this report, 
and references are made here in order to again draw attention to the 
hand of the Communist International in the direction of the organi- 
zation and activities of the party: | 


Disillusioned by the cowardly and traitorous conduct of their own leaders, 
and inspired by the proletarian revolution in Russia, the workers of the world 
have organized the Communist International. Despite the bitter opposition 
of the eapitalists. and their labor lieutenants, the Communist International 
is growing rapidly. It has become a world power, the citadel and hope of 
the workers of every country. * * #* 


SOVIET RUSSIA. 


While the leading powers are thus arming and conspiring against one 
another in the exploitation of subject peoples, they are united in their hatred 
of Soviet Russia. Russia, the workers’ republic, stands clearly opposed to 
the imperialist nations that are under the rule of a capitalist dictatorship. 
Russia, having established the dictatorship of the proletariat, cultivates in- 
ternational working class solidarity as a means to thwart the machinations 
of world imperialism. 

For more than four years the Soviet Government of the workers and 
peasants has stood unshaken before the continued attacks of international 
eapitalism. The death-dealing blockade, the incited attacks of the Czarist 
generals, the criminal onslaught of the Polish imperialists, the crop failure, 
and the famine due to drought—all these have failed to undermine the Soviet 
Government. To-day it is more firmly established than ever. The workers’ 
Party look to Soviet Russia for leadership in the struggle against world 


imperialism. 
* * * * * * * 
OUR LABOR MOVEMENT. 
* * * * * * Lo 


3. To lead in the fight for the immediate needs of the workers, broaden and 
deepen their demands, and develop out their every-day struggle a force cm 
the abolition of capitalism. 

4. To work for the establishment of a workers’ republic. 


CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1922. 


* * * * * * * 


The resumption of trade relations with Russia ate the recognition of the 
an republic. , 


‘ 


THE RACE PROBLEM. 


The negro workers in America are exploited and oppressed more ruthlessly 
than any other group. The history of the southern negro is the history of a 
brutal terror—of persecution, rape, and murder. The formal abolition of 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 129 


slavery made it possible for the northern capitalists to penetrate the South 
-and to bring cheap negro labor North. This was, however, detrimental to the 
interests of southern capitalists, and they have sought by every means to 
‘maintain the enslavement of the negro. It is in order to subjugate him and 
break his spirit that secret murder societies, such as the Ku-Klux Klan, have 
been established. 

Because of the antinegro policies of organized labor the negro has despaired 
‘of aid from this source and has either been driven into the camp of labor’s 
enemies or been compelled to develop purely racial organizations which seek 
purely racial aims. The Workers Party will support the negroes in their 
struggle for liberation and will help them in their fight for economic, political, 
and social equality. It will point out to them that the interests of the negro 
worker are identical with those of the white. * * * ‘ 
| * * Es * * * * 


LABOR-UNION PROGRAM. 
* * i! PK * * * % 


Facing this crisis, the Workers Party of America rejoices to be able to point 
“out that for the first time in our labor history an adequate and comprehensive 
program has been laid out for the militant workers in the labor unions. The 
first world congress of red labor unions, held in Moscow in July, 1921, brought 
together the wisdom and experience of the revolutionary labor movement of 
the whole world. Out of this congress came a clear and definite program 
which, if applied with intelligence and energy by the militant workers, will 
‘lead the American labor-union movement out of the present disruption and 
‘place it on the high road to social and economic power—the road to the 
workers’ republic. 

The Workers Party therefore calls upon ‘the class-conscious workers of 
America to rally to the banner of the red international of labor unions. It 
calls upon them to consider carefully the resolutions and decisions of the first 
congress of the red international and to put its policies into effect: (1) By 
joining the labor union of their trade or calling; (2) by organizing a minority 
group with all other class-conscious workers in such union, or joining such 
militant bodies of this nature as already exist; (8) by using the energies of 
these class-conscious groups to place militant, aggressive programs into effect 
in their unions and depose the conservative or reactionary officials that stand 
in the way or oppose. 


* * * * we a x 


RESOLUTION GF LABOR-UNION ACTIVITY. 
* * * * + * * 


The red international of labor unions, composed as it is of the most trusted 

and experienced representatives of the revolutionary unions in all countries, 
is an instrument for bringing to the unions of each country the tactical wisdom 
and scientific knowledge of revolution gained in the experience of all. The 
Workers Party will urge the revolutionary unions existing in the United States 
to follow the policies outlined by the red labor-union international. 
- Even though the Workers Party of America has a separate and 
distinct constitution and program, it is impossible to base a review 
of the purpose and activities of that organization solely upon an 
Me inination of its organic law. In examing the activities of the 
: Workers Party of America, it is essential always to keep in mind 
‘the purposes for which that party was formed by the Communist 
Party of America and the instructions to the Communist Party of 
America in formulating the plans, program and constitution of the 
Workers Party of America. 

Shortly after the convention of the Workers Party of America, 
or on January 12, 1922, to be exact, the Communist Party sent 
‘secret instructions which were binding on all their members, in- 
‘structing them as to the part they were to play in the Workers 


130 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Party so as to insure absolute control. These instructions establish 
the fact that the Workers Party is controlled by the Communist 
International, through their American section; namely, the Com- 
munist Party of America. 

These secret instructions are in Exhibit 21. They are four pages 
long. Do you desire to have any part of them read’ 

Senator Swanson. Can you give us a short summary of what the 
instructions are? 

Mr. Kurerorn. I will give you the conclusion [reading :] 


The central executive committee expects the membership to use its intelli- 
gence and adjustments may be necessary, and we shall make them. 

This proper form for the building up of a mass movement under communist 
influence is in general outline now established. 

We are trying to build up a communist mass movement in this country. 
Whether we shall achieve this end depends entirely upon earnestness and dis- 
cipline of the membership. Discipline is the cornerstone upon which we will 
achieve our aim. Anyone who attempts to break down the discipline will 
demoralize our organization and has no place in our ranks. 


The instructions referred to are here printed in full in the record, 
as follows: ' 


INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED JANUARY 12, 1922, TO ALL MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNIST 
PARTY OF AMERICA. 


These instructions are binding to all members. . 

Excerpt of report of Executive Secretary Lewis on adjustment of No. 1 and 
No. 2 passed at the conference No. 2 delegates to the convention of W. P. 

The complete and satisfactory adjustment on No. 1 and No. 2 is the next 
problem that the party must solve. 

We have had no experience in the form of organizing which we are at the 
present time building up to the present. We have been ‘functioning as a 
party under conditions of suppression. The form of organization was adapted 
to this condition and though the machinery was cumbersome, there was no 
particular problem of organization. ‘To-day,’ in constructing the No. 2 we 
are confronted with the problem of adjusting the No. 1 to the No. 2 in such a 
manner as not to hamper the growth of the new organization and at the same 
time not to allow the No. 1 to fall into disuse. 

The need for an open organization does not have to be emphasized. It is by 
this time definitely established that without such an organization we can not 
hope to draw the broad masses to us. On the other hand,“the need for 
maintaining a verile No. 1 machinery to assure the uninterrupted activity of the 
party as well as to insure the necessary illegal work, should require no argu- 
ment—certainly not for communists who are acquainted with the conditions 
under which they work, and with the general policy of the thesis of the 
international. The thesis declares: “ The party must perfect its preliminary 
revolutionary work on the basis of preparedness, for it is frequently next to 
impossible to foresee the changeable ways of stormy and calm periods; and 
even in cases where it might be possible, this foresight can not in many cases 
be made for reorganization because the change frequently comes quite suddenly. 

Granting these two conditions, the problem consists of adjusting one to the 
other. This problem will be definitely solved at the next party conyention 
which will take place within a few months. Actual experience will tell us what 
rearrangements, if any, are necessary. The membership must give their 
earnest consideration to this problem and solve it in a realistic fashion on the 
basis of the needs of the party. 'y 

For the present we may be guided by the following rules: : 


1. GENERAL POLICY. a 

We, the ©. P. of A. section of the C. L, are to have undisputed control of the 
open organization. It is our legal expression. It must be, however, not a 
mechanical control. Such would only be harmful to the organization. It must 
control. through members, through better organization, through activity, through 
fusion with the open organization. This control must not be used for particular 
sect interest, but for the development of a mass organization. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 131 


7 There must be no talking of liquidation. Instead we must strengthen our 
“machinery No. 1 and recruit every active member into its ranks, making 
him (her) part of the Amer. C. BE. C. of C. I. and so making easier and 
‘with little conflict the control of the open organization. If as communists we 
‘can not win over the most active members of No. 2 then we are not worthy 
‘of the name. We must act as a unit within the open organization. This 
“must not be a machine rule. The control must be more real than apparent. 
‘The actual carrying out of this instruction must be left to the intelligence of the 
“membership. No minute laws can be laid down. 


2. DISTRICT COMMITTEES. 


_ District committees of No. 1 will function as district committees of No. 2, 
‘except where it is advisable or necessary to have other. 

' Where D. E. C. of No. 1 and No, 2 are the same, there are no difficulties. 
‘Where D. E. C. of No. 2 consists of a majority of D. E. C. of No. 1 and addi- 
tional members not members of D. EH. C. No. 1, the other members of No. 1 
‘should be present at D. E. C. No. 1 meeting, and upon all matters of No. 2 
‘they shall have voice and vote. These joint meetings amount to a caucus 
‘within No. 2. 

' No. 1D. E. C. shall not discontinue their own meetings. They shall be held 
‘regularly. The other numbers of No. 1 members of No. 2 D. E. C., but not of 
‘D. E. C. No. 1, may be invited to such meetings as fraternal members, with 
‘voice but no vote, having the same status and educational and industrial 
organizers as were on the D. E. C. No. 1 previously. (7) 

- Where the D. O.’s of No. 1 and No. 2 are the same, D. O. No. 1 shall make ar- 
rangements to take care of No.1. Special attention must be given to the matter 
of files, records, literature, and connections so as not to expose the connections 
/between the No. 1 and No. 2 in writing. Connections of No. 1 must be made 
doubly secure now. Copies of them shall be deposited with the comrades, one 
with the assisant to the D. O. and the other with one of the most trustworthy 
‘members of the D. E. C. No. 1. 

Where because of inability of the D. O. No. 1 to serve as D. O. No. 2 or whether 

because of personal reasons or because other groups in the party must be 
given representation, the D. O. of No. 1 shall continue to serve in his present 
capacity. 
Where D. O.’s of other groups come into office, the D. E. C. of No. 1 must 
cooperate with him and must direct his activities so that he carries out the 
‘policies and principles of the comintern and does not limit the district activ- 
ities of parliamentary campaigns. 


| DUES. 


. The dues in the No. 1 shall be reduced to 25 cents, taking effect January 1. 
- PRESS. 


4 


| 2 The press of the No. 2 shall devote itself to the following tasks: 

1. To continue the fight against leftism, with the object of winning over 
the leftists to our policies. 

, 2. To discuss matters and documents which for obvious reasons can not be 
printed in the press of No. 2 

' 8. To clarify issues. The problem of legal and illegal work, the nature of 
the State, the role of the forces in the proletarian revolution, and similar 
; problems. 

. 4. To discuss the problems of the party in all its phases. The members are 
-reqeusted to make contributions, and especially for the next few issues, which 
will be concerned with problems that are to come before the party convention. 


MEETINGS. 
. The meetings of the No. 1 and No. 2 shall be held in accordance with previous 
instructions. alternately each week. However, if further adjustment shall be 
mecessary, such adjustment shall be guided by the following: No. 1 shall be 
‘regular and shall be held prior to No. 2. These meetings may be long or short, 
‘according to necessity, but the D. I.’s are instructed not to permit meetings to 
‘be discontinued. 

} : 


i 
i 









LSY RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


CONCLUSION. 


The C. E. C. expects the membership to use its intelligence, and adjustments 
may be necessary, and we shall make them. 

This proper form for the building up of a mass movement under communist 
influence is in general outline now established. 

We are trying to build up a communist mass movement in this country. 
Whether we shall achieve this end depends entirely upon earnestness and 
discipline of the membership. Discipline is the cornerstone upon which we wilk 
achieve our aim. Anyone who attempts to break down the discipline will 
demoralize our organization and has no place in our ranks. 

G. LEwIs, 
Executive Secretary. 

Notr.—The No. 1 referred to in these instructions is the Communist Party 
of America. 

The No. 2 referred to is the Workers Party of America. 

The C. P. of A. referred to is the Communist Party of America. 

The C. I. referred to is the Communist International. 

The Dis. Com. referred to is the district committee. 

The D. BE. C. referred to is the district executive committee. 

The D. O. is the district organizers. 


It will be noted from division 2 of the above document, subtitled 
“District committees,” that in every instance possible the district 
organizers of the Communist Party of America are to act as district 
organizers of the Workers Party of America, and, if not possible, 
the district organizers of the Communist Party of America must 
direct the district organizers of the Workers’ Party of America. 

This is Exhibit 22. | . 

An official bulletin of the Communist Party of America received 
April 5, 1922, stated in part as follows: 


The C. E. C. has decided upon the following: In order to establish No. 2 it 
was necessary in many cases to have the organizers of No. 1 assume the same 
functions in No. 2. The persistent needs of both divisions demand a readjust- 
ment now that No. 2 is established. 


The following is quoted from an official bulletin of the Communist 
Party of America received March 9, 1922. This is Exhibit 23. 
[ Reading :] 


No. 2 must be firmly controlled and directed by No. 1. All members of No. 
1 must joint No. 2. No. 1 must be strengthened by all possible means. Every 
member of No. 1 must submit to an iron discipline in both No. 1 and 2. All 
connections of No. 1 must be kept safe. All addresses of connections in No. 1 
must be kept in code and all incriminating material is to be kept absolutely 
safe; if possible, outside of the place where you live. All records of No. 1 
must be held safely and the identity of the No. 2 members of No. 1 working in 
oftices or upon committees or in units of 2, as well as the relation to No. 1, must 
not be exposed. We must endeavor to have a majority of our members on all 
important committees, and all our members are to fill all the offices of No. 2. 
In our activities of No. 1 we must assimilate all its members, get them close 
to us, teach them our understanding, their further development, and, when ripe, 
propose them for No. 1 in the regular manner. Use nothing but real names in 
No. 2. Get accustomed to speak in terms that will not in any way reveal con- 
nections with No. 1. Remember that your units of No. 1 are to function at 
all times as iron-bound caucuses, where all the decisions are made before they 
are carried into action in No. 2. 


An official bulletin issued by Communist Party of America (Ex- 
hibit 24) entitled “Legal political activities,” received on April 9, 
1922, in part is as follows: 


The legal political organ is to be the means enabling the Communist Party to 
function in the open contact with the masses. . 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 133 


There is also an official mimeographed sheet entitled “A report on 
_ the third congress,” reading in part: 

The distinct slogan of the third congress is ‘‘To the masses.” Toward the 
Communist Party of America the congress took a very definite attitude. 
Bluntly we were told that we were still before the first and simplest task of 
creating a communist nucleus and connecting it with the working masses. The 
_ congress as a whole, without dissenting voice, ordered the American party to 
try all means and ways to get out of the illegalized condition into the open. 


There is also a mimeographed official letter of the Communist 
Party of America entitled “Legal political activities,” in which it 
directs the entire membership of the underground party to join the 
open party, hold the position of leadership, and become active. 

From official mimeographed bulletin of April 9, 1922, I quote as 
follows. This is Exhibit 25. [Reading:] 


It follows from the above that the leadership and control of the legal po- 
litical organ must be retained by the Communist Party of America; also that 
the seat of party authority and leadership for the membership of the Com- 
munist Party of America continues to reside within its organization, which is 
the American section of the Communist International. 

Hence the party membership must function in the legal political organ as a 
unit, subject and responsible to the respective units of the Communist Party. 


Official bulletin received by New York March 9, 1922: 


No. 2 must be firmly controlled and directed by No. 1. All policies as to 
principles and tactics of No. 2, as well as activities of the everyday struggle, 
must be discussed and decided upon by No. 1 before carried into action. This 
is as important for the lower units as it is for the higher committees. In 
order to establish a practical combination, the following rules are to be 
observed and carried out without delay: 

All members of No. 1 must join No. 2, and activities of the latter are to be 
broadened as extensively as possible. 

Every member of No. 1 must submit to iron discipline in both No. 1 and 
No: 2. 

In a special bulletin issued by the central executive committee 
of the Communist Party of America, New York, May, 1922, appears 
an article entitled “The issue between the minority and the party.” 
This is Exhibit 16. It sets forth that the minority faction of the 
Communist Party of America have voted not to obey the instructions 

of the executive committee of the Communist International. The 
second paragraph sets forth that the executive committee of the Com- 
munist International has made its final decision, and that every 
member must obey within the time limit or stand expelled from the 
Communist Party of America and the Third International. 

There is embodied in the bulletin an article entitled “ Concerning 
the next tasks of the Communist Party of America” (a thesis of the 
executive committee of the Communist International), which was 
adopted by the executive committee when it learned of the opposition 
in the Communist Party of America to the formation of a legal party, 
and it not only gives instructions for the guidance of the American 
movement but explains the principles and reasons for these instruc- 
tions: 

Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist Party in the 
United States to be a legal party. 

It must launch also such a legal party with the purpose that the communists 
can openly enter its ranks—but the underground organization whose member- 
ship consists entirely of communists must not be liquidated. 

It must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its members. 
Every communist, that is, every member of the underground party, must sub- 





134 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


mit to an iron discipline and must act in accordance with the directions of the 

leading organs of the underground party in all legal as well as illegal activities. 
The development of the underground organization can best be furthered 

through these very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal party. 


In section 3, paragraph 10, entitled “ Party organization,” the fol- 
lowing is quoted: 





It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary party—the Ameri- 
can section of the Third International—is the Communist Party of America, 
and that the legal party is but an instrument which it uses to betier carry on 
its work among the masses. Only through membership in the American sec- 
tion of the Communist Party of America can American workers become mem- 
bers of the Communist International. , 

The above quotation appears over the names of Buckarin, Radek, 
and Kusinen, secretary, who represented at that time the executive 
committee of the Communist International. 

An original mimeographed copy of the Workers’ Party press serv- 
ice is entitled “ New developinents in the communist movement,” and 
sets forth that the Workers’ Party must establish a wider legal move- 
ment in which the proportion of the communists, as compared to the 

rest of the organized masses must be 1 to 50 or as 1 to 100. 


PROGRAM ADOPTED AT WORKERS PARTY CONVENTION HELD IN NEW YORK 
CITY, DECEMBER, 1922, WHICH WAS IN THE POSSESSION OF CHARLES EB. 
RUTHENBERG WHILE ATTENDING THE ILLEGAL COMMUNIST PARTY CON- 
VENTION AT BRIDGMAN, MICH. 


This program of the Workers Party was prepared by Charles E. 
Rutherberg for the Workers’ Party convention originally set for 
August 28, 1922, at Chicago, Ill, and postponed to December, 1922, 
and held in New York City. This program conformed to instruc- 
tions received from the executive committee of the Communist In- 
ternational for the formation and conduct of the legal branch or 
party of the Communist Party of America. Charles EB. Rutherberg, 
in his own defense, while being tried for criminal syndicalism in 
the Berrien County circuit court, at St. Joseph, Mich., testified 
that this program had been adopted by the central executive com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of America as the program of the 
Communist Party. The title of this program was, “ Program of 


the Workers Party of America,” and the program shows on its face — 


that it was not intended for the Communist Party of America. 
Testimony also showed that the aforesaid resoltuions of the adjust- 
ment committee were in fact the program adopted at the Communist 
Party convention and that the program entitled, “ Workers Party 
Program of America” had not been considered. A program for 
the Workers Party was subsequently adopted at the Workers Party 
convention held in New York City during the month of December, 
1922, which was, in substance, the same program as the draft which 
Charles EK. Ruthenberg, the executive secretary of the Workers 
Party of America, and also a member of the central executive com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of America, had in his possession 
while attending the Bridgman convention, excepts of which are as 
follows: 


Th conflict can only be ended by abolishing the capitalist system. It is the 


aim of the Workers Party of America to organize and unite the workers for 
the attainment of this goal. 


fe 


ee 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 185 


f 


THE GOVERNMENT. 


The capitalist State 
i the organized power of the capitalist class ‘for suppression of the 








demands of the exploited and opporessed workers. 


The workers can not wage a successful struggle against capitalist exploita- 
tion and oppression while the State power remains in control of the capital- 


‘ists. The Workers Party therefore declares that the class struggle must take 
_the form of a political struggle, a struggle for control of the Government. 


| 


IMPERIALISM. 


Imperialism with all its horrible consequences in the crippling and maiming 
and killing of workers can only be ended through the workers wresting the 


“power of the Government from the hands of the capitalists. 


ELECTION AND: ELECTION CAMPAIGNS. 


The Workers Party will not foster the illusion, as is done by the Yellow 


Socialists and Reformists, that the workers can achieve their emancipation 
‘from the oppression and exploitation of capitalism through the elevation of a 
“majority of the members of the legislative bodies of the capitalist government 


and executive Officials of that government. 


The Constitution of the United States was so drafted as to protect the inter- 


ests of the exploiters of the workers. The merchans, the bankers, and the land- 


owners of 1787 wrote into the Constitution provisions which they hoped would 
forever protect the interest of their class. 
The Workers Party will also nominate its candidates and enter into the elec- 


tion campaigns to expose the fraudulent character of capitalist democracy and 


earry on the propaganda for the soviets. It will use the election campaigns to 
rally the workers for mass political demands upon the capitalist state. Its 
candidates when elected to office will use the forums of the legislative bodies 


for the same purpose. 
LABOR UNIONS. 


The Workers Party declares one of its chief immediate tasks to be to inspire 
in the labor unions a revolutionary purpose and to unite them in a mass move- 
ment of uncompromising struggle against capitalism. 

The Workers Party declares its support of the Red Labor International and 
adopts as its program for the struggle within the unions the program of the 
Red Labor International on the American labor unions. 


THE NEGRO WORKER. 


The negro workers of this country are exploited and oppressed more ruth- 
lessly than any other group. 
The Workers Party will carry on propaganda to bring to the workers an 
understanding of the necessity of supplanting the existing capitalist govern- 
ment with a Soviet Government. 


THE GOAL- OF THE PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP. 


- Jt will be the task of the Government of the 30,000,000 workers of this coun- 
try to take from the capitalists the control and ownership of the raw materials 
and machinery of production upon which the workers are dependent for their 
life, liberty, and happiness and to establish communist ownership. 


THE INTERNATIONAL. 


The Workers Party accepts the principle that the class struggle for the 
emancipation of the working class is an international struggle. The workers of 
Russia have been obliged to fight against the whole capitalist world in order to 
“Maintain their Soviet Government and to win the opportunity of rebuilding 
their system of production on a communist basis. In this struggle they have 
had the support of the enlightened workers in every country. 

The Workers Party declares itself in sympathy with the principles of the 
Communist International and enters the struggles against American capitalist, 
and the most powerful of the national Sxoups: under the leadership of the Com- 

-Taunist International. 


136 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


The history of the southern negro is the history of brutal ter- 
rorism, of persecution, and murder. 

The Workers Party will support the negroes in their struggle for libera- 
tion and will help them in their fight for economic, political, and social 
equality. 

MASS ACTION. 


The aim of the Workers’ Party in participating in the elections, in revolu- 
tionizing the unions and its work to unit the industrial workers, farm laborer, 
working farmer and Negro is to. build a united front of the whole exploited 
class and make its direct mass power a factor in the class struggle. 

The Workers Party will enter every struggle involving the interests of the 
exploited class and through its slogans and programs of action will endeavor 
to develop the use of the mass power of workers. 


SEVIETS OR WORKERS COUNCILS. 


The experience of the workers in the struggle against capitalism have 
proven that the workers can not. take over the ready-made machinery oi the 
capitalist state as it exists in the capitalist governments and use this ma- 
chinery to build a communist society. The form of organization of the 
existing Government, its constitutional basis, its laws, the bureaucracy which 
has been built up over a century can not be used by the workers. They are 
all of. a character to aid the capitalists in the struggle against the workers. 
and can not be transformed into instruments of struggle of the workers against 
the capitalists. 

The program of the Workers Party, excerpts of which are quoted 
above, was taken from the original draft of C. F. Ruthenberg. The 
program published and distributed by the Workers Party of Amer- 
ica as their program adopted by their second national convention, 
December, 1923, shows a slight change in phraseology but in sub- 
stance it is the same as the original draft by C. E. Ruthenberg. 
These are included in Exhibit 26. 

Continued existence of the Communist Party of America (under- 
ground and illegal) : Members of the Communist Party of America 
retained membership in both the Communist Party of America and 
the Workers Party. After the Workers Party was organized, the 
Communist Party of America still conducted and maintained its 
illegal activity and offices, and its official organ was entitled “ The 
Communist.” This was thoroughly in accord with plan of the 
Communist International, that the underground or illegal party re- 
main and that it direct the organization and operations of the legal 
party. (See The Communist, vol. 1, No. 6, dated January, 1922; 
Nos. 6 and 7, dated February ‘and March, 1922: No. 8, dated April, 
1922; No. 9, ‘dated July, 1922; and No. 10, dated August and Sep- 
tember, 1922.) 

Senator Bora. Are you reading from something? 

Mr. KierrotH. No, sir; this is our memorandum. 

After the organization of the Workers Party of America (Ex- 
hibit 28), the Communist Party received correspondence from of- 
ficials of the Communist International (Exhibit 30), who also were 
officials in the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. See 
correspondence above referred to; also letters. (This is in Ex- 
hibit 30). 

Senator Swanson. What was the date when that was done? 

Mr. Kurmrors. April 19, 1922. . 

Senator Swanson. You insist that in April, 1922, the Communist 
Party of America received instr uctions from the International Com- 
munist Party ? n 


4 


ote 


Se we ae 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 137 


Mr. Kurerotu. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. And upon that date the members in control 
were members of the Soviet Government of Russia? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Will you put in the record the parties who held 
the respective places in the international and in the Soviet Gov- 
ernment, and the date? 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Now, you have the data to prove that? 

Mr. Kuierorn. Yes, sir; we have a letter from Moscow. We have 
the letter set out in The Communist, under date of April, 1922, 
signed “O. W. Kuusinen, secretary, E. C. C. L.,” reading as follows: 


[The Communist, April, 1922 (p. 3).] 


EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE C. I. TO C. P. A. 


‘To the C. H. C. of the C: P. of A. 


CoMRADES: The appeal of a minority of your committee against your decisions 
regarding the organization of a legal political party and your answer to the 
sappeal have been received. Your reply is in perfect harmony with the theses 
recently adopted on this subject by the HE. C. of the C. L, and which you have 
undoubtedly already received. | 

There is no oceasion to reopen the question here, since the theses fully cover 
the subject. You must work out the details of the problem in “accord with the 
‘provisions of the theses, and all party members must work in agreement with 
them.” 

The action of the minority in refusing to submit to the decisions of the party 
executive pending their appeal constitutes a serious and intolerable breach of 
discipline, and it was proper for you to suspend those that interfered with the 
-~work. However, we should endeavor to enforce this necessary party discipline 
in such a manner as to leave as little permanent organization as possible. We 
-advise that when you inform the minority membership of this decision you also 
-convey to them your desire to reinstate at once with full membership rights 
suspended comrades willing to conform to the theses on legal activities sent 
to you by the E. C. of the C. I. and to the decisions of your C. H. C. in harmony 
therewith. 

With communist greetings, 
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
O. W. KuusINEN, Secretary of H.C. C. I. 


Also, see cablegram dated Moscow, July 23, 1922, reading as fol- 
lows: 


{Code Western Union cablegram. } 


26FY FHA 40 Moscow, July 23, 1922. 
Both salesmen returning home with full instructions from board directors, 
Postpone stockholders’ meeting until they arrive. Acknowledge receipt. 
. Biock & Co. 
TA, 
RBOKFHAFMN 
This message is decoded below. 
Also see sablegram received at New York on the date of April 6, 
1922, from Moscow, reading as follows: 


[Code cablegram. ] 
New York, April 6, 1922. 


Henry Curtis Dow Co. instructed quit using our firm name and trade. 
They must dissolve and rejoin our company immediateiy or lose the stock. 


John is wiring them to quit competing and attacking our business. You 


must accept them without prejudice and postpone shareholders’ conference 
so they can participate. 


138 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


The first cablegram above, dated July 28, 1922, decoded, reads as: 
follows: 

Com. Cook your representative on the executive committee, of the Com- 
munist International and Com. Raphael are returning home with full in- 
structions from the executive committee of the C. I. Postpone your conven- 
tion until they arrive. Acknowledge receipt of this communication. 

The second cablegram received in New York City on December 
6, 1922, decoded reads as follows: 

Henry Curtis Dow faction is instructed to stop using our party name and 
seal. They must dissolve and rejoin. our party immediately or lose their 
membership in the Communist International. Moore is wiring them to stop 
competing and attacking our. party. You must permit them to return to the 
party without prejudice and postpone your convention so that they may be 
able to participate. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 

The second message decoded appears in The Communist for April 
1922. It was also decoded by Jay Lovestone while testifying in 
the Berrien County syndicalist cases. 

This includes Exhibits 32, 33, and 34. 

The Communist International further 

Senator Boran. I think we had better adjonrn now. “The com- 
ie will stand adjourned until 11 o’clock to-morrow. 

(Whereupon, at 4.10 o’clock p. m., the committee adjourned until 
to-morrow, Wednesday, January 23, 1924, at 11 o’clock a. m. 





a 





a 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 23, 1924. 


Unirep Srates SENATE, 
SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON ForrrGn RELATIONS, 
Washington, D.C. 

The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 11 o’clock a. m. 
in room 224, Senate Office Building, Senator Claude A. Swanson 
presiding. , 

Present: Senators Borah (chairman), Lenroot, Pepper, and 
Pittman: 


STATEMENT OF MR. A. W. KLIEFOTH—Resumed. 


Senator Swanson. Will you resume where you left off yesterday ? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. This morning I desire to present the balance of the 
second part of our memorandum dealing with relations of the 
Moscow group with the similar group—that is, the Workers Party 
of America and the illegal Communist Party and the affiliated organ- 
izations in the United States—and in order to expedite this matter 
concerning the exhibits I desire to introduce them all at this moment, 
so that I need not refer to each one specifically. They are on the 
table over there, and I will present the sections of the remaining 
memoranda by summaries, if that meets with your approval, Mr. 
Chairman. 

Senator Swanson. That was the suggestion made yesterday. 

Senator Prrrrr. Mr. Chairman, may I inquire what the gentleman 
means by introducing these exhibits? Of course, he does not mean 
by that putting them in the record ? 

Mr. Kuierorn: No, sir; I refer to them as exhibit so-and-so, which 
the committee can examine. 

The Cuarrman. And which the committee can include in the rec- 
ord if it thinks proper ? 

Mr. Kurerotu. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Younc. The memorandum itself has marginal notes “ No. 1,” 
“* No, 2,” and “ No. 3,” and so on, referring to these exhibits. 

Senator Lenroor- Let me understand. Is what you now propose 
to do to state what these exhibits show? 

Mr. Youne. Not quite that, Mr. Senator. These summaries will 
describe the different activities of the groups in the United States, 
which are explained by the exhibits. It is practically what you have 


in mind, sir. 


Senator Lenroor. In what you now propose to read, do you quote 
‘from these exhibits? _ 
Mr. Kurerotu. Yes, sir. 
139 


140 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Perper. These exhibits are the supporting documents ? 

Mr. Youne That is it; the supporting documents to the mem- 
oranda. 

Mr. Kuierorn. The supporting documents. 

Senator Lenroor. And the originals that you refer to are here? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

Section XII continues the illegal organization in the United States.. 

This section of the memorandum is submitted to prove that after 
the organization of the Workers’ Party of America, a section of the 
Third International, the illegal apparatus of the Communist Party 
of America continued to function in 1922 and controlled the activities. 
of the Workers Party of America upon official orders from the 
Third International at Moscow signed by Kuusinin. There is in- 
cluded in this section a report of the minutes of the central executive. 
committee of the Communist Party of America for July 26, 1922, 
containing the names and aliases of the members of the central 
executive committee, including the names of two official delegates: 
from the Communist International to the United States who were 
present for the purpose of conveying to the central executive com- 
mittee orders and instructions from the Third International at Mos- 
cow as to the conduct of the communist movement in the United 
States. 

This section also includes the minutes of the first meeting of the- 
adjustment committee of the Communist Party on August 1 and 2, 
1922, at which the same delegates from the Communist International. 
were present in an advisory capacity. 

This section also contains a copy of the official organ of the Com- 
munist Party of America issued in 1923, containing instructions re- 
garding the activities of the Workers’ Party of America as the legal 
branch of the Communist Party and ordering the continuation of 
the illegal apparatus. 

Senator Swanson. When you stopped yesterday you were speak- 
ing of the minority and the majority party within the Communist 
Party. 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Are they the same two delegates whom you 
discussed yesterday ? 

Mr. Kerrey) Yes; sir, 

Mr. Kuteroru. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. With the power signed by the authorities of 
the Third International? 

Mr. Keniey. Yes, sir; that is right. 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. The same two delegates? 

Mr. Keiiey. Exactly. | 

Mr. Kuirrorn. Yes, sir. 

This section contains further detailed reports upon the secret: 
convention of the Communist Party of America held at Bridgman, 
Mich., in August, 1922, including a detailed report upon the rela-- 
tionship existing between the Workers’ Party of America and the 
Trade Union Educational League and the Communist Party; of” 
America. As the meeting was of a secret character, there are also- 
included the rules and regulations of the grounds committee, which. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 141 


-are of particular interest, especially because they: did not permit any 
person involved to use his real name. It includes reports made by 
representatives of various units and especially a report by the so- 
‘called industrial organizer, William Z. Foster, on behalf of the 
Trade Union Educational League and a report of Karl Browden on 
behalf of the Trade Union Committee, both setting forth the neces- 
sity of communists to bore from within the American Federation of 
Labor. | 

The proceedings at the Bridgman convention referred to in this 
portion of the memorandum identified as active Communist organi- 
zations in the United States not only the Trade Union Educational 
League, but the Friends of Soviet Russia. The Russian Famine 
Relief, the African Blood Brotherhood, and the Women’s Auxiliary 
of the Communist Party of America. These organizations are eacl 
given a separate section later and are mentioned here merely to 
connect them definitely with the Communist movement in the United 
States as directed by Moscow. 

-. In the papers taken at Bridgman quoted in detail in this section 

of the memorandum will be found an interesting report upon the 
negro problem as surveyed by the Communist Party of America, 
which question is dealt with in detail in a later portion of the memo- 
-randum. In the papers at Bridgman were also found specific in- 
structions to members of the Communist Party that “ should a Com- 
munist be subpeenaed to testify by the State, he can only do so upon 
authorization of the Central Executive Committee and then only 
for the purpose of exposing the hyprocrisy of the State.” This, it is 
to be noted, is an instruction to the Communists in the United 
States. 

In this section of the memorandum there is quoted in full an 
article from the Communist, volume 1, No. 9, issued in July, 1922, 
which article covers the relations of the Communist Party to the 
Workers’ Party and from which the following quotation is taken 
as being particularly significant : 

As to whether a legal Communist Party is possible, the test is whether the 
full Communist program (including the principle of mass action and the 
violent overthrow of the capitalist state), together with affiliation with the 
Communist International, can publicly be mainained without the party being 
suppressed. 

The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the violent 
overthrow of the capitalist state. 

This contains an excellent definition of their oft-repeated phrase, 
“Force: against force, violence against violence,” as used in the 
manifesto of the Communist International and repeated in the 
various manifestoes of the Communist Party in the United States 
(Exhibit No. 30, Memorandum, p. 188). 

Included in this section is an outline of the illegal apparatus and 

‘its functions as they existed in 1923, including the names of some of 
the important committees of the Communist Party of America 
(Memorandums, pp. 143, 144, 145). 
- Continued reference is made in the various documents quoted in 
‘this section to the continuation of the illegal apparatus of the Com- 
munist Party of America and its supervision over the Workers Party 
of America (Memorandum, p. 150). 

In a document submitted, Exhibit No. 45, Memorandum, page 155, 
under date of September 30, 1922, appears a communication signed: 


142 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


jointly by representatives of the Communist Party and the Third 
International, wherein the following statement appears: 

The intervention of the Communist International promoted, hastened, and 
facilitated the work of uniting the communist forces. Every communist was 
obliged to recognize that if he was cut off from the big, living body of the 
Communist International he would perish. 

In Exhibit No. 46, submitted, there appears the official resolution 
of the Communist Party of America accepting the conditions set 
forth by the Communist International and “demanded” by that 
organization on the’basis of “ communist discipline ” (Memorandum, 
p. 156). 

Under date of December 16, 1922, the Workers Party of America 
published a cablegram receiv ed from Zinoviett, signed by him upon 
behalf of the Third International, which cablegram referred to cer- 
tain party discipline and stated to the Workers Party of America 
that unless the opposing faction within the Workers Party adhered 

to the decision of the Communist International the central executive 
committee of the Workers Party would have to adopt immediate 
disciplinary measures against the opposition, which, according to 
Zinoviey, “did not wait ‘decision of court of last resort as was their 
right as well as their duty,” the court of last resort being the Com- 
munist International (Exhibit No. 1, Memorandum, p. 159). 

Senator Swanson. What is the date‘of that exhibit? 

Mr. Kurerorn. December 16, 1922. 

Senator Swanson. What position didshe hol with the Soviet 
Government at that time? 

Mr. Kertey. Member of the All-Russian Central Executive Com- 
mittee. 

Mr. Kureroru. This section shows also a city convention held in 
New York on March 18, 1923, addressed by one Pepper, representa- 
tive of the Third International in the United States, together with 
an address by Ruthenberg, the executive secretary of the Workers 
Party of America, with reference to confidential committees carry- 
ing on illegal work in the American Legion and the Army and Navy 
with the view to action to be taken in the event of an uprising, re- 
ferring to the procuring and distribution of arms. 

Senator Swanson. What was the date of that direction with ref- 
erence to procuring the distribution of arms? 

Mr. Ketiny. March 18, 1928. 

Senator Swanson. Who issued that; instruction or order? 

Mr. Keutiry. Pepper, who was official representative of the Third 
International in the United States. ! 

Senator Swanson. What position did he hold in the Third Inter- 
national? | 

Mr. Keriry. He was official representative in America. He is in 
America at present. 

Mr. Kuirrors. And that is to say, delegated by the Third Inter- 

national at Moscow to go to the United States to attend to certain 
duties. 

Senator Lrenroor. Has that been shown? 

Senator Swanson. Was he one of the two commissioners s whom 
we discussed yesterday ? 

Mr. Keutry. No, sir.. 


ty 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 1438 


Mr. Kurerorn. This is another representative, so they say, of the 


: Third International in the United States. 


Senator Swanson. There is no question about his being a repre- 


' sentative of the Third International ? 


Mr. Keiuny. None whatever. 
senator Lunroot. Upon what do you base that statement? 
Mr. Kureroru. May I refer to my larger memorandum, as this is 


_ merely a summary ? 


Senator Lunroot. Yes. 
Mr. Kiimrora. Among other evidence, he signs himself as the rep- 


: resentative of the Third International. 


Senator Swanson. What information have you that he so signs 


Whimself? 


Mr. Kuirrora. Among others, in published articles in various 


issues of the Worker. 


Senator Swanson. That is proven in there? 

Mr. Kuierora. That is proven in Exhibit No. 1. 

Senator Swanson. That was in March, 1922? 

Mr. KurerorH. 1923, sir. 

Senator Swanson. At that time what officers were in both the 
Third International and the Soviet Government of Russia? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Zinoviev, Bukharin, and Radek. 

Senator Swanson. They represented both the Soviet Government 
of Russia and the Third International? 

Mr. Kewury. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Kuiizerorn. Yes, sir. : 

Senator Prrprr. Mr. Chairman, I suggest that it is well worth 


while to pause just a moment until we get the actual reference that 


— 


SEE Se 


— 





will give the answer to your question. 
Senator Swanson. Yes. What we would lke to have is positive 
roof, 
a Mr. Kurerorx. Shall I continue or wait until they look it up? 
Senator Swanson. Insert it at this place. 
Mr. Kurmrorn. Section XIII. This section is submitted to prove 
the participation in the congresses of the Third International by the 
Workers Party of America after it had been organized by the Com- 


‘munist Party of America, upon instructions from Moscow. Ex- 


hibits submitted include the invitation of the Communist Interna- 
tional to the Communist Party of America, and the representatives 
of the fourth congress of the Communist International held Novem- 
ber to December, 1922, showing participation therein by representa- 
tives of the Workers Party of America, including two Negro dele- 
gates from the United States. 

This section also includes statistics of membership and representa- 
tion of the various Communist Parties of the world attending the 
fourth congress of the Communist International at Moscow in 
December, 1922, as taken from the official proceedings of this con- 


gress. 


Senator Prrrrr. May I inquire, Mr. Chairman, what is meant by 


- the term “section ” in this connection? You mean the section of 


your memorandum? rere 
Mr. Kuierorn. That is merely the technical distribution of my 
memorandum. 


82325—24—-pr 1——_10 


144 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Senator Perper. But it is a section of memoranda as prepared 
and presented by you? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Perper. And the exhibits are separately numbered and 
are the documents which support the section of your memoranda? 

Mr. Kuinrorn. Yes; as indicated always on the margin of our 
memoranda. 

Senator Swanson. I will state for the benefit of the committee 
that yesterday it was suggested that instead of reading these entire 
memoranda as he had done before, that he make a summary of what 
each section proved and then submit the proof after he had given a 
summary of it, so that we could include the summary in the record 
and later determine the matter of whether we should publish the entire 
record or not. 

Senator Pepper. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Kurmroru. The American representation at the fourth con- 
gress at Moscow in December, 1922, as shown by the statistics, totaled 
15 delegates. 

Senator Swanson. Have you the names of these delegates? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Swanson. Would you insert the names of the delegates 
in the record? 

Mr. Ketiry. The names are not in the memoranda. We can pro- 
cure them. | 

Senator Swanson. I would like to have the names of those dele- 
gates. 
~ Mr. Kurmrori. Section XIV-A. This is an introduction to the 
activities of the Workers’ Party and allied bodies in the United 
States. 

From the preceding sections of this memorandum it has been 
clearly established that the Third International is an organization 
that advocates the overthrow of all so-called capitalist governments 
by force and violence and the substitution in the place thereof of the 
dictatorship of the proletariat, to be retained until the moment 
arrived when the communist state will come into being. In order 
to carry out this program various Communist Parties were formed 
throughout the different countries of the world and in the United 
States a section of the Communist International was established in 
1919, which adopted a revolutionary program, including as part of 
the tactics of carrying out such a program the use of force and 
violence. From 1919 to date the Communist International has di- 
rected in the United States the work of the Communist Party, which 
in 1921 established what they referred to as a legal political party, 
namely, the Workers Party of America, but which from docu- 
mentary evidence already submitted is merely another name for the 
Communist Party of America and advocates, as did the Communist 
Party of America, the overthrow of the Government of the United 
States by force and violence. It has also been shown that there is 
still in existence an illegal apparatus which directs the legal appa- 
ratus of the Workers Party of America, and the activities of the 
entire movement are directed and controlled by the Third Inter- 
national at Moscow. 


? 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 145 
_* Senator Swanson. Let me ask you this question: As I understand, 
your contention is that there is an illegal Communist Party and a 
legal Communist Party and a Workers Party all bound together ? 

Mr. Kurerors. Not quite, sir. There is an illegal organization 
which can be styled the Communist Party of America, and at 
present the legal party is the Workers Party of America. 

Senator Swanson. Have you the officers of these two parties and 

their activities ? 

Mr. Ketiey. That comes later on. 

Senator Swanson. You show how they have the same officers? 

_ Mr. Kurerorp. Yes; it shows the interlocking directorate and 
other matters. 

Senator Prrrman. Mr. Chairman, I would like to ask the witness 
if he draws a distinction between the illegal purposes of the Workers 

Party and the iulegal purposes of the Communist Party ? 

Mr. Kureroru. That, sir, was covered in part in the memoranda 
submitted yesterday and will be referred to in this and subsequent 
sections. 

Senator Prrrman. Perhaps I am not making it clear. I am trying 
to get your definition of the words “ legal” and “illegal.” You 
speak of the Workers Party as a legal party. Has it not the same 

“purposes as the Communist Party? 

_ Mr. Kurerorn. Their purposes are the same, sir, but for technical 
reasons—that is, State laws and Federal laws—in the United States 
the illegal Communist Party no longer can exist under the laws. 

Senator Prrrman. You mean that the Workers Party is organized 
according to law? 

Mr. KurerotnH. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prrrwan. And the Communist Party is not organized 
according to law? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prrrmaan. That is what you mean by legal and illegal? 

Mr. Krirrorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Prrrman. I see. But their purposes are the same? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. Their purposes are the same, and they are directed 
by the same organization—that is, the Third International at Mos- 
cow. 

Senator Lenroor. What about the open public activities? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. The open public activities are carried on by the 
‘legal party—that is, the Workers Party—and the secret, illegal ac- 
tivities are carried on by the illegal organization. 

* Senator Prrrman. I simply had in mind that you had stated that 

the Workers Party was the legal party. 

Mr. Kureroru. That is correct; yes, sir. 

Senator Prrrman. You meant it had been organized in accord- 

/ ance with the law? 

Mr. Kuirroru. Not in accordance with the law. 

. Senator Prrrman. The Workers Party? 

Mr. Kuirroru. No; not in accordance with the law. The avowed 
aims of the Workers Party are legal, and the avowed aims of the 
illegal party are not legal. Do I make myself clear? 

Senator Lenroor. In other words, the avowed aims of the Workers 
Party are kept within the law? 














146 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


Mr. Kuirrorg. Yes, sir. 

Senator Lenroor. While the other party makes no attempt to keep 
within the law? 

Mr. Kuimrora. Makes no attempt whatsoever to remain within the 
aw. 

In the further pages of this memorandum will be set forth the ac- 
tivities of the Workers Party of America and organizations estab- 
lished by it for the purpose of carrying out its program and pur- 
poses, 

The first subject, to which attention is to be given, is that of the 
efforts of the communists among the youth of the United States. 
Particular attention has been directed by the communist leaders to 
the youth movement and to aligning in the ranks of communism the 
young children of the United States. 

The source of all activities in the youth movement is the Young 
Communist International, the foundation of which was laid in 1919 
as an organ of the Communist International, membership in which 
is limited to organizations which indorse the Third International. 
References are given to the theses of the fourth congress of the Com- 
munist International (Exhibit 5, Memorandum, p. 177) and to the 
edicts establishing the young communist and the Young Workers 
League of the United States, the counterparts of the parent organi- 
zations here, the Communist and the Workers Parties. 

It shows the attendance of a delegate from the Young Workers 
League directly to the third congress of the Communist International 
at Moscow (Exhibit 1, Memorandum, p. 179). 

(Senator Borah assumed the chair.) 

Mr. Kurerorn. Indicative of the character of the Young Work- 
ers’ League may be cited the resolutions adopted at the 1923 conven- 
tion of that organization, wherein it again accepted the leadership 
of the Communist International. A resolution of particular impor- 
tance adopted at this convention relating to various patriotic Ameri- 
can organizations is herewith quoted: 

The Boy Scouts of America, the United States Boy Scouts, the Camp Fire 
Girls, the American Sentinels, and similar children’s organizations have been 
formed to support the work of the public schools by instilling into the minds 
of the workers’ children the ideology of capitalism. The churches also play 
their part in carrying on this work. All of the churches have their organiza- 
tions of the young. Jews, Catholics, and Protestants find a basis for unity when 
it comes to preparing the children to become stanch defenders of capitalism. 

The practical work of the children’s sections must be carried on in the follow- 
Ing Way: 

By Fakatte campaigns against the nationalist and religious celebrations, dis- 
cussion of reactionary literature and school books; against nationalist songs, 
pictures and reading books, and pointing out their reactionary character. Ex- 
hibit 57, memorandum, p. 181.) D 

The Young Communist International regards it as its supreme duty to train 
the proletarian youth for the necessary conquest of political power by military 
means and to defend the proletarian Dictatorship. (Hxhibit 60, p. 187.) 


f 


: : -  - 
At the convention of the Young Communist League of America, 


held at Bethel, Conn., in May, 1922 (Exhibit 63), the minutes of 
that convention show that a delegate of the Communist Party of 
America to the Communist International appeared and reported 
that while he was attending the Young Communist International 
Congress at Moscow he received instructions from the Young Com- 
munist International to organize the Young Communist League of 


: RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA, be: 


‘America, and that the relations between the Communist Party of 
America and the Young Communist League of America should be’ 
.the same as the relations between the Communist International laid 
down by the third congress of the Communist International. 

The delegate referred to was one Marshall, whose correct name 1s 
Max Bedacht. (Exhibit 63, p. 191.) 

In an exhibit submitted in this section (Exhibit 64 A, memo- 

randum, p. 198), and being the constitution of the Young Workers’ 
League of America adopted in May, 1922, among the purposes of 
that organization is that it shall “Aid in the establishment of a re- 
public of workers councils.” (Exhibit 64 A). 
- In Exhibit 66 appears, under the heading of “ Agitation and 
propaganda ” to be carried on in the Young Communist League, in- 
‘structions “to fight the church, to carry on a strong, elastic antire- 
ligious propaganda,.to lead a ruthless fight against militarism and 
to unveil not less ruthlessly pacifism and political neutrality.” (Ex- 
‘hibit 66, memorandum, p. 206.) 

There is included an exhibit setting forth the constitution of the 

Young Communist League, wherein the aim of that organization is 
stated, reading as follows: 
_ The aim of the Young Communist League is the attainment of the communist 
society. This can only be done through the complete, forcible overthrow of 
the capitalist state and the establishment in its place of a transitory working- 
‘class state, the dictatorship of the proletariat, as expressed in its historic form 
of workers’ councils (soviets). (Exhibit 59, memorandum, p. 183.) 

In the same exhibit the Young Communist League of America 
specifically states that it “accepts the program of the Communist 
International and the Communist Party of America as the funda- 
mental basis for its activities and subordinates itself politically to 
the Communist Party in accordance with the decisions of the Com- 
Munist International.” (Exhibit 59, memorandum, p. 184.) 

In the same exhibit the Young Communist League of America 
* pledges its aid to the Soviet Government of Russia in its endeavor 
to establish a communist society.” (Exhibit 59, memorandum, p. 
185.) 

In another exhibit submitted (Exhibit 60, memorandum, p. 185), 
being the Theses of the Second Congress of the Y. C. I, held at 
Moscow in July, 1921, will be found resolutions relating to the ac- 
tivity to be directed in the army, and setting forth that communist 
nuclei must be formed in the army for the purpose of conducting 
extensive revolutionary propaganda, and enabling the army to be- 
‘come at the decisive moment a weapon of defense for the proletariat, 
and in general discouraging in the minds of the young men enlist- 
ments in the military establishment. 
| In Exhibit 66, submitted, is a very clear exposition of the propa- 
‘ganda to be conducted among the youth of the student corps, Boy 
and Girl Scouts, and among the ex-service men and disabled soldiers, 
‘as well as the soldiers and sailors within the training camp (p. 189). 
’ Exhibit 67 is submitted to show the circulation in the United 
States in 1922 by the Young Communist League of statements con- 





| 


148 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


taining expressions for use of force and violence. It is taken from 
one of Lenin’s works: 


Only after the proletariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie may it, without be- 
traying its historic mission, throw away the arms. This it will certainly do 
then, but not earlier. ii 

Whoever recognizes the class struggle can not but recognize also civil war, 
which in every class society is a natural, under certain circumstances, in- 
evitable continuation, development, and intensification of class struggle. All 
great revolutions prove it. 

Only after we have crushed, defeated, and expropriated the bourgeoisie 
throughout the world, and not only in one country, will wars become an im- 
possibility. (Exhibit 67, memorandum, p. 210.) 

In Exhibit 68, submitted in a copy of the Young Worker for 
April, 1922, there is an attack upon the Young Men’s Hebrew Asso- 
ciation and the Boy Scouts, holding these org ganizations out as tools 
of capitalism. 

Throughout the entire section there is shown’an intent to stimu- 
late in the minds of the young, first of all, disobedience to all au- 
thority, domestic, civil, and religious. In the issue of the Young 
Worker for July, 1923, is contained disparaging references to the 
Fourth of July celebrations as conducted in this country. (Exhibit 
74, memorandum, p. 215.) 

There is frequent reference in this section to criticism of the public 
schools, and emphasis is laid upon the fact that the public schools 
of America are the means of strengthening capitalism. 

In December, 1923, information is set forth showing the distribu- 
tion among the members of the Young Workers’ Leagues of songs 
sung by them at their meetings, the titles of some of which are 
“The Red Flag,’ “The Preacher and the Slave.’ 

Section XIV-—B. This section is submitted to show the attention 
given by the communists in the United States to the establishment. 
of radical schools in which communistie doctrines are taught. In. 
1923 an intensive educational program was decided upon by the 
central executive committee of the Workers’ Party of America pro- 
viding for the establishment of a Lenin college at Chicago and the 
teaching therein of subjects dealing with the theory and practice 
of revolution and communist tactics in the trade-unions. Incident 
to the Lenin college schools were established in 11 of the principal 
cities of the United States. This section refers also to the courses’ 
of study, and the arrangements for transportation. 

Section XIV-C. This section includes quotations from the Com-. 
munist International, the official organ of the Communist Interna-_ 
tional published simultaneously i in four languages, French, German, 
Russian, and English, and distributed throughout the world as the 
official organ of that organization. The magazine bears the state- 
ment that it is published under the editorship of Zinoviey, with 
the immediate participation of comrades Bukharin, Kamenev, Lenin, 
Lunacharsky, Pokrovsky, Rakovsky, and Riazanoy. 

Section XIV—D. This section of the memorandum sets forth the. 
press activities of the Workers’ Party of America including the 

various foreign language federations with indication of the circu- 
lation of the official organs of each of these federations. There 
is also submitted a list of the communist newspapers and periodi- 
cals published in the United States with indication of the language 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 149 


in which the publication is published, the frequency with which 
it is issued and the place of publication. There is a similar list 
- covering the communist publications printed abroad but received 


and circulated in the United States. 

Senator Boran. Will all these documents and periodicals re- 
ferred to show their dates, etc., when they are in the record? 

Mr. Kuirrorn. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. As you are going through your record, if there 
are any dates left out, put them in. 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir. 

Section XIV-—E. This section contains official leaflets issued by 


the communists in the United States and circulated and distributed 
by them. One of the important circulars referred to is that of May 


Day, 1922, issued by the Communist Party of America, section of 


the Communist International, wherein the following statement ap- 


pears: 


In their daily struggle the workers come to recognize the necessity of the 


overthrow of the capitalist government by force and establishment of the 


dictatorship of the proletariat under the red flag of the international working 
class. (Memorandum, p. 271.) 


Another circular distributed by the central executive committee of 


_the Communist Party of America in 1922 and 1923 is that entitled 


“Defy the injunction,” wherein the following statement appears: 


We must learn new lessons and develop new tactics of fighting the battles 
of labor until we have sufficient power to accomplish the complete destruction 
of our mortal enemy, the capitalist Government of the United States of Amer- 
ica, and establish in its place the undisputed war of the working class. 
(Memo., p. 267.) 

Section XIV-—G: This section gives a very clear picture of the 
so-called system of interlocking directorates resorted to by the com- 
munists. The table that follows gives the personnel of the central 
executive committee of the Communist Party, the personnel of the 
central executive committee of the Workers’ Party, which is practi- 
cally identical, and the central executive committee of the Young 
Workers’ League, the organization that is carrying on its activities 
among the youth. 

Section XIV—H: This section of the memorandum includes a 


portion of the documents taken in April, 1921, at 170 Bleecker 


Street, New York City, at which place was kept important docu- 
ments and papers of the Communist Party of America. Among the 
documents included in this section is a report for the use of the 


delegate to the Third International, wherein he is instructed to call 


\ 





to the attention of the Third International certain detailed reports 
upon the agrarian situation in the United States, which report is 
referred to in a subsequent portion of this memorandum, as well 
as the report upon the trade-union movement, the Negro question, 
Army and Navy. 

Among the documents seized is an official order of the Third Inter- 


ational under the seal of that organization, dated August 20, 1920, 


referring to representation in the sessions of the executive com- 
mittee of the Communist International. 

This section includes a summary upon the activities of three of 
the most important members of the Communist Party, who are 


150 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


to-day occupying places of prominence in the Workers’ Party of 
America, namely, KE. I. Lindgren, I. Amter, and Abram Jakira. 

Another exhibit submitted in this section is the original decision 
of the Communist International in the case of Louis C. Fraina, 
which decision was rendered at Moscow in 1920. Fraina has been 
charged by Santeri Nuorteva, the secretary of L. C. A. K. Martens, 
as being a Government agent, and a trial was accorded Fraina in 
New York City in the apartment of Doctor Hartman, at which trial 
L. C. A. K. Martens, then seeking recognition by the American Goy- 
ernment, attended and testified against Fraina. The stenographic 
report on this trial is available for the committee, and the entire 
record was transmitted to Moscow, whereupon the decision was ren- 
dered, of which this is an original under the seal of the Communist 
International at Moscow. 

This section concludes with the reference to the arrest of a seaman 
at New York who had in his possession diamonds valued at $30,000, 
which according to the testimony of the seaman he had been in- 
structed to deliver to Santeri Nuorteva, who, however, had hastily 
and surreptitiously departed from the United States and later 
arrived at Moscow, where he subsequently became the head of the 
American division of the commissariat of foreign affairs. 

Senator Bora. I was not present when these newspapers and pub- 
lications were put in. Did you state whether or not they circulate 
through the mails? 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir. 

Senator Boran. Do they circulate through the mails? 

Mr. Kureroru. Yes, sir; they circulate. 

Senator Boran. Regularly ? 

Mr. Kurerorn. Yes, sir. Mr. Chairman, all of the exhibits were 
introduced at the beginning of the session this morning in order to 
expedite this summary. 

Senator Borau. Yes. Go right on. 

Mr. Kurerorn. Section XIV-I: This section of the memorandum 
is submitted to show the extensive ramifications of the communist 
activities in the labor organizations in the United States. An origi- 
nal document which I have at hand sets forth a report on the trade- 
union movement. of the United States. This document was among 
the papers seized in New York City April, 1921, at 170 Bleecker 
Street, and gives in detail a synopsis of the trade-union movement. 
It was this document which was to be sent to Moscow for examina- 
tion by the Third International to assist them in the adoption of a 
policy that could be applied to the labor movement in the United 
States. The section gives in detail the circumstances surrounding 
the formation of the Red Trade Union International, which joined 
the Communist International at its third congress held in March, 
1920 (memorandum, p. 800), and which in June, 1920, at the instiga- 
tion of the Communist International held a conference at which were 
present a number of foreign representatives. This conference marked — 
the actual establishment of the international phase of the Red Labor 
International. ul 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 151 


In, Exhibit 88, being the report of the international council of 
trade and industrial unions held in July, 1920, there is set forth the 
‘purpose of this Red Union International, namely: 

To conduct communist propaganda within the trade-unions in all countries, 

and organize communist and revolutionary groups in every organization for 
the purpose of propaganda for the acceptance of our program. (Exhibit 83, 
Memorandum, p. 301.) 

In Exhibit 84, submitted in this section, and being a portion of the 
aims and objects of the Red Trade Union International, notation 
should be made of the fact that the Red Trade Union International 

‘sends to the executive committee of the Communist International 
three representatives with deciding votes, and vice versa. (Memo- 
randum, p. 302.) 

This section also gives the addresses of the various headquarters 
and organizations in the United States which are subsidiaries to the 
Red Trade Union International, as well as the official organs. 

The section also sets forth detailed statements of William Z. Foster, 
the head of the trade-union educational league, which is the repre- 
‘sentative body of the Red Trade Union International at Moscow, ir 
the United States. (Exhibit 87, memorandum, p. 305.) 

Foster, in a report to the second congress of the Red Trade Union 
‘International in 1922, stated that in the United States the branches 
of his organization were carrying on an agressive campaign in favor 
of the Red International of Labor Unions, including a policy of 

aggressive class struggle, independent working class political action, 
affiliation with the Moscow International, the general strike, and 
ble: of the Russian revolution. (Exhibit 1, Memorandum, p. 
306. 

In an article appearing in the Worker for January 20, 1923 (Ex- 
hibit 1, Memorandum, p. 308), the purposes of the trade-union edu- 
cational league are set forth, among which the following is particu- 
larly interesting: 

The trade-union educational league is one organization capable of rallying 
all the left elements in the labor movement for the struggle against the spirit 
of Gomperism. 

Numerous references are made in the quotations contained in this 
section to the fact that the Russian revolution has shown the work- 

ing men of America the way to bring about their liberation. 

For the information of the committee it might be stated that the 
‘section conclusively shows that the relationship existing between the 
‘Red Trade Union International and the Communist International 
‘is very close. 

In Exhibit 90, which is the report of William Z. Foster rendered 
at the illegal convention of the Communist Party of America at 
Bridgman, Mich., in 1922, appears the plan for the formation of the 
trade-union educational league in the United States which was sub- 
mitted to the Communist International and was discussed at length 
by Radek and Lenin. Being approved in Moscow, Foster stated 
that he returned to the United States and laid the matter before the 
central executive committee of the Communist Party of America, 
which indorsed the same, and he also laid the matter before the 
Workers’ Party of America, which likewise indorsed it, and he was 


152 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


instructed by them to undertake to organize the trade-union educa- 
tional league, which he did. (Memorandum, p. 313.) 

Foster in his report to the Bridgman convention referred to the 
efforts of Samuel Gompers to prevent the formation of the trade- 
union educational league. (Memorandum, p. 314.) 

In the report of Jay Lovestone, submitted to the Bridgman con- 
vention in August, 1922, reference is made to the detailed plans laid 
out by the central executive committee of the Communist Party of 
America for activity among the miners and the utilization to the full- 
est extent the connections in the labor unions. Reference is also made 
to the activities among the railroad workers. (Memorandum, p. 
319.) 

In the proceedings of the convention at Bridgman, Foster upon 
being questioned as to the work of the trade-union educational 
league, set forth in detail the number of locals of that organiza- 
SIME ee the American Federation of Labor. (Exhibit 93, Memo- 
316. 

Among the papers seized in April, 1921, at 170 Bleecker Street, 
New York City, was a report referring to activities among the labor 
unions, particular reference being made to the “ boring from within ” 
of the American Federation of Labor. This sets forth in detail the 
various organizations that should be used as a basis to carry on agita- 
tion within the American Federation of Labor. (Exhibit 98, memo- 
randum, p. 822.) 


Information, which in the opinion of the State Department is™ 


reliable, shows that William Z. Foster on one occasion brought to 
the United States $40,000 from Moscow, and on another occasion, 
in April, 1923, the trade-union educational league, of which Foster 
is the head, received $90,000. | 

In August of 1922 Lozovsky attended the illegal convention of 
the Communist Party of America at Bridgman from Moscow and 


turned over to Foster, for the use of the trade-union educational 


league, $35,000. (Memorandum, p. 326.) 


Section 14—J: This section is submitted to show the activities — 


conducted by the communists in the United States among the miners. 
Various circulars are included addressed to the miners of America. 
These circulars are issued by the communists of America and in 
many instances urge the miners to oppose the governmental appa- 
ratus. 


In April of 1922 the Workers Party of America was taking partic-. 
ular interest in the activities being carried on by the communists 


against the United Mine Workers, and at that time the organizer 


for the Workers Party, a man by the name of Sullivan, was called — 


upon to give a detailed report upon the activities in the Illinois coal 


fields. (Memorandum, p. 337.) 
Information in this section of the report shows the extent of the 


activities of communist agitators among West Virginia coal miners — 
and the circulation in that section of the country of communist — 
literature. Activities of Merrick in western Pennsylvania are re- 


ferred to. (Memorandum, p. 340.) 


There are numerous references throughout this section to various — 
meetings held in the mining districts at which representatives of the 


communists appeared and carried on communist agitation. 


ee en 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 153 


The activities among the United Mine Workers reached such an 


_ extent in 1923 that the president of the United Mine Workers, John 
_ L. Lewis, felt called upon to bring to the attention of his organiza- 


tion, through a series of articles, the activities that were being con- 
ducted within his organization by the communists upon orders from 
Moscow. 

This section is submitted to show the activities. 

Section 14-K: This section deals with the activities among the 
farmers and the organization by the Workers Party of America of 


the Federated Farmer-Labor Party upon instructions from Moscow. 


In April, 1921, at 170 Bleecker Street, among the papers obtained 


was an original report upon the agrarian situation, which I now 
_ present to the committee. 


This report was to be submitted to the Third International at 


_ Moscow for their guidance and information in reaching a decision 


upon the agrarian situation in the United States. (Memorandum, 


pp. 349.) 


The memorandum also sets forth in detail the capture and seizure 
of the Federated Farmer-Labor Party convention in Chicago in 
July, 1923. 

At this point I wish to present a letter appearing in the Moscow 


_ Pravada, dated December 14, 1923, signed by G. Zinoviev, and 


: 


written at the request. of American members of the Workers Party 
of America, relative to the necessity for the establishing of a com- 
munist daily newspaper by the Workers Party of America. 

For information, it might be added that this paper is now being 
issued, its first issue appearing Monday, January 14, 1924. 

Section XIV—L. This section sets forth the activities of the 
Friends of Soviet Russia, an organization formed in the United 
States ostensibly for the purpose of collecting relief funds and sup- 
plies for Soviet Russia, but from investigations actually shown to 
be engaged in the dissemination of propaganda for the Soviet 
Government and Communism. (Exhibits Nos. 104 and 105, 
Memorandum, p. 372.) 

The memorandum gives a list of the names of the officers of the 
Friends of Soviet Russia and the various positions that they hold 
in organizations in this country. It is to be noted that many of 
them are members of the executive committee of the Workers 
Party of America. (Memorandum p. 376). This organization has 
distributed throughout the United States motion pictures which 
have been used as a medium for the dissemination of propaganda 
favorable to Soviet Russia. 

Section XIV—M. In this section there is detailed reference to 
the activities among the negroes in the United States. Reference 
already has been made to the papers seized at 170 Bleeker Street, 


| New York City, in April, 1921, at which time was obtained a report 


> 
. 





upon the negro farmer, which report was intended for Moscow. 
The Communist Party of America has taken occasion to issue 
circulars and leaflets at frequent times appealing to the negro class 
consciousness, such as the circular entitled, “The Tulso massacre.” 
(Exhibit No. 114, Memorandum, p. 401.) 

At various sessions of the central executive committee of the 
Communist Party discussions have occurred with regard to the 
negro questions and the necessity for the aligning of the negro 


154 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


race with the communist movement. (Exhibits Nos. 116 and 117, 
Memorandum, pp. 4038, 404.) 

There is also contained a reference to the call to the American 
negro for a Pan-African congress. (Exhibit No. 117, Memo- 
randum, p. 405.) This Pan-African congress referred to is dealt. 
with in detail in Exhibit No. 118, Memorandum, page 408 of the: 
memorandum. | 

There are numerous appeals to the negro workers and the negro: 
farmers in the South, setting forth in detail the conditions under 
which they work and live. (Memorandum, p. 409.) 

In Exhibit 119, containing a speech by John Reed, at the second. 
congress of the Communist International, reference is made to the 
activities of the negroes in the United States, and particularly to 
the race riots in the city of Washington, wherein Reed states that. 
to the surprise of all, negroes appeared on the streets fully armed. 
and they fought with such bravery that for each negro killed three: 
whites were killed. (Exhibit No. 119, Memorandum, p. 411.) 

The African Blood Brotherhood, which is the organization which 
the communists are using for intensive agitation among the negroes, 
is frequently referred to in this memorandum. (Exhibit No. 122,. 
memorandum, p. 413.) 

‘Attending the fourth congress of the Third International in 
December, 1922 

Senator Boran. What was the date of the Reed speech, or does. 
that show in your record 4 

Mr. Kurrrors. It appears; yes, sir. 

Senator Borau. All right. 

Mr. Kurerorn. Attending the fourth congress of the Third Inter-- 
national in December, 1922, were three negro delegates, namely, 
Claude MacKay, J. Billings, and one Johnston. These three, in con- 
junction with Rose Pastor Stokes and Sen Katayama, a Japanese, 
according to the reports of the fourth congress of the Third Inter- 
national, constituted a committee to pass upon the negro question. 
In the issue of Investia for February 15, 1923, ls an article by Trot-. 
ski relative to the necessity of training the black agitators in the 
most important revolutionary. problem of the moment, and par- 
ticular reference is made in this article to the United States. (Mem-- 
orandum, p. 415.) 

The reports of the speeches of Billings and MacKay at the fourth: 
congress are set forth in full in this section of the memorandum and. 
are particularly interesting. (Memorandum, p. 418.) 

I hand to the committee photographs of the negro committee 
formed by the fourth congress of the Third International to handle. 
the American question in so far as it related to negro activities. 
(Memorandum, p. 419.) 

This photograph shows Rose Pastor Stokes as the center of the: 
group of thirteen. Directly behind her is Claude MacKay, the 
negro delegate. On her right is seated Katayama, and second from. 





her left is Bill Haywood, the I. W. W. official who stands sentenced_ 


in the American courts. There are numerous references in this sec- 
tion to quotations from the ultraradical negro communist press: 
showing the trend of the same as published in 1922 and 1923. 
Section XIV-—O: This section is submitted to show the efforts of 
the Communist International to align the I. W. W., or Industrial! 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 155 


‘Workers of the World, with the communist movement. Reference 
is made to the last convention of the 1. W. W. in Chicago, at which 
appeared representatives of the Third International at Moscow. 
(Memorandum, p. 460.) 

There is also quoted in this section a document taken from a cou- 
Tier in 1920 addressed to the I. W. W. and signed by Zinoviev. This 
document is particularly vicious in text in that it openly states that 
the communists are advocating the use of force and violence and 
that they advocate the general strike, but state that they differ from 
‘tthe I. W. W. in that they believe the general strike must be turned 
into armed insurrection. (Memorandum, p. 465.) This document, 
incidentally, subsequently reached the United States through another 
‘source and was printed in the “One Big Union,” the official organ 
of the I. W. W., for September, 1920. 

Section XIV—P: This section submits information concerning the 
efforts of the communists to carry on propaganda among the women 
in the United States. 

Section XIV—Q,: This section relates to the activities of the com- 
munists among the aliens, it being recognized that the backbone of the 
communist movement in the United States is alien. Every effort is 


_ being made to carry on propaganda among the newly arrived immi- 
_ grants and also to urge the foreign-born workers to become citizens 


| 


of the United States not for patriotic reasons, but in order that 
they might be drawn into political life. (Memorandum, p. 476.) 

Section XIV—R: This section contains instances of miscellaneous 
‘propaganda of the Workers Party of America in the United States 
in 1922 and 1923, such as the effort to have copies of the “ Thesis 
and Resolutions of the third congress of the Third International” 
placed in every library in the United States. (Memorandum, p. 480.) 

It also contains Exhibit No, 143, a letter sent out by the Workers 
Party of America in February, 1923, wherein the statement is made 
that the Workers Party of America does not believe that the workers 
ean gain the political power peacefully or establish socialism through 
the ballot box. (Memorandum, p. 483.) There is also contained 
in the issue of the Worker for March 24, 1923, a program of action 
advocated by the Workers Party of America, among which the fol- 
lowing demands are found: 

The abolition of the Supreme Court. 

The abolition of the United States Senate. 

And a number of others. 

In the issue of the Worker for May 12, 1923, is contained the 
May-Day proclamation of the Communist International, setting 
forth the fact that the world revolution must come. 

There is also contained an instruction published in the United 
States oni January 1, 1924, from the general secretary of the execu- 
tive committee of the Communist International to the Workers’ 
Party of America upon the occasion of their annual convention held 
in the city of Chicago, December. 1923. (Memorandum, p. 494.) 

Section XIV-S: This section is submitted as showing the activi- 


ties of the Communist International in the field of sport and the 


’ 





organization of the Red Sport International, which has a number of 
branches in the United States. 

Section XIV-—T: This section shows the antireligious propaganda 
carried on by the communists. There are included in the exhibits 


156 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


submitted a number of cartoons published in Moscow. Several of 


these cartoons were reprinted in the Workers’ Party organs in the 


United States. There is contained in this section an interesting 
article upon the attitude of the communists toward religion (p. 500: 


of the Memorandum). | 

There is included in this section a leaflet issued by the central 
executive committee of the Communist Party of America upon the 
occasion of the execution of a number of priests of the Roman Catho- 


he Church by the Russian authorities. This circular contained the 
resolution that the executive committee of the Communist Party of 


America indorsed the action of the Soviet Government in expro- 


priating the private property of the churches and the execution of 


any and all persons, whether they be church leaders or otherwise, 
who attempt to impede the progress of the workers in carrying out 
their historic mission of destroying capitalism and private property 
in no matter what form it may be reported. The circular closes with 


the now common phrase, used by the communists in the United States: 
as well as in Russia, “ Religion is the opium of the people,” and is 
signed by the Communist Party of America, section of the Com- 


munist International. 


Section XIV—U: This section sets forth the activities of the com- 
munists in the Army and Navy. Reference has already been made 


in other sections of this report to these activities. Among the ex- 


hibits submitted in this section is a document taken in April, 1921, 
in New York City, being a report of the delegate to the second. 
congress of the Third International, wherein the following state- 


ment appears: 


The communists have to be acquainted with the technique and strategies of 


modern warfare. At least, every communist has to know how to handle a gun 


and how to form a fighting line. This is calling for the establishment of gym-- 


nasiums and shooting galleries for services. (Exhibit 149a, memorandum, 
p. 5138.) 


This section also includes secret instructions of the bureau of the 


western European secretariat of propaganda, issued in December,. 


1921, and signed by Zinoviev, Katayama, and Arngold. These in- 
structions deal in detail with activities to be carried on in the Army 
and Navy. (Memorandum, p. 518.) 

There are also a number of circulars and quotations from official 
organs of the communists relating to this agitation and activity. 

Reference is also made in this section of the report to a statement 
by Charles E. Ruthenberg, executive secretary of the Workers” 
Party of America, wherein he states that the illegal work shall in- 


clude the sending of men in the Army and Navy to distribute illegal 


propaganda, and that the words “mass action” in the communist 
program covered armed insurrection. Ruthenberg further stated at 
this time, namely, July 18, 1922, that— 


The C. BE. C. at any time could call for several men, let them join the Army — 


and Navy, and undermine them through propaganda work. Once they were 
undermined, then we could conie out with the full communist program and 
propagate armed insurrections without anyone being able to stop us. (Memo- 
randum, p. 521.) 


_ There is also a report from the Navy Department showing agita-— 
tion carried on among the crews of American ships in foreign water 
(p. 525) and statements of the Secretaries of War and Navy of the 


__ —— "od 


F : | | RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA ; 157 


ees States upon propaganda within the armed forces of this 
Section AITV-V: This section of the memorandun:deals with the 
activities of the Socicty for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia,‘10 which 
_ L. C. A. K. Martens took an important part when he was ‘n the 
United States. | 

Section XIV—W: This section covers information relative to «he 
underground cenventien of the Workers’ Party of America held in 
the city of Chicago in November, 1928. 

Section XI\—X: This section sets forth the activities of the com- 

munists with regard to the control of the Federated Press News 
Service. There are numerous documents included in this section 
showing the efforts to obtain this control, which have met with some 
success. 
‘Section, XIV-Y: This section deals with the so-called Zinoviev 
instructions of August, 1923, wherein reference is made to the neces- 
sity for the training of communists in shooting and sapper work. 
The circumstances surrounding the authenticity of this document 
will be\ disclosed to the committee in executive session if the com- 
mittee so desires. 

Section XIV-Z: This section of the memorandum deals with the 
activities of a particularly prominent communist agent, viz., Joseph 
Kowalski, who was deported from the United States because of com- 
munist activities, later returned, was apprehended and sentenced to 
the Atlanta penitentiary, and upon the completion of his sentence — 
again indulged in operations forthe Workers Party. 

Section XIV-1: This section covers various State prosecutions that 
have been instituted against communists under the various State 
criminat statutes. 

~~Tncluded in this section are quotations from some,of the more 

/ inflammatory circulars distributed by the communists. These cir- 
culars particularly relate to activities among the miners and rail- 
road workers. 

Section XIV-2: This portion of the memorandum includes quo- 
tations from the various publications of the Communist Party, Eng- 
lish and foreign, indicating the general trend of these publications 
as they have been circulated and distributed in the United States 
the last two years. 

There is a very complete and detailed index of subjects and names 
submitted for the use of the committee. 

It is believed that the evidence presented by the Department of 
State at this hearing has conclusively established three facts: First, 

the essential unity of the Bolshevik organization known as the Com- 
- munist Party, so-called Soviet Government, and the Communist In- 
- ternational, all of which are controlled by a small group of indi- 
- viduals, technically known as the political bureau of the Russian 
Communist Party; second, the spiritual and organic connection be- 
tween this Moscow group and its agent in this country—the Ameri- 
can Communist Party and its legal counterpart, the Workers Party. 
Not only are these organizations the creation of Moscow, but the lat- 
ter has also elaborated their program and controlled and supervised 
their activities. While there may have existed in the United States 
individuals, and even groups, imbued with Marxist doctrines prior 


158-4 | YECOGNITION ‘OF RUSSIA. oo as Ee SIN : 


to the advent of the Communist Tiiternational, the existence of a — 
disciplined party ercepped with a program aiming at the overthrow | 
of the/institet0ns of this country by force and violence, is due to the 
intervention of the Bolshevik organizations into the domestic politi- 
cal life of the United States. The essential fact is the existence of an 
orgaiization in the United States created by and completely sub- 
ser'vient to a foreign organization striving to overthrow the existing 
social and political order of this country. Third, the subversive and 
pernicious activities of the American Communist Party and the 
Workers Party and their subordinate and allied organs in the 
United States are activities resulting from and flowing out of the 
program elaborated for them by the Moscow group. 

The Cuairman. Mr. Young. ysl oe 

Mr. Youne. Mr. Chairman, the Department of State has desired 
to give to the committee and to the public, so far as is @n-patibie 
with public interests, the information at its command. In addition, 
Mr. Chairman, to what has been submitted to the committee/:here is 
further and important information which it is not compativle with 
the public interests to make public at this time, but the Depar ment of 
State does not wish to withhold it from the committee if the com- 
mittee is willing to receive it in confidence. At any time (the com- 
mittee decides to receive it I shall be glad to present it. 

Senator Borau. Very well, Mr. Young. . 

Mr. Young. Lhave only to add, Mr. Chairman, with your permis- 
sion, an expression from the Department of State to you as chair- 
man and to the members of the committee, and especially on behalf 
of the representatives of the Department of State who have appeared 
before you, of our appreciation of the very courteous manner in « 
which we have been received and the care and attention accord=4 by } 

: a] 


the committee to the material that we have presented. 
I thank you, Mr. Chairman. | a ga 
Senator Boran. Mr. Young, I suppose the State Department very | 
likely has information that will enable it to give practically the 
exact dates when the Kolchak, Yudenitch, Wrangel, Deniken civil 
wars broke down? 
Mr. Young. Yes, sir. . 
Senator Boran. If you will furnish me the dates I will put it in 
the record. i, Bh ae 
Have you anything, Mr. Pittman? ) 
Senator Prrrman. No. ; | 
4 Mr. Youne. With the permission of the chairman we will with- 
raw. 
Senator Boran. Yes. 
The committee will stand adjourned, subject to notice. | 
(Whereupon the subcommittee adjourned, subject to the call of — 
its chairman.) 


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CONTENTS 


Part I 
| ‘Page 
Essential unity of the Bolshevik organizations known as the Communist 
Party, the so-called Soviet Government, and the Communist Inter- 
ce ONES ©. a TISSUE SERBS T £8 Ia ORNs RIN, 5 MOD cai an Sen le en RS 161 
Part IL 
The relation between the Soviet organizations and their dependent agen- 
cies in the United States, and the subversive activities of these agen- 
fe oes I oti Pe he 227 


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RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 

Washington, January 21, 1924. 
My Dear Senator Borau: In accordance with your request, I 
‘transmit herewith pertinent information at the command of the 
Department of State respecting propaganda carried on in the 
United States, directed from Russia, aimed at the overthrow of the 
institutions of this country. While this is very voluminous, you 
will find it to the point. 

In addition, important information of a confidential nature will 
be made available to your committee for consideration in executive 
session. 

I am, my dear Senator Borah, very sincerely yours, 


(Signed) Caries EK. Hueuss. 


The Honorable Wir11aAm E. Boran, 
: United States Senate. 
159 











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ESSENTIAL UNITY OF THE BOLSHEVIK ORGANIZATIONS KNOWN 
_ AS THE COMMUNIST PARTY, THE SO-CALLED SOVIET GOVERN- 
_ MENT, AND THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


t 


| 


\ The information submitted in Part I consists exclusively of data 
daken from primary Bolshevik sources of an authoritative char- 
acter which demonstrate and elucidate the essential unity of the 
yarious Bolshevik organizations known as the Russian Communist 
‘Party, the so-called Soviet Government, and the Communist Inter- 
‘national. The data thus presented fall logically under four main 
headings. The evidence adduced under Section A is primarily 
itended to show the complete control of the so-called Soviet Govern- 
ment by the Russian Communist Party and the consequent close 
inter-relationship between the same; the material classified under 
Section B shows the management and direction: of the Russian 
‘Communist Party by the Political Bureau, which controls thereby 
the so-called Soviet Government. The data in Section C show the 
creation of the Communist International by the Russian Com- 
munist Party and its subsequent direction and management by its 
‘creator, and in Section D material is presented regarding the close 
inter-relationship between the so-called Soviet Government and the 
Communist International necessarily flowing out of the fact that 
both organizations are controlled and directed by the Political 
Bureau of the Russian Communist Party. In addition, in Section E 
there is submitted certain miscellaneous relevant and pertinent data, 
and in Section F material is submitted showing the essential unity 
of thought and aim of the various Bolshevik leaders and organiza- 
tions. 


A. RELATION OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY TO 
; SOVIET REGIME 


(Exhibits 1-16) 


1. Contrron or Atut-Russtan Coneress or Soviets sy Russtan Com- 
MUNIST Party 


No. 1 


{A) COMPOSITION OF VI ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF SOVIETS, 
' “NOVEMBER 6-9, 1918 


_ Party distribution of delegates to the VI All-Russian Congress of 
Soviets with decisive and advisory vote: 

Decisive: 

RTT ree Ort. ee ee ee 933 
Revolutionary Communists 
Left Social Revolutionists_ 
Peoples Communists________-- 2 
ep ereree wet ee 8 oe See eh yeti, Oe or SN ee. 1 
Sremmemnmmersetta . 0 ode the A le ee OS te a 1 
Demberrirey oc fo bret iit boajmerors vilayonige hy oles 1 











162 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Advisory: . 
Communists _. ee 
Revolutionary Communists__...- 22 1 
Left,Secial, Revolutionists— <.e-= <8 ovo coer eye ee 4 
Peoples * Commitmists nn ee eee tension 17a anes einen 3 
Maximalists {400 sot Salle _ Bo A SEES AR ee 1 
Anarchists... LAULOLIL A SS es ee 4 
Poalei. Zion ~.2-.- 2s a 1 
Social Democrats Internationalists______22_-___ bb ee ke 2 
Non-PArt Yin c t eee = be eee ee he tee 3 

Total we nn a a 3826 
(Stenographic Report of VI Congress Moscow, 1919, p. 179.) 


No. 2 


(B) COMPOSITION OF VII ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF SOVIETS, 
DECEMBER 5-9, 1919 


According to report of Committee on Credentials approved by the 
Congress, 1,366 delegates were present at the Congress, of whom 
1,002 had decisive vote and 364 advisory vote. The number of Com- 
munists among the delegates was as follows: With decisive vote 970, 
with advisory vote 808; Non-Party was 35 and 26, respectively. 
(Economic Life, No. 277, December 10, 1919.) 


No. 3 


(C) COMPOSITION OF VIII ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF SOVIETS, 
DECEMBER 23-29, 1920 


REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 


Thereupon Comrade Maximovsky makes a report in the name of 
the Committee on Credentials. The VIII Congress of Soviets is the 
largest of all the All-Russian Congresses which have taken place 
under the Soviet power. In all, the delegates number 2,537. Of 
these, there are 1,728 with a decisive vote (1,614 members or candi- 
dates of the Communist’ Party, 114 Non-Party), and 809 with an 
advisory vote (722 Communists and candidates, 65 Non-Party, and 
22 from other parties). (Pravda, No. 296, December 31, 1920.) 


No. 4 | 


(D) COMPOSITION OF IX ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF SOVIETS, 
DECEMBER 23-28, 1921 [ 


$ 


* * * Comrade Maximovsky communicates data reference’ 


the work of the Committee on Credentials. In all, there were at the 
congress 1,991 delegates, of whom 1,631 had a decisive vote; of this 
number 1,522 were Communists or candidates and 109 were Non- 








Party. (Economic Life, No. 294, December 29, 1921.) | 
- } 

No. 5 | ! ] 

(E) COMPOSITION OF X ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF SOVIETS, D H 
CDEMBER 23-27, 1922 . . 


Comrade Maximovsky presented the report of the Committee o 
Credentials. 

There were, in all, at the X Congress of Soviets 2,215 delegates, 
whom 1,727 were from the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 163 


_ public, and 488 from allied republics as honored guests. From the 
' Russian Soviet Republic there were 1,217 delegates present with a 
_ decisive vote, and 110 with an advisory vote. * *. * 

_ The number of delegates with a decisive vote divided according 
_ to party was as follows: Members of the Russian Communist Party 
_and candidates, 1,154; Non-Party, 63; other parties, 0. (Izvestia, 
_ No. 295, December 28, 1922.) 


2. ConrroL oF ProvincrtaL GOVERNMENT By Russtan CoMMUNIST 
Party 


No. 6 


(A) NUMBER OF COMMUNISTS IN PROVINCIAL EXECUTIVE COM- 
MITTEES 


WHO RULES RUSSIA 


Composition of the Provincial Executive Committees: * * * 
_ Now the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs has data from 58 
provinces and districts regarding 1,436 men, representing with few 
exceptions nearly the whole territory of the Republic * * * 
Data reference the Party membership of the members of the Pro- 
_vineial Executive Committeés: Communists, 1,295; Other parties, 
OTN, tiie 125; Not determined, 12. (Izvestia, No. 88, April 22, 
1923. 


3. MerHop or Execrion or Mermeprrs or Axut-Russtan CENTRAL 
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES 


No. 7 


(A) ELECTION OF ALL-RUSSIAN CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
AT IX ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF SOVIETS, DECEMBER 28, 1921 


ELECTION OF MEMBERS AND ALTERNATES TO THE ALL-RUSSIAN CENTRAL 
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 


EVENING SEssIon oF DECEMBER 28. 


The evening session lasted forty minutes. 

_ Comrade Enukidze reads the list of members of the All-Russian 
Central Executive Committee proposed by the fraction of the Rus- 
sian Communist Party. Altogether the list comprises 386 members 
and 126 alternates. Among the members and alternates there are 
; Many hon-party men. ; 

In the list of delegates from the individual provinces some cor- 
rections were made which are accepted by the Congress without 
objection. 
- Permit me to put to vote the question of the number of members 
and alternates of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, says 
Comrade Kalinin. Those who are in favor of leaving the number 
“as it is, please raise their hand. 

A whole forest of hands is raised. 


ie, 


“al 





a 


164 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Who is against? No one. Permit me to consider it accepted. 
Now let me put to vote the question of the inethod of electing mem- 
bers and alternates—individually by name, or the entire list as a 
whole. 

A rumble is heard throughout the room. To be sure, they will 
vote for the entire list as a whole. The delegates themselves from 
their places indicate the members and the alternates. ' 

List! List! resound friendly voices. 

The question is put to vote. It is unanimously agreed to vote 
for the entire list asa whole. The list is then put to vote. And 
again a forest of hands. 

Who is against? 

Not a single voice. The list is confirmed. Clapping of hands. 
(Izvestia, No. 294, December 29, 1921.) 


No. 7A 


{B) ELECTION OF ALL-RUSSIAN CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
AT X ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF SOVIETS, DECEMBER 27, 1922 


NEW COMPOSITION OF THE ALL-RUSSIAN CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTER 


At the request of the Bureau of the Communist Fraction a short 
recess is taken, after which the floor is given to Comrade Enukidze, 
who, before reading the list of candidates for membership in the 
All-Russian Central Executive Committee, refers to the method of 
selecting candidates for the supreme legislative organ of the coun- 
try—the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. 

As has always been the case at our congresses, says Comrade 
Enukidze, so this year the candidates for membership in the All- 
Russian Central Executive Committee have been subject’ to careful | 
consideration. Each delegation has itself considered its candidates 
locally before the congress, then at the congress; then the candidates 
have been considered at a conference of the leaders, then afterwards 
in a caucus of the Russian Communist Party. In the list of mem-- 
bers of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee all provinces, 
districts, and separate republics entering into the Russian Soviet 
Republic are represented. There is not a single nook, not a single 
area or province, which would not have its representative in this 
organ. Also the labor organizations have been represented in the 
person of the Supreme Central Soviet of Trade Unions, and in the | 
central list enter responsible workers in the Center. 

Then, Comrade Enukidze reads the list of members of the All- 
Russian Central Executive Committee and alternates. Altogether 
there are 270 members and 116 alternates. The list of members of 
the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and alternates pro- 
posed by Comrade Enukidze is unanimously confirmed. (Izvestia, 
No. 295, December 28, 1922.) | 






RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 165 


4. Sratempents or BotsHevixk Leapers RecarDING DomMINATING Po- 
; SITION OF THE Russtan Communist’ Parry 


No. 8 


{A) SPEECH OF ZINOVIEV AT XII CONGRESS OF THE RUSSIAN 
COMMUNIST PARTY, APRIL 17, 1923 


SPEECH OF ZINOVIEV 
* * *  TVhe Party must govern and guide literally every sphere 
of our economic life. (Pravda, April 18, 1923.) 


No. 9 


(B) SPEECH OF KAMENEV AT XII CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN GOM- 
MUNIST PARTY, APRIL 19, 1923 


f ve KAMENEV 


We have never made that distinction which is actually demanded 
by the new economic policy, a distinction between the Soviet ap- 
paratus and the Party. The Soviet apparatus, as I have already 
said, more than the Party, is subject to all sorts of degeneracy 
and small bourgeois influence. Take a clever enemy, such an enemy 
‘as one who this year will proceed against us, not with the slogan of 
* Constituent Assembly,” nor with the slogan, “Soviet Power with- 
out Communists ”—there are very few such fools left on earth—we 
have clever enemies, who do not operate with slogans of “ Constit- 
uent Assembly,” that is, the new bourgeoisie, the new upper layers 
of the peasantry. And do they not say: It is impossible to struggle 
with the Communist Party, but it is necessary to attempt to move 
a little to one side the Communist Party from the Soviet apparatus, 
to allow the Soviet apparatus to manage things independently, in 
order that the Party should not have such an influence, in order that 
the direction and control of Communism should not be so near to 
the Soviet apparatus.- * * * 

And that is why we say that he who speaks against the Party, 
who demands a division of function between the Soviet apparatus 
and the Party, he wishes to introduce such a division of power as 
exists in other states. * * * (Pravda, No. 86, April 20, 1923.) 


No. 10 


(C) RESOLUTION OF XII CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 
ON THE REPORT OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, APRIL 19, 1923 


RESOLUTION OF XIT CONGRESS 


* * * At the present moment the Russian Communist Party 
lirects and must direct all the political and cultural work of the or- 
gans of the STATE power; directs and must direct the activity of 
all economic organizations of the Republic. The task of the Party 
s not only to distribute correctly its workers throughout the various 
oranches of the Government, but also to verify and determine the 
| 3 
| 


166 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 

very course of their work. The dictatorship of the labor classes 
can not be materialized in any other way than in the shape of the 
dictatorship of their vanguard; that is, the Communist Party. 
(Pravda, April 20, 1923.) ! | 


No.. 11 


(D) SPEECH OF ZINOVIEV DELIVERED IN PETROGRAD ON MAY 8, 19238 


FUNDAMENTAL RESULTS OF THE TWELFTH CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COM- 
MUNIST PARTY 


* * * We know from the fundamental Communist works that 
the dictatorship of the Proletariat is impossible without the dictator- 
ship of its advance guard; that is, without the dictatorship of its 
WaTty u's whaven: Speaking of the State, it is necessary to distinguish 
two things; speaking strictly scientifically, “ state ” means the aggre- 
gate of state institutions and organs concentrated as the weapons 
of compulsion in the hands of the governing class (in our case, of 
the Proletariat). But frequently by “state” is meant the sae Me 
society. 

The question of dictatorship of the party has an enormous im- 
portance in both cases. In so far as it 1s a question of state in the 
direct sense of the word, it is especially important that the Com- 
munist Party, through which the Proletariat realizes its power, 
should hold the state apparatus completely in its hands, for only by 
this means can the Proletariat realize its dictatorship im a peasant 
country., * * * This question involves the question of the hege- 
mony of the Proletariat. In order that the Proletariat may remain 
dominant in the Soviet State, composed in the majority not of pro- 
letariat, it is necessary that the directing réle of the dictatorship be- 
long to the advance guard of the Pr oletariat—that is the Communist 
Part by Khen Pair Repr esent to yourselves, comrades, for one minute, 
that here in Russia in 1923 the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionists 
are legal parties; imagine that they exist in Petrograd:and in Mos- 
cows; ‘that they publish newspapers, *) *. *. They would say,“ Fine, 
you have performed great services; you have crushed the: whites 5 
it is true, you disper sed the constituent assembly; that was not very 
kind on your part. You do not wish a democracy; it is necessary to 
compromise. Le there be a Soviet State; but consider, you, in all, 
have only 400,000 party members; while in Soviet Russia there are 
120,000, 000 inhabitants. How can you pretend that you, small grout 
in ‘400, 000, have realized the dictatorship in the- whole sta 


* 299 








We at the Eleventh Congress of the Party said in complete agree- 
ment with Comrade Lenin the following: Our party has the 
monopoly of legality. That signifies that only it publishes news- 
papers; that only it exists openly and freely; and that it has driven 
the enemies of the Soviet power underground. * ; 

The Party will not yield an inch. It will not permit itself to_ be 
pushed away from economic work; it will go into every economi¢ 
detail. It will appoint every economic worker from the highest 
to the lowest. The Party not for one second will be pushed away 
from economic matters, knowing that now the foie of the revolution 









RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 167 


is bound up with the fate of economic conditions. That isso. And 
together with that our party must strongly protest against the 
attempts to supersede politics by economics. (Pravda, No. 104, 
May 12, 1923.) : 


5, Instances oF INTERDEPENDENCE OF STATE AND. Parry MacuHInery 
(A) POWERS AND ‘ACTIVITIES OF CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION 
| . No. 12 

(1) ACT ORGANIZING CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION 


Act ORGANIZING CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION 


* * * % 2 Bs * 


The act considers that the principal tasks of the Central Control 
Commission are: To see to it that all Soviet organs pursue the poli- 
‘cies laid down by the party; systematically to keep the party in- 
formed. about. everything that takes place in the party as a whole, 
in the Soviet apparatus and in the mass of the population; to 
cooperate with the Central Committee in developing more accurate 
and systematic work in the party apparatus, and in introducing 
more system in party measures for guiding state and economic appa- 
ratus; to assist the Central Committee in selecting the controlling 
personnel of party, state, and economic organs. (Pravda, No. 118, 
May 31, 1923.) | 

No. 13 


(2) RESOLUTION OF XII CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY ON 
Bi ORGANIZATION, APRIL 27, 1923 
6 
TWELFTH CONGRESS OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 
RESOLUTION ON ORGANIZATION 


-» Central Control Commission: The division of work between party 
organs and state organs (in the sense of the decree of the Eleventh 
Congress of the Russian Communist Party) 1s necessary but with- 
out the least prejudice to the guiding role of the party. In order 
that the party, not in theory but in actuality, may be able to realize 
the directing guidance of state and economic organs it is necessary 
that at those central points, at which the reorganized. Workmen- 
‘Peasants Inspection should stand, there should be established. the 
‘closest organic bond between the directing organs of the state and 
party control. 

- The Congress elects fifty members of the Central Control Com- 
mission, preeminently from among the workers and peasants, with 
‘serious party experience, and suitable for party control and soviet 
‘control work. The basic problem of the Central Control Com- 
mission is the work of securing the conformation of the activity of 
all soviet organs with the directions of the party in all relations. 
_* * * The People’s, Commissar, of the .Workmen-Peasant 
Inspection is selected by the Central Committee of the party in so 
far as possible from among members of the Presidium of the Central 
Control Committee. Into the composition of the collegium of the 
People’s Commissariat should enter some members of the presidium 





168 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


of the Central Control Commission. Not less than one-half of the re- 
maining members of the Central Control Committee should be 
delegated for work in the Workmen-Peasants Inspection, and in 
the domain of fulfilling the soviet tasks imposed on them they work 
under direction of the collegium of the Workmen-Peasants In- 
spection in accordance with the orders, instructions, elaborated by 
the presidium of the Central Control Committee, together with the 
collegium of the People’s Commissariat and confirmed by the Central 
Committee of the party. (Pravda, No. 93, April 28, 1923.) 


(B) PARTY ORGANS AND JUDICIAL TRIBUNALS 
No. 14 
(1) PROCEDURE REGARDING COMMUNISTS SUBJECT TO PUNISHMENT 


REGARDING COMMUNISTS SUBJECT TO PUNISHMENT 


The Supreme Court has proposed to all military and military 
transport tribunals in regard to each member of the Russian Com- 
munist. Party subject to punishment to immediately inform the cor- 
responding Party organ—Provincial, District, etc. Likewise it is 
also proposed to submit each month to the Supreme Court the list 
of members of the Russian Communist Party subject to punishment, 
to be transmitted to the Central Committee of the Russian Com- 
munist Party. (Izvestia, No. 209, September 16, 1923.) 


No. 15 


(2) REPORT OF CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE AT XII CONGRESS OF 
RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 


REPORT OF CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE OF RUSSIAN CoMMUNIST PARTY, BY 
6 SHKIRIATOV | 


* * * All our work is carried on in contact with the Courts and 


with the State Political Administration, in view of the fact that 
often in the Courts there are pending cases of members of the Party. 
The judicial organs inform us about the Comrades in regard to whom 
there is Judicial evidence. We acquaint ourselves with this evidence, 
as not infrequently there have been cases where Comrades have been 
put into the dock solely as the result of personal intrigues. In such 
cases through the medium of competent institutions and without 
encroaching upon the privileges of the respective courts we have 
raised the question of the expediency and advisability of a publi¢ 
trial in court lest we undermine the Party authority of our Com- 
rades. (Pravda, No. 87, April 21, 1923.) é 
No. 16 i : 

(C) CAUCUS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY REPLACES PLENARY 
SESSION OF ALL-RUSSIAN CHNTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTER | 


REPORT OF SOKOLNIKOV i | 
Debates on report of Sokolnikov are transferred to a. 
caucus of the Russian Communist Party. * * # | 

After the report of Sokolnikov the Plenary Session is closec 
Then commences a closed session of the caucus of the Russian Co: 
munist Party. (Izvestia, No. 258, November 112, 1923.) 


*% kok 





B. ORGANIZATION OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 
(Exhibits 17-32) 
1. Compostrion oF MrMBerrsHip 
No. 17 


{A) RESOLUTION OF XII CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 
ON MEMBERSHIP 


TWELFTH CONGRESS OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 
RESOLUTION ON ORGANIZATION 


Regulation of Composition of the Russian Communist Party: The 
party accepts and must accept as members not only workmen 
but also peasants, Red Army soldiers, employes, youths, etc., but 
being a proletariat party it must systematically increase the per- 
centage of the members of the party from the industrial workmen 
and together with that regulate and restrict the admission to the 
party of all other elements. In the last count one of the most impor- 
tant guarantees against the above-mentioned danger is above all the 
proletariat composition of the party itself. * * * The Congress 
recognizes as necessary (a) for one year (to the Thirteenth Congress) 
to decrease the number of members necessary to recommend indus- 
trial workers working at the bench, from three to two with a two- 
year membership. * * * (d) To admit in 1923 and 1924 (to the 
Thirteenth Congress of the party) from the candidates for member- 
ship in the party only industrial workers, working at the bench, 
leaving all others as candidates for one year with the object of giving 
them the possibility of receiving the best possible party preparation. 
(Pravda, No. 98, April 28, 1923.) 


No. 19 
(B) “CLEANSING ” OF PARTY 
REPORT OF COMRADE SHKIRIATOV 


' RESULTS OF THE “ CLEANSING ”’ 


* * * As for the Intelligentsia, in particular those who joined 


the party in the years 1920, 1921, and 1919, the proceeding was quite 
different. In these cases it was more or less merciless. True, indi- 
vidual mistakes occurred. Some were left, some were excluded, but 
mistakes are not to be avoided. From figures regarding the com- 
position of our party you will see that the party in its composition 
|has become since the “cleansing” more proletarian * * *. Let 
us turn to the statistics of those excluded. In all there were before 
the “cleansing,” excluding Turkestan, 658,093 Communists. After 
the “cleansing” there remained 490,048 members and 5,173 candi- 
‘dates. (Pravda, No. 74, April 1, 1922.) 
{ 







169 


170 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


(C) STRENGTH OF PARTY IN APRIL, 1923 
No. 19B 


TWELFTH CONGRESS OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 


REPORT OF COMRADE STALIN 


* * * First it is interesting to say a few words about the com- 


position of our party. Figures show that last year at the Eleventh 
Congress the party consisted of 420,000 to 440,000 members. This 
year in view of the fact that the party in a number of spheres has 
been freed from nonproletarian elements it numbers a little less than 
400,000. That is not a minus but a‘ plus, for in its ‘social composi-+ 
tion the party has improved: *'* *'' (Pravda, No. 85, April 
19,1923.) 
(D) DOMINATING ELEMENT IN THE PARTY 


19A © 
(1) ANALYSIS OF MEMBERSHIP OF XI PARTY CONGRESS ; 
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS 


There are present at the Eleventh party congress 520 delegates 
with ‘a decisive vote and 153 delegates with an advisory vote. * * * 
The length of membership of the members of the Congress is as 
follows: joined before the revolution, 251 decisive and 83 advisory, 
according to years; joined before 1905, 68 delegates; from 1905 to 
1907, 68; from 1908 to 1916, 115; in 1917, 135; in 1918, 71; 1919. 
41; in 1920, 20; in 1921, 2. With advisory vote, 1917, 26; 1918, 17; 
1919, 18; 1920, 7; 1921, 2. (Pravda, No. 74, April 1, 1922.) 


No. 20 
(2) EXTRACT FROM ARTICLE BY ZINOVIEV 


OvuR PROBLEMS AT THE TWELFTH SESSION OF OUR PARTY 


G. Zinoviev: * * * Of the four hundred thousand members 
of the party only ten thousand were members before 1917. That is 
the foundation layer, the old guard, the cement which binds the 
party together. * * * (Pravda, No. 50, March 6, 19238.) | 


2. Parry DIscreLinE 


No. 18 | 
(A) PUBLIC REPRIMAND | 


’ 
‘ 


SEVERE REPRIMAND ! 
the following comrades are severly reprimanded for violation o 
party discipline: oe 
Legkikh, A. E.—thirty-six years, member of Intelligentsia, in th 
Russian Communist Party since 1903, employed as secretary in P 
ple’s Commisariat of Foreign Trade. . 
Urinovsky, L. S.—twenty-eight years—member of the Intel 
ligentsia, member of the Russian Communist Party since 1909 
employed as instructor in chief forest committee, etc., etc., etc., ete. 
(Pravda, No. 110, May 20, 1923.) 


In accordance with the decision of the Central Control lation of 









RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 171 


No. 22 
(B) CAUSES FOR EXPULSION 


IN THE CENTRAL CONTROL COMMISSION 


AcTIVITIES DuriINnG First HALF oF 1923 
* %* f * % of * 

Drunkeness.—January, 21 cases; February, 34; March, 16; April, 
39; May, 33; June 39. Local committees of the party (especially 
in peasant provinces) are not sufficiently resolute in their struggle 
with this evil. 

Malfeasance in office-—January, 20; February, 36; March, 50; 
April, 87; May, 51; June, 16. In comparison with last year a sharp 
decrease is noticeable in cases of violation of party discipline. 

* %* * * * * * 


Criminal Acts (chiefly bribery) —January, 9; February, 3; March, 
March, 11; April, 6; May, 16; June, 12. 

Fulfillment of religious duties—January, 2; February, 2; March, 
Ll; April, 7; May, 3; June, 7. Local party organizations have in- 
sreased their struggle with this phenomenon. 

Gain, trading.—February, 5; March, 19; April, 16; May, 11; June, 
0. These acts take place chiefly in the form of association with 
elatives. | 
. Careerism,. Bureaucratism, noncommunist standard of living— 
March, 10; April, 8; May, 6; June, 5. Offenses in this last category 
1ave been’ observed only since March. They consist in acquiring 
mmovable property in luxurious domestic life, and in striving for 
ourgeois living conditions. (Pravda, No. 169, July 29, 1923.) 


No. 28 
(C) OBLIGATION TO CARRY ON ANTIRELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA 













To all Organizations and Members of the Russian Communist 
arty: Nearly every organization has difficulties with the violation 
y individual members of our program in the sphere of religion. 
*oint thirteen of our program, obliging all members of the party 
9 carry on antireligious propaganda, is almost completely ignored. 

At a time when the party as a whole is carrying on an anti-re- 
gious struggle individual members of the party not only are not 
\arrying on this struggle, but even at times assist in strengthening re- 
| gious ceremonies, not having strength enough to stand up against 
le prejudices and demands of the backward masses of the popula- 
|on among whom they live and with whom they are bound by ma- 
lsrial, economic, and family ties. In the struggle with these con- 
jitions individual organizations, depending on their composition, 
jtke different measures. The Central Committee with the object of 
)eneralizing local experience proposes to all organizations and mem- 
jars of the party to express their opinion on this question and make 
jmerete proposals setting forth the most salient facts relating to 
ie violation of the party program in the sphere of religion. 
Secretary of Central Committee of Russian Communist party : 

/ : Y AROSLAVSKY. 
Manager of Department of Agitation and Propaganda: 

Lg KATANYAN. 
_(Izvestia, No. 69, March 31, 1921.) 

82325—24—pr 22 


172 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


3. ORGANIZATION OF Party 


No. 17 


(A) RESOLUTION ON ORGANIZATION ADOPTED AT XII PARTY 
CONGRESS— APRIL, 1928 


TWELFTH CONGRESS OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY 


RESOLUTION ON ORGANIZATION 


At the congress are elected forty members of the Central Commit- 
tee and fifteen to twenty alternates. 

The increase is due to the desire to introduce new members into 
the Central Committee, chiefly from local workers, in particular 
workmen most closely connected with the proletariat masses * * * 

The Plenum of the Central Committee meets regularly not less 
than once every two months. Each plenum jdetermines the date of 
the following plenum, which can only be changed in exceptional 
cases by a joint decision of the organization and political bureau. 


POLITICAL BUREAU 


‘The political bureau is elected by the Plenum of the Central Com- 
mittee and is composed of not more than seven members and four 
alternates *..* *. The new Central Committee is charged with 
taking the necessary measures to ameliorate the work of the political 
bureau in the sphere of the systematic guidance by the political bu- 
reau of state, and in particular, economic organs. (Pravda, No. 93. 
April 28; 1923.) SVL . 


4. Postrion or Russian Communist Party in Soviet STATE 
No. 24 


(A) REPORT OF ZINOVIEV AT XI CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMU. 
NIST PARTY | 


REPORT OF COMRADE ZINOVIEV pers - 


MoNopPpoLy OF LEGALITY 





It is important yet to point out another dangerous side. I refer 
to the fact that we are the only legal party in the country an 
have in this wise, as it were, a monopoly of legality. * * * Let 
us speak clearly—we have a monopoly of legality. We do not grant 
our opponents political freedom. We do not give the possibility of 
legal existence to those who pretend to compete with us. * * J 
From the moment when we became monopolists in the arena of tht 
political struggle, from that moment, half consciously and_partl 
completely unconsciously, rolled towards us that element which 1 
another time would be with the Mensheviks and Social Revoh 
tionists. This phenomenon is quite a natural one which was ne 









table at a certain period of time and will be still for some time in 
evitable. * * * All these elements desiring to participate 
the political life run up against a barrier which is the Russian Co 
munist Party. They see at each step that they can not participa 
in the economic life when they do not stand in some relation to th 
Russian Communist Party and they begin first with one foot ‘a 
then with both feet to enter into the party. They may think sin 






RECOGNITION ‘OF RUSSIA 173 


cerely that they are Communists... This is a mass condition, a nat- 
ural one which we must have in view constantly. As long as we 
are the monopolists of legality in our country, and this condition 
will last yet for many years, they will come to us not perhaps with 
evil intentions, not perhaps with any real egotistical aims but sim- 
ply as an active part of the population desiring to participate in 
the economic life and the economic reconstruction. (Pravda No. 75, 
April 2, 1922.) 


5. ContTrou oF Russtan Communist Party By PouiticAL BUREAU OF 
CENTRAL COMMITTEE 


: No. 27° 


w riiaig jaa OF LENIN AT IX CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST 
PAR Dent MARCH 29, 1920 


REPORT OF COMRADE LENIN 


The work of the Central Committee during the current, year was 
carried on by the two bodies elected at the Plenuin of the Central 
Committee—Organization Bureau and the Political Bureau * * *. 
‘The principal task of the Organization Bureau was the distr ibution 
of party forces and the task of, the Political Bureau was the solu- 
ition of political questions. 
| Naturally this division is to a ‘certain extent artificial, being under- 
stood that ‘it is impossible to conduct any policy without making 
vertain classifications. Conseqtiently every question of organiza- 
ion assumes a political significance and among us has grown up 
the practice that the opinion of one member of ‘the ‘Central’ Com- 
nittee is sufficient in order to have any particular question by virtue 
if this’ or that consideration held to be’a political question. To 
ittempt otherwise to limit’ the activity of the Central Committee 
vould in fact hardly be of value and in practice could hardly’ be 
sossible * * *. During the year much of the work of the Poli- 
ical Bureau has consisted of the current solution of all questions 
inising having relation to policy unifying the activity of all soviet 
‘ind party institutions, all organizations of the working ¢lass, unify- 
ng and striving to direct all the work ofthe Soviet ‘Republics, all 
‘uestions of international, domestic, and foreign’ policy  * > * 
‘ach of us working in this or that party or “soviet Pilinahush 
jvatches every day for any unusual developments in political ques- 
ions, foreign or domestic. The decision of these questions, as it 
‘xpressed itself in the decree of the Soviet power or in the activity 
f party organizations. was appraised by the Central Committee 
'f the party. It is necessary to say that the questions were so 
‘any that it was necessary to decide them one after the other under 
mditions of great haste, and only thanks to the full acquaintance 
f members of the collegium, to the understanding of the shades 
f opinion, and confidence was it possible to carry out the work. 
Ytherwise it would have been impossible even for a collegium 
4aree times larger. Often it was necessary to decide conflicting 
testions by substituting a telephone conversation for a meeting. 
si report of IX Congress of Russian Communist 
‘arty 












174 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


No. 30 


(B) SPERECH OF KAMENEV AT XII CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COM. 
MUNIST PARTY, APRIL 19, 1923 


SPEECH OF KAMENEV 


* * * # * * * 


When these comrades, subject to this influence, come to the Po- 
litical Bureau and say “Give a definite decision.” we know, that 
Comrades Larin and Krassin will accuse the Political Bureau oi 
lack of competence. “Competent, people have assembled, they ir 
detail examined that question, there were many committees of 
specialists, they have heard agricultural experts, engineers, while the 
Political Bureau is composed of literary men; and they will change 
our decision.” We say, “ Yes, because in the Political Bureau foi 
a given moment there is concentrated for a short period of time 
the political mandate of the working class. * * *” (Pravda 
No. 86, April 20, 1923.) 

No. 31 


(C) REPORT OF STALIN AT XII CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIS1 
PARTY, APRIL 18, 1923 


REPORT OF COMRADE STALIN 
CENTRAL ORGANS 


The present siutation of affairs in the central apparatus of ow 
party is as follows: We have a Central Committee of twenty 
seven members. The Central Committee meets once every tw 
months. Attached to the Central Committee there is a politica 
bureau of seven members who have grown skilled in directing politi 
cal and economic work of our organs. * * * 

In the second place the nucleus within the Central Committee 
which has become expert in management, is already growing ok 
and must be replaced. You know the condition of Vladimir Ilich 
you know that the other members of this fundamental nucleus 0 
the Central Committee must in turn be granted rest. (Pravda, No 
85, April 18, 1923.) 4 

No. 25 


(D) EXTRACT FROM ARTICLE BY LENIN | 








* * * The plenum of the Central Committee of our Party hai 
already displayed a tendency to develop into a sort of Suprem 
Party Conference. It meets on the average not more than one 
every two months and the current work is carried on in the name 0) 
the Central Committee, as is well known, by our Political Bureait 
Organization Bureau, Secretariat, etc. * * * (Pravda, No. If 
January 25, 1923.) ail 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 175 


No. 26 
(E) COMPOSITION OF POLITICAL BUREAU IN 1919-1920 
REPORT OF COMRADE KRESTINSKY 


Political Bureau has functioned all the time with the 
same five members (Comrades Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Kamenev, 
Krestinsky) and three alternates: Kalinin, Zinoviey, Bukharin. 
(Stenographic report of IX Congress of Russian Communist Party, 


p. 24.) 
( No. 87 


(F) CENSURE OF RADEK BY THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF RUSSIAN 
' COMMUNIST PARTY FOR NEGLECT OF ITS ORDERS ON INTER- 
NATIONAL QUESTIONS, JANUARY 15, 1924 


* * 


°LENARY SESSION OF CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE RUSSIAN COMMUNIST 
i PARTY 

eee et Th regard to the international situation, the lessons of 
he events in Germany were considered especially fully and care- 
‘ully. The Plenary Session of the Central Committee * * * 
ipproved the policy of the Political Bureau directed towards agree- 
nent with the majority of the German Central Committee on the 
dasis of cooperation with the Left Wing. The Plenary Session 
ipproved also the resolution of the Political Bureau of December 
7, 1923, on the incorrect conduct of Comrade Radek in the German 
{uestion, stating that— 

_“(a) Comrade Radek bases his activities entirely on the support 
“f the Right minority of the Central Committee of the German 
Jommunist Party and neglect. of the Left Wing of that Party, which 
‘act threatens a split in the German Communist Party, whereas the 
Political Bureau of the Russian Communist Party bases its policy 
‘in the support of the overwhelming majority of the Central Com- 
aittee of the German Communist Party and cooperation with the 
ett Wing, in the meantime criticizing its mistakes and supporting 
ts correct actions as well as criticizing the gravest mistakes of the 
tight Wing. 

“(b) The general views of Comrade Radek on the further course 
f the struggle in Germany are based on an incorrect estimate of the 
lass forces in Germany, an opportunist overestimate of the dissen- 
ions in the Fascist ranks, and an attempt to build on these dissen- 
ons the policy of the working class in Germany. 

“In view of the above the Central Committee is compelled to 
iform the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
at Radek does not express the views of the Central Committee of 
lie Russian Communist Party on this question.” 

| Further, the Plenary Session directed the attention of Comrade 
hadek to his disobedience and neglect, which can not be tolerated 
‘ia member of the Bolshevist Party, of orders and resolutions of 
te Central Committee on international questions, and warns Radek 
ad other Comrades of the “ opposition ” against the transfer of the 
coup struggle into the Communist International which fact may 
sult in great complications to the cause of the international work- 
g movement. (Izvestia No. 13, January 16, 1924.) 







176 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


6. Conrron or So-CauLLep Soviet GOovERNMENT By PoxiticaL Bureau 
No. 28 () LIS OMA 
(A) EXTRACT FROM ARTICLE BY LENIN 
COMRADE LENIN ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE STATE 


* * * The idea that it is impossible to unite a party institution 
with.a Soviet institution is an incorrect one. Does not the Political 
Bureau discuss from a party point of, view many. small and large 
moves on our part in answer to moves of foreign countries in order, 
to avert, let us say, their tricks? Is not this flexible contact between 
a party and a Soviet institution a source of great strength for our 
policy? I think that it has justified itself and strengthened us in 
our foreign policy and has become so customary that there is no 
doubt in that regard. It would be at least just as good (I think that 
it would be much better) in regard, to our whole State apparatus, 
* * “* “ (Rabochaya Moskva, No, 50, March 6, 1928.) _ 


| No, 29. : : , 
(B) SPEECH OF LENIN AT XI’ CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST 
PARTY; MARCH 28, 1922", * La : wil 


tt) is 


SPEECH OF COMRADE LENIN | 


* * * In conclusion, I must touch, upon the practical side of 
the question of our highest, institutions and the relation of the party 
to them. There has grown. up among, us,an incorrect relation | be- 
tween the party and soviet institutions and in this regard there is 
complete unanimity of opinion. ,I pointed out one example of how 
specific small matters drag along already into, the, Political; Bureau, 
Formally;a solution of, this problem, is very difficult, because the, only, 
legal. party,,among jus controls the,Government and it is impossible 
to forbid:a member of the party to;complam. Therefore, everything 
is.dragged. along fromthe Soviet,of, People’s, \Commissars, to the 
Political, Bureau. ; rivera Th: sai eentnio’). (LBA ye ena eee 

L hope that, the tongress. will devote the, greatest. attention) to this 
- question.and: will issue orders to the effect, that it is necessary to, tree 

the Political Bureau and the Central Committee from minor ote 
and improve the work of the responsible officials... It. it necessar 
that the People’s Commissars be responsible for their work,and n 
so that in the beginning things go to the Soviet of People’s Com= 
missars and then to the Political, Bureau. (Pravda, No. 71, March 
29, 1922.) | ifoc. ae aa 











ul 


No. 382 


(C) SPEECH OF TROTSKY AT IL CONGRESS OF THE: COMMUNIST 
INTERNATIONAL, MARCH, 1920 BED ae 


bi a 

* * * To-day we have received a proposition from the Polish 
Government asking for peace. Who is going to decide upon thi 
question? We have the Council of People’s Commissars, but tha 
Council must be under a certain control. That control can not be 
exercised by the unorganized working masses. We therefore hay 
to summon the Central Committee of the Party and have it for 
mulate an answer to this proposition. Now should we be obliges 
to continue the war, form new army divisions, choose the best, ele 
ments, to whom will we have to address ourselves? To the Party, 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA LT 


to the Central Committee which in its turn is to issue orders to the 
local committees for the mobilization of Communists for the front. 
The same refers to the agrarian problem, to the food question, and 
to all others. * * * (Stenographic report of II Congress of 
Communist International, p. 74.) 


31LA 


(D) SPEHWCH OF ZINOVIEV DELIVERED IN MOSCOW ON DECEMBER 
15, 1923 

* * * Yes, ten to fifteen years ago the question of groups had 
a different significance than it has at present. We were at that 
dime a party, nine-tenths of the activity of which was taken up 
with propaganda and agitation, while, now, we are a party which 
zoverns a State. Now the question of the dictatorship of the prole- 
‘ariat is placed on the Order of the Day on an international scale, 
und with us in Russia itis a fact. To permit factions and groups 
n our party, now, would signify to permit in embryo two govern-: 
nents; that is, to permit the split of the dictatorship of the prole- 
variat in two, or, in other words, to prepare the downfall of the 
lictatorship of the proletariat *  * 

That is a wonderful historical example, proving that two fac- 
‘lions within a party which governs |a State is nothing else than the 
smbryo of two governments  omelt 
| That that question was not raised by us earlier, for that there 
vere reasons small and important. Then the international events 
‘vhich. completely absorbed the interest. of the Central Committee 
of the Party—I refer to the events in Germany into which we were 
“or some weeks up to our .ears—then there. were lesser rea- 
ODS sure 
We can. not permit the splitting in two of, the Party for if, we 
vermit that. split we thereby permit the splitting in two of the 
‘tate * * *, However, we think, that the present majority 
£ the Central Committee and. the, Political Bureau is not making 
ny specially big mistakes. Even the extreme opposition can not 
soint, outa single manifest mistake either in the sphere of interna- 
ional policy nor in the domain of economic policy. *, *  * 
| But it is impossible to allow the provoking of lack of confidence 
,a the Central Committee, as the present faction of the opposition 
; doing, which thereby is sowing lack of confidence in the Soviet 
rovernment throughout the country. * * 
| I will tell you, and you must believe me as revolutionists believe 
revolutionist, that to sit now in the chairs of the Political Bureau 
}1 the absence of Lenin, in the presence of such a difficult interna- 
‘onal situation and in the presence of the motley-colored situation 
f the NEP, is not a pleasure. (Pravda No. 285, December 16, 
923.) 









B2A 


‘GANIZATION OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY, DECEMBER 11, 
4 1923 ) 

} * * * When they spoke thus, and such resolutions were even 
1 the press, of lack of confidence in the Central Committee, I must 
jiy that only in the heat of passion and through desire of imitating 
jarliamentary methods is it possible to forget. one little thing, that 


178 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


the Central Committee is the Soviet Government, that lack of con- 
fidence in the Central Committee of the Party means lack of con- 
fidence in the Soviet Government, and lack of confidence in the 
Soviet Government—that is, a path that will never be trod by the 
majority of the Party nor by the minority, which now speaks out 
in such slogans. * * * (Pravda No. 285, December 15, 1923.) 


No. 88 
(EF) REPORT OF KAMENEV AT ELEVENTH MOSCOW PROVINCIAL 
PARTY CONFERENCE 

* * * We received that declaration on October 15th—Com- 
rades, I can tell you now that on November 9—that is, three weeks 
later—we were expecting the uprising of the German proletariat. 
Some of the Comrades who signed that statement, through the char- 
acter of their work and through the character of the affairs in- 
trusted to them, knew that the policy of the Party as conducted by 
the Central Committee was shaped and directed then in expectation 
that on November 9 in Berlin would ring the bells of the prole- 
tarian revolution. * * * Weon the one hand understood that if we 
in answer to that accusation write our justification and appeal to the 
party and say here is the accusation, here is the reply of the Central 
Committee—that the Political Bureau could not do three weeks 
before the intended uprising of the German proletariat. * * * 

We know that our State apparatus is not worth a damn. This we 
know, this our Central Committee, Lenin, has already taught us; 
and when they propose to us a policy relative to the Party appa- 
ratus which is slipping into the speeches of the opposition all the 
time, we say: “ Please, then, what shall we do?” The State appa- 
ratus is not worth a damn; in regard to the Party apparatus you 
(Preobrazhensky, Sapronov, and Drobris) have written words which 
cover it with dirt. Have you not said in resolutions that * * * 
when you have decided that our State apparatus is worthless, that 
it is necessary to crack it, while the Party apparatus consists of syn- 
cophants, careerists, with what apparatus shall we govern Russia? 
Where is that apparatus about which one could say: “ Here is 
another apparatus?” We have none. You may be discontented 
with this or that secretary, but we must consider that we must col- 
lect the taxes, and the taxes we shall not collect if there is no Party 
apparatus, because with our State apparatus we can not collect 
them. We run industry to the extent of three-fourths through our 
Party'apparatig i) eo) ee ® 

I think the Party must act in a proletarian way; that is, openly 
and frankly state the facts. The whole world is now looking upon 
the Moscow organization; everybody knows what the organization 
of the capital of the governing party means; everybody knows that 
if the organization of the capital is against the central government. 
that central government can not govern any more. Now, in our 
country the Central Committee—you know it yourselves and youl 
yourselves gave it that power—is not only the Central Committee 
of our Party but it rules the central government of our country. 
* * * Let the Party state that, in such and such a matter, 
Trotsky was wrong, and that notwithstanding all these mistakes, we 





will continue together with Trotsky to govern the party and the 
country. (Pravda No. 10, January 12, 1924.) | 


{ 


/ 


C. RELATION OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY TO III 
(COMMUNIST) INTERNATIONAL 


1. Creation or ComMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL BY RusstAN CoMMUNIST 
Parry 


No. 33 


(A) REPORT OF RADEK ON III INTERNATIONAL AT IX CONGRESS 
OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY, APRIL 2, 1920 


REPORT OF COMRADE RADEK 


III] INTERNATIONAL 
EVENING SESSION. 


The III International is the child of the Russian Communist 
Party. It was founded here, in the Kremlin, on the initiative of 
the Communist Party of Russia. In our hands is the Executive 
Committee of the III International, and therefore, until the political 
frontiers which prevent our Comrades from conversing with us are 
eliminated, the Congress of the Communist Party is the place at 
which it is proper to sum up the results of the work of the III 
International. * * * (IX Congress of Russian Communist 
Party, p. 47.) 

No. 34 


(B) REPORT OF ZINOVIBV ON COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL AT VIII 
CONGRESS OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST PARTY, MARCH 20, 1919 


QUESTION OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


REPORT OF COMRADE ZINOVIEV 


Srssion oF Marcu 20, 1919. 


You all know that the slogan of III International, which 1s now 
‘with every day becoming more and more popular, was launched by 
our Party—we can say that with pride—five years ago, at a time 
when our Party was still completely alone in the international 
arena, * * * When, in 1914, with the first shot in the arena 
of the world war, our Party, at that time underground, oppressed, 
proclaimed the slogan of the III International, practically nobody 
‘understood us in the international arena. More than that, all the 
official parties most sharply criticized us just for that slogan. 
_* * * Whence comes it that we, a very small group, living at 
‘that time as emigrés, separated from our Party—whence comes it 
‘that we had the boldness to proclaim the III International in August, 
1914, when the vast majority of the labor parties of the whole world 
179 


180 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


were timidly looking backwards, when the huge majority of work- 
ers in general were seized with a wave of chauvinism? * * * 
To be sure, one party alone can not create an international. For that 
it is necessary to have some component parts, but at the moment 
when the German party cast aside its old title and took to itself the 
name of Communist—at that time the III International was already 
born. * * * Tf even at our conference there were only represen- 
tatives of the Russian Communist Party and the German Commu- 
nists, we would have a right to say that the ITI International was 
TAPTORG? wate te aay 
In the beginning things went as follows: The representative 
of the German Communists insisted almost in an ultimatum that we 
should remain only a conference and should not proclaim a con- 
gress. The Austrian comrades at that time had not yet arrived, 
neither had the representatives of the Balkan Peninsular arrived. 
The Central Committee of our Party considered the situation and 
deemed it indispensable that we should immediately form the IIT 
International. But we discussed it so: the German Communists are 
against; they have issued an ultimatum. We can not permit strained 
relations with the German Sparticists. That occurred on the day — 
following the terrible loss which they suffered. And we said, even 
if they are wrong it is necessary to yield in this question, and such'a 
declaration was made in the name of the Central Committee of our 
Party. According as delegates began to arrive and reports began 
to be made the German Communists weakened considerably in this 
question and it became quite clear to us all that if we did not pro- 
claim the IIT International at once we would be committing a 
crime toward the working class and it. would be a great mistake.’ 
The question was brought before the congress. The German/repre- 
sentative held himself in the background, but when it was unani- _ 
mously decided that the III International be proclaimed he stood — 
up and amidst the applause of the conference said: Once the con- — 
gress has decided, the German Communists will be among'the first — 
to adhere to the IIT International. * * * We can say that the © 
spiritual leadership in the founding of the ITI International belongs — 
absolutely to the Russian Communist Party. I do not know any- — 
thing which gives me greater pride than that fact. * * * Now 
we have something to be proud of. When the flower of the workers — 
of the whole world came to us, the people who so recently lost — 
their great leaders, Carl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxembourg, peo- — 
ple who are the leaders of the most enlightened, intelligent, and — 
organized part of the working class of the whole world, they with 
an open mind recognized that the spiritual guidance of the world 
revolution rising before our eyes should belong to the Russian Com: 
munist party. * * * oth) ie 
For the time being, Comrades, it is an honor to our Party that 
with us in Moscow, the capital of the Soviet Republic, will assemble _ 
the ITT International and its Executive Committee. Thus before 
our Party lies a still greater work than hitherto. Besides the spirit- 
ual leadership, we must aid our Comrades in the matter of organi- — 
zation under extraordinarily difficult circumstances. * * *> And- 
I think that our Party is bound to bring material forces to the aid. 
of the workers of other countries and to give them all necessary | 













~ 


at 





{ 


{ RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 181 
} 
organizing support. What belongs to us belongs to all the workers 
international. * * * (Pravda No. 65, March 26, 1919; Pravda 
_ No. 66, March 27, 1919.) 
id. No. 35 


' (©) EXTRACT FROM ARTICLE IN YEARBOOK OF THE COMMUNIST 
INTERNATIONAL, 1923) (pp. 12, 13) 


COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 
| = = * The Russian Revolution brought back to Russia the 
Most active elements of the “ Zimmerwald Left” and thus. trans- 
ferred here the center of gravity of the struggle for the founding 
of the IIE International. * * * The Russian. Communist Party 
took upon itself the initiative in organizing the Communist Inter- 
national several months after the collapse of the Central Powers. A 
‘Series of revolutions which broke out after the war clearly revealed 
‘the bankruptcy of the slogan “ Defense of the Fatherland” and 
discredited those who proclaimed it, the Social Democrats... An 
extremely strong revolutionary agitation seized the workers of all 
countries. In Central Europe armed. uprisings of the workers had 
taken place. The soil was ready for the founding of the Communist 
| International and the necessity of its creation, the unification and 


organization of the revolutionary attack became an insistent. need. 












No. 36 


(D) EXTRACT FROM ARTICLE BY ZINOVIEV IN BULLETIN OF THE 
BXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, NO, 
4, DECEMBER 23, 1921 


| PRINCIPAL STAGES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONALS, 


G. ZINOVIEV 

** * The first period from Zimmerwald to the Russian Revo- 
lution is the incubation period of the Communist International. The 
principal task of that time was the new spiritual orientation. ‘The 
attempts at organization in those days bear a very timid character. 

In the beginning our Party (Russian Bolsheviks) was nearly com- 
pletely alone when it in the well-known Manifesto of the Central 
Committee of our Party, printed in No. 33 of our central organ 
several weeks after the beginning of the Imperialist war, raised the 
Jogan of “IIT International.” 

“II International is dead, defeated by opportunism. Down with 
ypportunism, and long live the III International cleansed not only 
f deserters but also of opportunism.” 

Thus wrote Comrade Lenin in his article “ The Situation and 
?roblems of the Socialist International” at the end of October 1914. 
‘Collection of articles “ Against the Current.’’) 

_ And he continued: 

* * * ‘The ILL International faces the task of organizing the 
‘orces of the proletariat for revolutionary pressure on the capital- 
stic governments, for civil war against the bourgeoisie of all coun- 
ries to secure political power, for the victory of Socialism.” * * * 


182 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Recalling to mind times that are past, we can not hide from our- 
selves the fact that at that time very few shared our views. Roi Xt 

However, the work carried out by the “ Zimmerwald Left ” was 
not done in vain. The seed that had been sown quickly bore fruit. 
Already at the conference of Kienthal our ideas had more influence 
than in Zimmerwald. The “ Zimmerwald Left” began to develop an 
organization. Our conference before our departure for Russia after 
the February revolution with comrades from the Left Wing of the — 
French, German, Swiss, and Swedish labor movement, actually had 
the significance of the first preliminary conference of the III Inter- 
national. 

From the Spring of 1917 the slogan “ For the II International ” 
gained in Russia greater and greater popularity. Already at its 
birth the III International bound its fate with the fate of the pro- 
letariat revolution in Russia. In proportion as that revolution was 
victorious, the slogan “ For the III International ” clothed itself in 
flesh and blood. And in proportion as the proletariat revolution 
grew strong and stable in Russia, the position of the Communist 
International strengthened itself throughout the whole world. 

At the end of 1918 the Central Committee of the Russian Com- 
munist Party which assumed the actual réle of organizing the future 
III International, addressed an open letter to the German Sparta- 
cists and to the Austrian Communists. The cause of this letter 
was the calling by the English Labor Party of an international con- 
ference in Lausanne for January 6, 1919. The Central Committee 
of the Russian Communist Party set forth its refusal to participate 
in a conference at which Social-Patriots would be present and called 
upon all sympathizers to join in that tefush le & se 

On January 24, 1919, the Central Committee of the Russian Com- 
munist Party addressed a direct invitation to the Communists of the 
whole world to take part in the First Congress of the Communist 
International. This invitation was signed by the Central Committee 
of the Russian Communist Party, by the Foreign Bureau of the Com- 
munist Party of Poland, by the Foreign Bureau of the Communist 
Party of Hungary, by the Foreign Bureau of the Austrian-German 
Communists, by the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the 
Latvian Party, by the Central Committee of the Communist Party 
of Finland, by the Executive Committee of the Social Democratic 
Balkan Federation, and by the Socialist Labor Party of America. 


No. 37 


(—E) PROCLAMATION CALLING THE FIRST CONGRESS OF THE COM-— 
MUNIST INTERNATIONAL . 


Comrades: The undersigned parties and organizations consider 
it indispensable to call the first congress of the new Revolutionary 
International. During the war and the revolution it has become 
clear not only that the old socialistic and social-democratic parties 
have gone bankrupt, and the Second International with them, and 
that the elements included among the old Social-Democracy, the 
so-called “ Center”) were incapable of active revolutionary activity, 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 183 


but also that already now the framework is ready for the real 


revolutionary international. The gigantic pace of the world revo- 


lution which gives rise to new problems, the danger that this revolu- 


tion may be killed by the alliance of the capitalistic states, which 


organize a “ League of Nations” against the revolution, the attempt 


of the “ traitor-socialists” to gather, and after having “ amnestied”’ 
each other, to assist their governments and the bourgeoisie again to 
betray the working class, and finally in view. of revolutionary experi- 
ence and for the purpose of internationalizing the whole course of 
the revolution, we were induced to take the initiative in placing on 
the order of the day the question of calling the revolutionary prole- 


_ tarian parties to an international congress. 


AIM AND TACTIC 


According to our opinion, the new International must be based on 
the recognition of the following principles, which we present as the 


_ platform and which have been worked out in accordance with the 


programs of the “ Spartacus Association ” in Germany and the Com- 
munist (Bolshevik) Party in Russia. 
1. The present is the period of destruction and crushing of the 


' capitalistic system of the whole world, and it will be a catastrophe 
- for the whole European culture should capitalism with all its in- 
_ soluble contradictions not be done away with. 


9. The aim of the proletariat must now be immediately to conquer 


power. To conquer power means to destroy the governmental ap- 


paratus of the bourgeoisie and to organize a new proletarian gov- 
ernmental apparatus. 
3. The new apparatus of the Government must express the dicta- 


_torship of the working class (and in certain places even the dictator- 


ship of the half-proletariat in the villages; that is, the peasant 
proletariat) ; that is, to persist in the systematic suppression of the 
exploiting classes and be the means of expropriating them. No false 
bourgeois democracy—this treacherous form of the power of a 
financial oligarchy—with its mere external equality—but a prole- 
tarian democracy able to realize the freedom of the working masses; 
no parliamentarism, but the self-government of the masses through 
their elected organs; no capitalistic bureaucracy, but governing 
organs which have been appointed by the masses themselves, through 


the real participation of these masses in the governing of the coun- 


_ try and the socialistic work of reorganization—such ought to be the 


SS — I AE EI Pe 


type of the proletarian state. The Soviet power or a corresponding 
organization of government is its concrete expression. 
4. The dictatorship of the proletariat must be the occasion for the 


immediate expropriation of capital and the elimination of the private 


right of owning the means of production, through making them 
eommon public property. The socialization (meaning doing away 


with private property and making it the property of the proletarian 


state, which is managed by the workers on a socialistic basis) of the 
large-scale industries and the central bodies organized by the same, 


including the banks, the confiscation of the capitalistic agricultural 


production, the monopolization of large-scale commerce; the sociali- 


184 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


zation of the large buildings in the towns and in the country; the 
establishment of a workmen’s government and the concentration of 
the economic functions in the hands of the organs of the proletarian 
dictatorship—are the most essential aims of the day. 

5. In order to protect the socialist revolution against external 
and internal enemies, and to assist the fighting proletariats of other 
countries, it becomes necessary to entirely disarm the burgeoisie and 
its agents and to arm the proletariat. a 

6. The world situation demands immediate and as perfect as 
possible relations between the different groups of the revolutionary 
proletariat and a complete alliance of all the countries, in which the 
revolution has already succeeded. 

7. The most important method is the mass action of the proletariat, 
including armed struggle against the Government power of capi- 
talists. 


ATTITUDE TOWARD SOCIALIST PARTIES 

8. The old International has been divided in three main groups: 
the frank Socialist-Chauvinists, who, during the whole iimperial- 
istic war, 1914-1918, supported the burgeoisie and undertook the 
role of executioners of the laborers’ revolution; the ‘ Center”? the 
theoretical leader of which is Kautsky, and which within itself 
contains mostly wavering elements, who are unable to follow any 
decided lines, but sometimes are clearly traitorous to the Inter- 
national; and finally the Left Revolutionary Wing. uF abate Bak 

9. Toward the Socilaist-Chauvinists, who everywhere and _espe- 
cially on the'most critical occasions appear with arms in their hands 
against the proletarian revolution, we can only advocate a, struggle 
without quarter, and toward the “ Center” such a tactic as would 
separate the most revolutionary elements from the rest by criticiz- 
ing and exposing the leaders, It is absolutely necessary to see to it 
that the labor organizations at a certain stage of development are 
kept from being controlled by the “ Center.” Pore 

10, It is necessary to, organize the revolutionary elements among 
the workers who have not as yet joined the socialistic parties, but 
completely stand on the side of the proletarian dictatorship in the 
form which it has assumed in the Soviet system. Such are first 
of all the syndicalist elements of the workers. AL, huagpeg oalooe 

11. Finally it is necessary to include all proletarian groups or 
organizations which, if they: have not openly joined the Left Revo- 
lutionary movement show, however, tendencies in that. direction. 

12. We propose that in the Congress should participate repre- 
sentatives of the following parties, groups, and movements (which 
have the right to full membership in the Third International) : 

(1) Spartacus Association of Germany; (2) The Communist 
Party (Bolshevik) of Russia; (3) Communist Party in German 
Austria; (4) The Communist Party of Hungary; (5), The Com- 
munist Party of Poland; (6) The Communist Party of Finland; 
(7) The Communist Party of Esthonia; (8) The Communist Party 
of Latvia; (9) The Communist Party of Lithuania; (10) The 
Communist Party of White Russia; (11) The Communist Party of 


Ceo < 


har 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 185 


the Ukraine; (12) The revolutionary elements within the Czech 
Social-Democracy; (13) The Social-Democratie Party of Bulgaria; 
(14) The Social-Democratic Party of Roumania; (15) The Left 
Wing of the Socialist Party of Servia; (16) The Social-Democratic 
Left Party of Sweden; (17) The Social-Democratic Party of Nor- 
way; (18) The Class-Struggle Party of Denmark; (19) The Com- 
munist Party of The Netherlands: (20) The rev STE R AT ele- 
ments within the Workers’ Party of Belgium; (21 and 22) Groups 
and organizations within the socialist and syndicalist movements 
of France, mainly solidary with Loriot; (23) Left Social-Demo- 
crats of Switzerland; (24) Socialist Party of Italy; (25) The Left 
elements within the Socialist Party of Spain; (26) The Left ele- 
ments of the Socialist Party of Portugal; (27) The Socialist Party 
of Great Britain (especially adherents of MacLean’s or Sie (28) 
The Socialist Labor Party (S. L. P.) of England; (29) I. W. W. 
‘(Industrial Workers of the World) of England; (I. W. of Great 
Britain); (81) The revolutionary elements of “ Shop Steward ” 
‘movement of England; (32) The revolutionary elements of the labor 
organizations of Ireland; (33) Socialist Labor Party of Amer- 
nea) (9.12. Py) 1F(84) The Left elements of the Socialist Party of 
America (S. P.) (especially that group which is represented by 
Debs and the Socialist Propaganda Association) ; (35) I. W. W. of 
“America; (36) I. W..W. of Australia; (37) Workers International 
| Industrial Union CWarle at.) of America; (38) Socialistic 
groups in Tokio and Yokohama (represented by Katayama); (39) 
re ae none Youth (represented by Comrade Muzen- 
urg). 


THE QUESTION OF ORGANIZATION AND THE NAME OF THE PARTY 


13. The Third International’s basis has been worked out so that. 
in different parts of Europe, groups and organizations of simi- 
larly thinking people have been formed, which join the same pro- 
gram and practically follow the same tactics. This, first of all, 
applies to the Spartacans in Germany and the Communist parties 
in many other countries. 
14. The Congress must lay the foundation of a common fighting 

organ, which will be a uniting link, and methodically lead the move- 
‘ment of the center for the Communist International, which subordi- 
nates the interests of the movement in every separate country to 
‘the common interests of the Revolution on an international scale. 
‘The concrete forms for the organizations, the representation, etc., 
are to be worked out at the Congress. 
15. The Congress shall be called “The First Communist Inter- 
national Congress” of which the different parties will form the 
sections. Marx and Engles even considered the name “Social- 
Democrats” theoretically wrong. The humiliating bankruptcy of 
the old “International” demands a new name. In addition, the 
nucleus of the great movement is already formed by many parties, 
which have already taken the name of Communist. 





186 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


In view of the above we propose that all affiliated parties and 
organizations take up, on the order of the day, the subject of calling 
an International Communist Congress. 

With fraternal greetings: 

The Central Committee of the Russian Communist 
Party (Lenin, Trotsky); the Foreign Bureau of 
Poland’s Communist Workers’ Party (Karski) ; the 
Foreign Bureau of Hungary’s Communist Party 
(Rudniansky); the Foreign Bureau of the German- 
Austrian Communist Party (Duda); the Russian 
Bureau for the Central Committee of the Lettish 
Communist Party (Rosin); the Central Committee 
of the Finnish Communist Party (Sirola) ; the Act- 
ing Committee for the Federation of the Revolu- 
tionary Balkan Social-Democrats (Rakovsky); the 
Socialist Labor Party of America (Reinstein). — 

(Izvestia, No. 16, January 24, 1919.) 


9. ConrroL oF THE MACHINERY OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 
PARTY BY THE Russ1An CoMMUNIST PARTY 


No. 38 


(A) MEMBERSHIP OF FIRST CONGRESS OF III INTERNATIONAL 
ORGANIZATION OF III INTERNATIONAL 


* * * The assembly resolved to constitute itself as the First 
Congress of the III International (Communist International). 
* #* * 


The Russian Communist Party is represented at the Congress by 
Comrades: Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviev, Stalin, Bukharin, Chicherin, 
Obolensky, and Vorovsky. 

In all, there were 32 delegates present with a decisive vote. 
inet eo Pravia. Na pO. March 3, 2010) 


No. 39 


(B) RESOLUTION ON ORGANIZATION ADOPTED AT FIRST CONGRESS 
OF III INTERNATIONAL 


RESOLUTION OF THE MOSCOW CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNA- 
TIONAL ON THE MATTER OF ITS ORGANIZATION 


In order to commence its activity without loss of time, the Con- 
gress immediately proceeds to elect the necessary organs, on supposi- 
tion, that the final constitution of the Communist International will 
be given by the next Congress by motion of the Bureau. 

The leadership of the Communist International is put into the 
hands of an Executive Committee. This is to be composed of one 
representative each of the Communist parties of the most important 
countries. The Parties of Russia, Germany, German-Austria, Hun- 
gary, Balkan Federation, Switzerland, Scandinavia are requested 
immediately to send their representatives. The Parties of Countries 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 187 


declaring their adhesion before the Second Congress of the Com- 
munist International meets, receive a seat on the Executive Com- 
mittee. 

Until the arrival of foreign delegates the comrades of the country 
in which the Executive Committee has its seat, take the burden of 
work on themselves. 

The Executive Committee elects a Bureau consisting of five mem- 
bers. (The Communist International, No. 1, May 1, 1919, p. 128.) 


No. 40 


(C) REPORT BY ZINOVIEV ON ACTIVITY OF THE EXECUTIVE COM- 
MITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL MADE AT SECOND 
CONGRESS 


COMPOSITION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST IN- 
TERNATIONAL 


Thus besides the Russian Party, six others should have sent im- 
mediately their representatives to the Executive Committee. Cir- 
cumstances, however, were far from permitting all these parties 
to have their permanent representatives in Russia where the Execu- 
tive Committee is located. The German Party has not once suc- 
ceeded in this period in sending a permanent representative to the 
Executive Committee. The representative of German-Austria has 
only recently arrived. The Communist Parties of Scandinavia 
have only now and then had their representatives on the Executive 
Committee. The Communist Federation of the Balkans has been 
constituted only recently and its representative only arrived in the 
spring of 1920. The Hungarian Communist Party has had a per- 
Manent representative on the Executive Committee. The Swiss 
Communists have been represented by Comrade Platten up to the 
time when he left Russia. * * * 

Thus the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party 
and the comrades which have been specially delegated for this work 
have been obliged to charge themselves with nearly all the current 
work of the Executive Committee. | 

- The following members of the Russian Communist Party have 
been delegated to the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national: Balabanova, Berzin, Bukharin, Vorovsky, Zinoviev, Kara- 
khan, Klinger, Litvinov and others. Comrade Lenin as well as 
other comrades have taken part in the most important meetings 
gether with the delegates of the Russian Communist Party. 

__ Taking into consideration the external difficulties which prevented 
he other Communist Parties from sending their permanent repre- 
aentatives, the Executive Committee utilized the arrival of a foreign 
somrade who had authority in the matter to associate him in the 
work of the Executive Committee even if it were only for a relatively 
short time. *  *  * 

_ The function of Secretary of the Executive Committee, Com- 
nunist International, was filled in turn by Comrades Balabanova, 
Bersin, Vorovsky, and by Radek who at present fills this office. The 


§2325—24—ptT 2-3 








188 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


President is Comrade G. Zinoviev. (Report of Executive Commit- 

tee to the 2nd Congress of the Communist International G. Zinoviev 

Petrograd, 1920.) | 
No. 42 


(D) CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL ADOPTED 
AT SECOND CONGRESS - 


CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


* * * Article V. The world Congress elects the Executive 
Committee of the Communist International, which is the leading 
organ of the Communist International during the periods between 
the congresses of the Communist International and which is account- 
able to the World Congress only. * * * 

Article VIII. The chief burden of the work in the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International lies on the Party of the coun- 
try in which the Executive Committee resides as decreed by the 
World Congress. The Party of that country shall have five repre- 
sentatives in the Executive Committee with a decisive vote. Besides 
this, from ten to twelve of the largest Communist Parties shall each 
have one representative with a decisive vote on the Executive Com- 
mittee; the list of such representatives shall be confirmed by the 
World Congress of the Communist International. The remaining 
parties and organizations members of the Communist International 
shall be entitled to send to the Executive Committee one represen- 
tative each with a consultative vote. * * * (The Communist 
International, No. 18, September 28, 1920, p. 2373.) : | 


No, 48 


(E) EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ELECTED AT SECOND CONGRESS OF 
THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


FIRST SESSION OF NEW EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTER- 
NATIONAL | 


* * * On August 7 took place the First Session of the new 
Executive Committee elected at the 2nd World Congress of the’ 
Communist International. ( 

The composition of the committee is as follows: Germany, Levy, 
alternate, Mayer; France, Rosmer; England, Welch; America, John 
Reed; Italy, Serrati; Austria, Steinhard; Scandinavia, Fried; Bul- 
garia, Shablin; Yugoslavia, Milkich; Hungary, Rudniansky, alter- 
nate, Varga; Near East, Sultan Zade; Far East, Pak; Finland, 
Maner; Holland, Wynkoop, alternate, Janson. The Russian Com= 
munist. Party has delegated according to the resolution of the Con- 
eress, five delegates: Zinoviev, Bukharin, Radek, Tomsky, and Ko- 
betsky—alternates Lenin, Trotsky, Berzin, Stalin, Pavlovich, and) 
Chicherin. | | . ‘@ 

As President of the new Executive Committee of the Communist. 
International Comrade Zinoviev has again. been elected: ‘To. the 
directing small bureau (Presidium) of the Executive Committee of 
the Communist International the following Comrades have been 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 189 


elected: Zinovievy, Bukharin, Mayer, Rudniansky, and Kobetsky. 
As Secretary of the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national, in view of the departure of Radek for the front, Kobetsky 
‘has been elected. * * * . (Petrograd Pravda No. 177, August 11, 
1920.) 

No. 44 


(Ff) REPORT BY ZINOVIEV ON ACTIVITY OF THE EXECUTIVE COM- 
MITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL MADE AT THIRD 
CONGRESS, JUNE 29, 1921 


REPORT OF ZINOVIEV ON THE ACTIVITY OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 


From the 1st to the 2nd Congress we had an administration which 
was recruited on the whole only out of members of the Russian 
Communist Party. It was not easy towards the conclusion of the 
2nd Congress to demand from the Parties that they delegate their 
‘representatives for a whole year to the Executive Committee. Those 
comrades. who took part in the 2nd Congress will remember that the 
representatives of the German Party, for example, and also of other 
parties, took the contrary position that one should here in Moscow 
determine the delegates of the different parties for the Executive 
‘and that these delegates should work here during the whole time. 
Now it is, wished to leave the administration of affairs simply as - 
hitherto to the Russian comrades. Only when we protested and in- 
sisted categorically on our demand was it decided by the Congress 
that at least ten of the brother parties should send their delegates 
to the Executive, * * * 

Among us during the first year of the Communist International 
the administration was not yet international and only during this 
year could we say with satisfaction that we had the beginnings of 
an institution which at least is composed of representatives from 
‘ten or twelve parties and at least has attempted to conduct the labor 
movement in international manner from the standpoint of the com- 
position of its leadership. * * * I must also add that, as nearly 
all of us know, besides the Executive Committee a smaller bureau 
has functioned, which in recent times has consisted of seven com- 
rades and which frequently meets twice as often as the Executive 
itself. (Bulletin of 3rd Congress of Communist International No. 
4, Moscow, June 29, 1921.) 


| No. 45 






EXTRACT FROM DEBATES AT THIRD CONGRESS OF COMMUNIST 
: INTERNATIONAL 


| Empel: * * * Comrade Zinoviev said also that the Com- 
nunist Labor Party of Germany preaches unity but in a short time 
vill be among the enemies of Soviet Russia. He refers to the Com- 
nunist Labor paper of May Ist. of this year. He has read some 
entences out of this paper. I will also read some sentences and will 
| hen touch upon the point to which Comrade Zinoviev has referred. 
t reads here: “The idea of a Communist mass party which should 
ve ordered to pursue parliamentary labor, i. e., bourgeois methods of 
‘truggle, has proved a giant bluff. Such mass parties are good in 


190 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


order to demonstrate at command on Sundays and holidays for 
Soviet Russia. They are quite useless for the revolutionary 
struggle.” 

That is the view, our view, of the tactics which Comrade Zinoviev 
represents and we say thus we can not go further. We say further: 
that is also rooted in Russian State policy and on that account we 
say further “ for that reason it does not follow that we will rise up 
in struggle against Soviet Russia. We stake all our means on the 
fact that Russia remains a proletariat power but the political and 
organic separation of the III International from the system of the 
Russian State policy is the goal towards which we must work if 
we wish to be just to the conditions of a West European revolution.” 
That is the point which Comrade Zinoviev seizes upon and says “ Do 
not go further, for then you will be out of the III International.” 
He refers to the telegram of our party which gives us plenipoten- 
tiary powers to resign from the III International. He concludes 
then: If you are out of the IIT International then you fight against 
Russia. * * * We do not overlook for a minute the difficul- 
ties in which the Russian Soviet power has fallen through the delay 
of the world revolution but we see at the same time the danger that 
out of these difficulties there will arise a contradiction between the 
interests of the revolutionary world proletariat and the momentary 

interests of Soviet Russia, apparent or real. | 
In a committee meeting it has been declared that the III Interna- 
tional is not a tool of the Soviet power, but rather the Russian 

Soviet power is to be considered as the strongest post of the IIT 
International. We also are of the opinion that that should be so. 
But we believe that if the contradiction between the vital interests 
of the Russian Soviet power and of those of the III International 
should arise, it would be the duty to hold within the IIT Interna- 
tional an open and friendly discussion with regard to it. | 

In the practical solidarity for Soviet Russia we have hitherto 
constantly done our obvious duty: for example, by the demonstra- 
tion celebration of the October Revolution, by the widest participa- 
tion in the aid to the interned Red Army soldiers, by the spread of 
a movement of help in August, 1920, which came to naught through 
the fault of the U. S. P. and K. P. D. The proclamation of solidar- 
ity with Soviet Russia was one of the most outstanding points of 
view for our Party when it decided to joint the III International 
despite the heavy considerations against the reformist tactics of 
the III International. | 

On this standpoint we will remain but we will, to be sure, ever 
and always raise the sharpest opposition if we see that the policy 
of Soviet Russia falsely and through misunderstanding finds an 
outlet in a reformist policy of the III International. At the same 
time, we are convinced that such a policy is in opposition just as 
much to the true interests of Soviet Russia itself as to those of the 
world proletariat. ;* * ..* 7 

Gennari: Even in Russia itself, if our information is correct, a re= 
action has taken place against this lack of understanding and ob-_ 
stinacy. To be sure, this movement will not be noticeable at the 
Congress. Comrade Zinoviev is too skillful and clever an organizer 
of Congresses for his views not to find constantly sure and wide 


i 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 191 


“support. But already there shows itself in the international an ex- 
tensive dissatisfaction with the personal dictatorship which actually 
is not a dictatorship of the proletariat but a caricature. 
Our Comrades—in spite of the difficult conditions—beside Clara 
Zetkin and Paul Levy and many others, will express their wish this 
necessity. We hope that it will be heard by those who ought to hear 
it. This Communist International can not be a monopoly of any- 
body and must live and develop itself and struggle in full knowledge 
of the whole situation, in ample judgment of all proletariat 
BCuyiuye fe 
Michalek: Our workers do not understand how one can draw a dis- 
tinction between Soviet Russia, the Russian Communist Party, their 
tasks and the tasks of any party in Western Europe. In this con- 
nection there exists for our workers no distinction. The Russian 
Soviet power is our power. Between Soviet Russia, its tasks and 
the task of the Communist International, there is no distinction, no 
opposition and can not be any. Who comprehends the thing dif- 
ferent is no Communist. (Bulletin of 3rd Congress of Communist 
International No. 5, Moscow, July 1, 1921.) 


No. 46 


'(H) RESOLUTION OF THIRD CONGRESS OF COMMUNIST INTER- 
NATIONAL ON ORGANIZATION 


* * * No. 5. In order to assume responsibility for its extraor- 
dinarily increased activity, the Executive Committee must be con- 
siderably enlarged. Those sections which at the Congress had forty 
votes as well as the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national of Youth have two votes in the Executive Committee; those 

sections which at the Congress had thirty or twenty votes have one 
vote in the Executive Committee. The Russian Communist Party 
disposes of as hitherto five votes. Representatives of other sections 
have the right of advisory vote. * * ™* The members of the small 
bureau are especially elected by the Executive Committee. * * * 
(Theses and resolutions of the 8rd Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national, Moscow, 1921, p. 56.) 


No. 47 


(1) MEMBERS OF SMALL BUREAU ELECTED IN APRIL, 1921 


* * * Election of Small Bureau of the Communist Interna- 
| tional. 

| It was decided that the Small Bureau should consist of seven 
| members. The following were elected: Zinoviev, Radek, Gennari, 
-Bukharin, Bela Kun, Heckert, and Souvarin. * * * (Activity 
| of Executive Committee and Presidium of the Communist Interna- 
} tional, Petrograd, 1923, p. 7.) 





192 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Nos. 48 and 49 


(K) EXTRACTS FROM PROCEEDINGS OF FOURTH CONGRESS OF 
COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, DECEMBER, 1922 


Eberlein: From this standpoint was the work of the Committee? 
carried on. We decided, therefore, to propose to you considerable 
changes in the organization of the Executive Committee, changes 
which all tend toward a certain goal, changes which go a part 
of the way toward attaining this goal which we have set up. And 
that is to remove the existing federalist spirit in the organization, 
to attempt to create an executive which can take in its hands the 
leadership of a real centralized world party, to attempt to eliminate 
all the mistakes, all the errors, which have shown themselves in the 
course of the last year, in order to create a real strictly centralized 
world party in which the decisions of the World Congress, the deci- 
sions of the enlarged Executive Committee, the decisions of the Ex- 
ecutive will be actually realized in fact, so that every attempt of in- 
dividuals or individual sections will find it impossible to sabotage 
the decisions that have been arrived at, to fail to carry them out. 
* %* * ‘The parties must accustom themselves more and more to 
regard the central administration of the international as a real rul- 
ing central administration. * * * 


A further misunderstanding has revealed itself at the present 


World Congress, and that consists in the fact that different sections 
have sent their delegations to the World Congress with obligatory 
instructions. Such a practice this committee rejects, and begs you 
to decide that obligatory instructions to the World Congress shall in 


the future be considered under all circumstances as invalid. * * * 


According to the view of the committee, it is necessary that in the 
future the Presidium and the Executive Committee of the Inter- 
national be composed out of the representatives of the most different 


parties, as has hitherto been the case, but with the distinction that— 


these representatives should not be delegated as hitherto by the in- 
dividual sections to the seat of the Executive, but that they should 
be here elected by the World Congress; then all the elective repre- 
sentatives to the Executive are also actually responsible colleagues 
and leaders of the Communist International. * * * 

This decision has not been influenced by the agitation of those 
opponents of the Communist International who continually reiterate 
that the leadership of the Communist International still lies in the 
hands of the Russians, and that the Communist International works 
only at the dictation of the Russians in the various sections and 
lands. That in no wise has been the reason for this proposal. On 
the contrary, we are convinced, and speak quite openly, that it is a 
matter of course for us that also in the future in the administration 
of the Communist International, in the Presidium and in the Execu- 
tive Committee, a stronger and in fact. the strongest influence must 


be accorded to the Russian comrades, for they are the ones who in 


the field of the international class struggle have had the greatest 


experience; they are the only ones who actually have carried through | 


a revolution, and consequently as a result of their activities are far 





1Committee for Reorganization of Executive Committee. 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 193 


‘superior in experience to all delegates from other sections. On that 
account, they must also in the future have a considerably stronger in- 
fluence in the Communist International. * * * 
We propose to you to elect a President and an Executive of twenty- 
four members, of which two representatives shall belong to the 
Youth International. ‘These twenty-five representatives shall be 
elected here at the World Congress. Of course, the individual sec- 
tions have the right of nomination. The actual election, however, 
must take place here at the World Congress. As, however, cases 
may arise in which some of these members of the Executive for im- 
portant political reasons must return to their section or are sent by 
the Communist International for work in other sections, we propose 
further besides these twenty-five permanent members of the Execu- 
‘tive to elect ten alternates who will remain in their land untal they 
are summoned as replacements. 
The Committee proposes further that the enlarged session of this 
Executive shall elect a Presidium; the number of members of the 
‘Presidium is not fixed; it will probably be nine to eleven members. 
The Presidium, which at the same time is to be regarded as a sort of 
political bureau, has the task of solving political problems of the 
International. There is to be organized also an organization bureau, 
which will probably consist of seven members. It is supposed that 
‘two members of the Presidium will be elected to this organization 
bureau. The tasks of the organization bureau are quite new tasks 
which hitherto have only very little been taken into consideration by 
the Communist International and its administrative organs. It is 
necessary—and this necessity appears clearer and clearer—also for 
the Communist International to influence the form of organization 
‘of the individual sections, to be of assistance to the individual 
sections in their creation of an organization and to help them with 
counsel and with deed. The organization bureau shall take over 
this task *“ * *, The organization bureau is given a further 
extraordinarily important function, that is, the carrying out of the 
illegal work in the various sections. Decisions in this regard have 
been made repeatedly by earlier Congresses, but extraordinarily 
little has been done, to our knowledge, by the individual sections. 
The organization bureau shall give its attention to this work. How 
necessary this work is we see right now, in a time in which the 
counter-revolution from month to month raises its head more and 
/more unabashed and not only in political struggle. The bands pro- 
| ceed to-day not only with terror and sword but with murder and 
| prison against the Communists. * * * 
A further innovation is proposed by the Committee to the Con- 
|gress, that is, a decision regarding the right of the Executive 
{Committee to send plenipotentiary delegates into the individual 
{sections: In the course of the last year it has appeared that the 
postal intercourse is not sufficient; neither are the delegates sent 
to Moscow. It is much more necessary to give the Executive the 
right to send its plenipotentiary to the individual sections. These 
| plenipotentiaries shall have the task either of carrying out concrete 
“commissions which have beén assigned to them by the Executive, 
or they shall be charged—and this will prove to be the case in most 
‘instances—of going to the sections in order to establish and control 





194 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


how far the twenty-one conditions of the Communist International 
have been carried out, in fact, in the sections. They shall further 
exercise a sharp control whether all the decisions of the Communist 
International and its Congresses have been actually carried out. 
(Bulletin of 4th Congress of Communist International, No. 26, 
Moscow, December 8, 1922, pages 16, 17, 18, 19, 21.) 

Grun: * * * Comrade Zinoviev has, in an article which was 
written at the beginning of the Congress, indicated the aim of the 
reorganization of the Executive Committee. The aim of the trans- 
formation of the hitherto loose federative system, in which the Ex- 
ecutive has been organized, should be a closely organized central 
committee of one oreat international Communist Party; the pro- 
posals which have been advanced by the German delegation in the 
organization committee aim at immediately attaining this close cen- 
tral committee. That is, however, temporarily not yet quite possible. 
We have not yet a consolidated International Party which could have 
a close central committee that would be composed without regard 
to the parties. 

The proposals accepted by the Organization Committee and which 
have been laid before the Congress represent the transition from the 
previous system, in which the Executive consisted entirely of repre- 
sentatives of the sections, to the goal of a single central committee 
that is organized not in accordance with the wishes of ‘the ‘sections 
but is composed according to the wishes of the International Congress 
out of those forces which are separated for a time from their sections 
and devote themselves exclusively to the task of forming the central 
committee of a single International Communist Party. "This ‘aim we 
hope to attain at the Fifth or Sixth Congress and the proposals of 
to-day are merely a repproachment towards this goal * * 

Eberlem: * * * We have, ‘besides the Executive, the Presi- 
dium, which is composed out of a small number of comrades and 
is the real political bureau of the International. 

All departments are subordinated to and responsible to this par- 
ticular bureau. Yes, we go even further, and have determined that 
all the most important departments must be managed by members 
of the Presidium, so that the Organization Bureau, the Agitation and 
Propaganda Bureau, and the Eastern Department are directly sub- 
ordinate to the Presidium, and the other departments, the statistical 
department, etc., are subject to the Organization Bureau and must 
be controlled by it. We believe that by this means there is attained 
just that what Comrade Grun desires. (Bulletin of fourth Congress 
of Communist International, No. 27, Moscow, December 9, 1922, 
pages 3, 7, 8.) 

No. 50 


(L) EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ELECTED AT IV CONGRESS OF COM- 
MUNIST INTERNATIONAL, DECEMBER 5, 1922 


CONCLUDING THIRTY-SECOND SESSION ta 
Comrade Aisorses amidst thunderous applause, was wnanemauell 


reelected President of the Executive Committee of the Commer 
International in its new membership. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 195 


- The Congress unanimously accepted the list of members of the 
Executive Committee of the Communist International as proposed 
by the Presidium, composed as follows: 

President: Zinoviev. | 

Members: Frossard, Souvarin; alternate, Duret (France). Zet- 
kin, Hernle; alternate, Boetcher (Germany). Bukharin, Radek; al- 
ternates, Lenin, Trotsky (Russia). Shmeral, Neurat; alternate, 
Muna (Czechoslovakia). Jennari, Gramshi; alternate, Bordhigas 
(Italy). Schueller, Shatskin (Communist Youth International). 
Macmanus; alternate, Newbold (England). Carr; alternate, 
Daymon (America). Heglund (Sweden). Schefilo (Norway). 
Prukhniak (Poland). Kuusinen (Finland). Kolarov, Makkavei 
(Balkans). Harden (Australia). Stuermer (South America). 
Andrew (South Africa) Katayama, Safarov; alternate, Roy (Hast- 
ern countries). (Pravda, No. 276, December 6, 1922.) 


| Nos. 51 and 52 


(M) EXTRACTS FROM DEBATES AT ENLARGED SESSION OF EXEC- 
UTIVE COMMITTEE OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
JUNE, 1923 


REPORT OF BUKHARIN ON DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM 
* * * The Norwegian comrades make the following practical 
deductions: The chief leaders of the Communist International are 
Russians and have recourse preeminently only to Russian experi- 
ence. The Executive Committee of the Communist International— 
says Boull—has ceased to see its principal task in the’German Re- 
‘volution (I remark parenthetically that that is not true), and trans- 
fers the center of gravity to the East in the interest of the foreign 
policy of Russia. * * * 
~The Scandinavian comrades insist on obligatory instructions. 
‘That would be the purest federalism, each party appearing at 
Congress already with its decision. We must reject that demand, 
not only for international, but also for internal party ques- 
‘tions. * * * We should insist on ‘the right of the Executive 
‘Committee of the Communist International to interfere in internal 
party questions; practice has shown that we were right with our 
interference, even in such an internal question as free masonry in 
the French Communist Party; further, we have annuled a decision 
of ‘the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Party. 







DEBATE ON REPORT OF BUKHARIN 
SPEECH OF COMRADE FALK (NORWAY) 


| * * * The orator insists on the independence of the party in 
local national questions, on the election of representatives to the 
Executive Committee of the Communist International by the party 
itself,,on obligatory instructions which strengthen the party as it 
jaxpresses its views at Congress more definitely. The Norwegian 
Party in no way questions the authority of the Communist. Inter- 
jaational in international questions. *, * * (Izvestia, No. 184, 
June 19, 1923.) 


196 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


\ 


COMRADE STROOM (SWEDEN) 


We do not deny centralism, that is a misunderstanding. But we 
insist on freedom of action in questions of local character. We do 
not protest against the influence of Russian comrades in the Com- 
munist International; on the other hand, we welcome the fact that 
the guidance of the International is in their hands. * * * 
(Izvestia, No. 135, June 20, 1923.) 


(N) CONDUCT OF PROCEEDINGS AT CONGRESS OF COMMUNIST 
INTERNATIONAL 


No. 56 
(1) TRANSLATION OF SPEECHES 


Zinoviev: Comrades, in accordance with an agreement with the 
chief groups of delegates, we will translate future speeches only into 
Russian. * * * (Bulletin of Third Congress of the Communist 
International, No. 1, Moscow, June 24, 1921, page 8.) 


Nos. 55 and 57 
(2) VOTING 


Comrade Zinoviev: Unless, there is objection I will have the voting 
take place (cry; translate Russian). I beg the comrades, who under- 
stand German and sit along side of the Russian comrades, to trans- 
late, as well: as they can, to them. The voting will now take place. 
Has any one any objection to this list? That appears not to be the 
case. The list is confirmed. * * * (Bulletin of Third Congress 
of Communist International, No. 2, Moscow, June 27, 1921.) 

Radek: Comrades, in the name of the Russian delegation I oppose 
this motion for the following reasons. All political decisions are 
made by the Executive. The little bureau has first of all on the 
basis of the political decision of the Executive to carry out illegal 
work. For this work we could need in different situations comrades 
who at a given moment, largely from casual reasons, could not be 
elected because they were not at the Congress and not elected to the 
Executive, *. * 

Zinoviev: Comr: ades, this is the only vote during the whole Con- 
gress and it is after all only a question of such a. little vn 
* * (Bulletin of Third Congress of Communist Internationa 

No. 24, Moscow, July 20, 1921, pages 545 and 547.) 


No. 59 


(3) DOMINATING POSITION OF RUSSIAN DELEGATION ‘i 
a | 
Bukharin: Inthe name of the Russian delegation I have to make 
the following declaration: * *.:* Lenin, Trotsky, Zinoviey, 
Radek, Bukharin. ! a 
N curat:s The Presidium has thoroughly gone into this ee and 
has worked out'a motion. Jor this Comrade Zinoviev has the floor 
| a 


q 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 197 
 Linoviev: I willsimply read this motion * * * 

Neurat: 'The Presidium is of the opinion that this motion should 
be accepted without discussion. * * * (Bulletin of Fourth Con- 
gress of the Communist International, No. 18, Moscow, November 
30, 1922, page 8.) 


3. Data REFERENCE COMPOSITION OF CONGRESSES OF COMMUNIST 
INTERNATIONAL 


No.53 


(A) STRENGTH OF LARGEST DELEGATIONS TO II CONGRESS OF 
COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


PARTY COMPOSITION OF SECOND CONGRESS 


Moscow, July 27 (Rostal). 


The Mandate Commission has accorded the right of decisive vote 
co six delegates of England belonging to the British Socialist 
Party. Germany has five decisive votes for the representatives of 
she Communist Party in Germany. * * * Russia, 63. * * * 
Norway, 8. (Petrograd Pravda, No. 165, July 28, 1920.) 


No. 54 


‘B) NUMBDR OF DELEGATES TO III CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST 
INTERNATIONAL 


REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS 


SESSION OF JUNE 25. 


* * * Comrade Radek reports that, according to preliminary 
igures, there were present at the Congress 291 delegates with decisive 
ote, 219 with advisory vote, and about 100 guests from forty-eight 
sountries. * * *. (Pravda, No. 137, June 26, 1921.) 







No. 58 


C) STRENGTH OF LARGEST DELEGATIONS TO IV CONGRESS OF COM- 
MUNIST INTERNATIONAL, NOVEMBER-DECEMBER, 1922 


REPORT OF COMMITTEE OF CREDENTIALS 


* + * From German party * * * twenty comrades were 
nvited. Twenty-three have arrived. The Committee on Creden- 
ials has recognized the twenty-three comrades with the decisive vote ; 
heir credentials were in order. 

The French party announced 78,128 members. Twenty comrades 
ivere invited, twenty-four comrades have appeared. ‘Twenty-three 
ilecisive votes have been recognized and one advisory vote. 

The Italian party announced 24,638 members. Twenty comrades 
vere invited; twenty-one comrades have appeared. A decisive vote 
ias been accorded to all twenty-one comrades. 


a... 


198 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The Russian party announced 324,522 members—only for Russia 
Delegates for Ukraine, White Russia, and the Near and Far East aré 
classed separately. Seventy-five comrades were invited; seventy-fiv 
have appeared and received decisive votes. * ft 

Altogether 350 delegates were invited to the Congress and 394 
arrived. Of that number 340 delegates received decisive votes, forty: 
eight delegates advisory votes, and six delegates were given gues 
cards. (Bulletin of Fourth Congress of the Communist Interna: 
tional, No. 18, Moscow, November 17, 1922, pages 1, 2, 5.) 


4. FINANCES OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 
' No. 41 


(A) REPORT OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO THE 2ND CONGRESS OF 
THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


PECUNIARY AID TO FRATERNAL PARTIES 


At the First Session of the Executive Committee of the Communis' 
International it was decided that each party and each organizatior 
adhering to the III International should pay a certain sum to thi 
Executive Committee. At the same meeting, however, in which par. 
ticipated many comrades of different countries, it was decided te 
propose to the Russian Communist Party to take upon itself the prin. 
cipal burden of the expenses necessitated by the work of the Execu 
tive Committee. This was dictated by the circumstances of ow 
struggle in all Enrope and was justified by the precarious situatior 
of the fraternal parties in the different countries. Of course, the 
Russian Communist Party thought it its duty to welcome the pro. 
posal of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
The Russian Workers who during twenty years had benefited . fron 
the fraternal aid of the workers of all countries were happy to be 
able to accord the same support to the world proletariat struggling 
in the midst of the greatest difficulties. (Report of Executive Com 
mittee to the Second Congress of the Communist International, G 
Zinoviev, Petrograd, 1920, page 23.) 


~D. RELATION OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL TO 
SOVIET REGIME 


(Exhibits 60-69) 


1. STaTeEMENTS By BoLtsHEVIK LEADERS 


No. 60 
(A) ARTICLE BY STEKLOV 


REPUBLIC OF SOVIETS AND IIL INTERNATIONAL 


| The coincidence of the date of the celebration of the 5th Anni- 
ersary of the October revolution and the, opening of the 4th Con- 
‘ress of the Communist International is by no means an accidental 
r arbitrary occurrence. This coincidence has a deep significance, 
nd flows out of the organic connection between two historical phe- 
omena. 
|The Soviet Republic celebrates to-day its 5th Jubilee; the Com- 
aunist International convenes its 4th Congress. Thus the Commu- 
ist International appears somewhat younger than its Soviet brother. 
ind, in fact, it was founded in the second year of the Soviet Re- 
uublic, and on the formal initiative and under the strong influence 
f the Russian Communist party. The majority of the Communist 
arties entering into its composition were founded later than the 
Russian party. This has given cause to our enemies to affirm that 
‘he whole Communist International, as such, is a creature of Mos- 
ow. But, in fact, this is not quite so. 
However paradoxical it may appear at the first glance, the Octo- 
‘er Revolution and the Russian Communist Party which realized 
:, from a broad historical point of view, are themselves the product 
nd creation of the Communist International. To be sure, as a com- 
lete and formal organization, the Communist International arose 
iter. But as an idea it existed earlier than they. Before its formal 
roclamation the Communist International existed in the conscious- 
ess of all revolutionary Marxists. Its fundamental elements were 
eveloped at the Conferences in Zimmerwald and Kienthal and in 
he inter-party disputes during the Imperialistic War. As a cate- 
orical imperative and a directing spirit it was active long before 
‘he Constituent Congress of the III International. In particular, 
ye Russian Bolsheviks as far back as 1914-1915 looked upon them- 
jalves as part of the future III International, acted in conformity 
‘ith its principles, and in accordance with them carried out the 
\Yetober Revolution. 
| But, however we may look upon the chronological succession of 
hyents and on their historical sequence, the close organic and spirit- 
al bond between the Soviet Republic, product of the October Revo- 
|ation, and the Communist International can not be doubted. And 
| = 199 






2 a ee pe 
————— 


200 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


even if the connection had not been admitted many times by both 
sides, it would, nevertheless, be clear to all, and as an established 
fact. It is clear to us as to our enemies. 

Comrade Kalinin, in his speech at the opening of the last session. 
of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, remarked that: 
“In the general strength of the ITI Communist International the 
strength of the Soviet federation has an enormous significance,” 
and that “the workers and peasants of the Soviet Republic are one 
of the great component forces of the Comunist International.” 

That is a deep truth. The counter-revolutionary press makes sport 
over the Russian peasant being interested in the International. Re- 
garding the Russian worker that press raises no quarrel. But in re- 
gard to the peasant the assertion of Kalinin is true. It is possible 
that the average Russian peasant has a very poor conception of just 
what the Communist International is, and even less understands its 
program. Nevertheless he knows very well about the Communist 
International and feels himself bound to it. Compelled for four 
years to defend themselves from the attacks of international capital, 
the Russian laboring masses on their own skin keenly felt the sig- 
nificance of the international solidarity of the workers, The laborers 
and peasant masses of the Soviet Republic, hitherto boycotted and 
blockaded by the Capital of the Imperialistic powers, understand 
perfectly that their daily material interests are closely bound up 
with the success of the International Revolutionary movement. And 
in this sense Russia is now the country most internationalistically 
inclined in its broadest masses. 7 

On this side the very close bond between the Soviet Republic and 
the Communist International is not subject to doubt. This connec- 
tion is not only of a spiritual, but also of a material and palpable 
character. On its side the Communist International in the same 
measure is spiritually and materially connected with Soviet Russia. 
It is not a question of material support, about which the bourgeois 
press makes so much noise, and which, in the largest part, belongs 
to the realms of myths. In any case the material support, which, for 
instance, the workers of all countries extended to the Soviet Repub- 
lic during the famine of last year, is not less than the support el 
might be extended by the Russian Communist Party to fraternal 
parties abroad. | 

f course, in event of the possibility arising, both sides will ex- 
tend to each other the maximum assistance. But at present it is a 
question of a bond of another sort, preeminently of a spiritual polit- 
ical character. | 

The Communist International rests on Soviet Russia. The very 
fact of the existence of the Socialist Republic, for five years repuls- 
ing attacks from all sides, maintains the revolutionary state of mind 
of the international proletariat and does not permit it to become) 
depressed in its difficult moments, inspires it to unwearied struggle, 
assists the workers’ organization everywhere. In the Soviet Repub- 
lic the International proletariat has an inaccessible stronghold in. 
which the elaboration of the international Communist Program and_ 
tactics 1s proceeding, and where the systematic accumulation of 
creative proletariat experience and the construction of a proletariat. 
state are going on. Here there is a real asylum for all those who’ 
fight for social revolution, whither they can seek shelter from the. 


| 
| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 201 


‘indictive persecution of the bourgeoisie and where they can in prac- 
ice acquaint themselves with the process of the construction of a 
Jommunist society. 

The mutual solidarity of the Soviet Republics and the Communist 
nternational is an accomplished fact. In the same degree as the 
xistence and the stability of Soviet Russia are of importance to 
he III International, the development and strengthening of the 
Yommunist International is of importance to Soviet Russia. In the 
vast the International has helped Russia to ward off the attacks of 
yorld Capital. In the future its aid will prove more effective. The 
uccess of the Communist International will contribute to the con- 
olidation of the political and economic position of Soviet Russia, 
nd vice versa. ‘The spiritual, moral, and material bond between 
hem is based on the complete solidarity of interests. 

That is why the idea of opening the 4th Congress of the Com- 
aunist International on the day of the celebration of the anni- 
versary of the October Revolution was a happy one. It is a sym- 
hol full of deep significance, speaking equally convincingly for 
nemies and for friends. 


| ; STEKLOV. 
' (Izvestia, No. 252, November 7, 1922.) | 
No. 604A 
. PROVOCATEURS AND FALSIFIERS 
% ; % * * * * Fy 


TI affirm that I have never written anything similar either in the 
zvestia or in any other paper. Not only did I not write that but I 


‘ould not write it. * * * 
(Signature) Se niey Cie 


) 
: 
: 


ECLARATION OF CHICHERIN—FROM THE PEOPLE’S COMMISSARIAT FOR 
FOREIGN AFFAIRS 







In a conversation with foreign journalists Chicherin made the 
ollowing statement: “ Having acquainted myself with the contents 
£ the documents published by Hughes, and having discussed that 
uestion with Zinoviev and Steklov, I categorically state, speaking 
o the name of the Soviet Government and of the two above-men- 
joned citizens, that these documents are coarse counterfeits similar 
'o the false documents of Sisson.” (Izvestia, No. 293, December 22, 
923.) | 
| No. 61 


/B) BXTRACT FROM SPEECH OF ZINOVIEV AT IV CONGRESS OF 
COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


REPORT OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (ZINOVIEV) 


* * * You know that often we have been criticized in that the 
‘nternational is merely a tool of the Russian Soviet Republic. There 
jre even many “ friends” who make such assertion. Now it 1s, to be 
jure, clear that an important and very close interdependence exists 


202 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


between the first Proletariat Republic and the Communist Party 
which fights against the bourgeoisie * * *. Such an interde- 
pendence should exist and must exist. From our Communistic 
standpoint it is clear that the Communist International is very 1m- 
portant for Soviet Rusia, and vice versa. It would be laughable to 
question who has the advantage, who is subject and who is object. 
It is the foundation and roof of one building. One belongs to the 
other. * * * (Bulletin of the fourth congress of the Communist 
International, No. 1-2, Moscow, November 11, 1922, page 22.) 


No. 62 


(C) EXTRACT FROM SPEECH OF KAMENEV AT JOINT SESSION OF 
MOSCOW SOVIET AND IV CONGRESS OF COMMUNIST INTERNA- 
TIONAL, NOVEMBER 7, 1922 


SPEECH OF KAMENEY 


Comrade Kamenevy says that the Soviet State and the Communist 
International are the two fighting organizations of the Proletariat. 
One fights to seize the State apparatus, the other has already taken 
into its hands that apparatus and carries on the work of realizing 
the Communist Society. * * * (Pravda No. 253, November 9, 
1922.) 3 


2. INSTANCES oF PractTIcaAL ASSIMILATION OF STATUS OF ORGANS 
oF CommuntIsr INTERNATIONAL TO THAT OF . GOVERNMENT 
INSTITUTIONS 


No. 63 


(A) PUBLICATIONS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL EXEMPT 
FROM CENSORSHIP | 


DECREE OF THE SOVIET OR PEOPLE’S COMMISSARS 


461. Organization of chief administration for literature and pub- 
lishing,.(Glawlit),.,:*,,;*,..* | 

4. Publications of the Communist International, of the Central 
Committee of the Russian Communist Party, of the provincial com- 
mittees of the Russian Communist Party, and, in general, the whole 
Communist Party press, as well as the publications of the State, 
printing office and of the chief political enlightenment, the Izvestia’ 
of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and the scientific. 
works of the Academy of Science are exempt from censorship. 
* * * (Collection of decrees and orders of the Labor and Feasanl 
Government, July 15, 1922, No. 40. : 


: 


a 


{ 
| 
| 


en 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 203 


No. 64 


{B) MEETINGS OF ORGANS .OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL ARE 
HELD IN, GOVERNMENT , BUILDINGS 


ENLARGED SESSION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST 
INTERNATIONAL 


Yesterday in the Metrofanom room. in the Kremlin took place a 
session of the enlarged Plenum of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International. * *  * . (Izvestia; No..249, November 
3, 1922.) 
4 No..65.. 


(©) OFFICES OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL ARE LOCATED IN 
| GOVERNMENT BUILDINGS ALONG WITH GOVERNMENT OFFICES 


SMOLNY 


Inthe Smolny are located the following institutions: 1; Petrograd 
‘Provincial Executive Committee of the Soviet of labor, peasants and 
Red Army deputies; 2, Military section charged with the improve- 
ment of the condition of the Red Army soldiers; 3; the economic 
conference of the Northwest district; the supreme economic organ of 
‘the Northwest district; regulating; directing, and uniting the final 
‘economic policy of the district in accordance with the All-Russian 
‘policy; * * * 6, Petrograd section of the. Executive Committee 
of the Communist International; 7, Northwest bureau of the Central 
Committee of the Russian’ Communist Party. * * * (Petrograd 
‘Directory, 1922, page 233.) 

| 


(D) JOINT SESSION OF GOVERNMENT ORGANS AND ORGANS OF COM- 
: MUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


No. 66 


(1) JOINT SESSION OF NOVEMBER 7, 1922 


SoLEMN SESSION IN THE GREAT THEATRE 


On Tuesday, November 7, in the Great Theatre took place ‘a solemn 
session of the Moscow Soviet, together with the Fourth Congress of 
the: Communist International. ** * The ‘theatre was full. 
Boxes reserved for foreign diplomats were also this time full; to- 
gether with the representatives of the Allied Soviet Republics sat 

diplomats of the bourgeois England, Germany, etc. | 
| The! box reserved for correspondents was crowded with °cor- 
respondents not only of the Proletariat press but of many big 

| bourgeois newspapers of Europe and America. | 

| . The session was opened by the President of the Moscow Soviet, 


‘Comrade Kamenev. | 
GREETINGS TO THE FouRTH CONGRESS 


| Comrade Kamenev remarked that) *\ *»* therefore our first 
word is here—the word of greeting to the Congress in the name of 
the Moscow Workers, in the name of the All-Russian Central: Exec- 
utive Committee, in the name of the Soviet of the People’s Com- 
missars.."}(* ¢y *io* yd | dso to qin 
82325—24—pr 24 


ee 





«904 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
SPEECH OF KALININ 


Comrade Kalinin presents greetings in the name of the All-Rus- 
sian Central Executive Committee. (Pravda, No. 253, November 
9, .1922.) 

No. 83 


(2) JOINT SESSION OF MARCH 6, 1919 © 


Solemn. Session m Honor of the III International on March 6, 
LOLD. 

Yesterday in the Great Theatre, in honor of the opening of the III 
International, there took place,.a.joint..session of the All-Russian 
Central Executive Committee, of the Moscow Soviet of Workers and 
Red Army Soldiers Deputies, Soviet of Trade-Unions, Moscow and 
District Committees of Russian Communist Party, and Factory 
Committees. | | 

Opening the session, Kamenev points out that here in Moscow 
under the| protection of the revolutionary and victorious working 
masses of Russia the representatives of the Communist Parties of all 
countries were first able to assemble. *..*  *. “The assembly arose 
to honor the memory of Carl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, and 
the floor was given to the President of the 1st Congress of the Com- 
munist. International, Comrade Lenin. | 


SPEECH OF COMRADE |LENIN 


* * * * * * * 


SPEECH OF COMRADE TROTSKY 


*K wh * * k ok * 


RESOLUTION 


In conclusion the crowded halls of the Great Theatre unanimousl 
passed the following resolution: [ene 
The joint session of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, 
the Moscow Soyiet of Workmen and Red Army Deputies, Moscow 
Committee of the Russian Communist Party, All-Russian Soviet of 
Trade-Unions, and Factory Committees in Moscow, assembled on the 
historic day of the founding of the Communist International, in the 
name of millions of workmen, peasants, and soldiers who have over- 
thrown Tsarism and bourgeoisie and have taken the power into their 
own hands, greet the representatives of the Communist Party of 
Germany, Austria, Russia, France, Switzerland, »United States, 
America, Yugoslavia, Norway, Balkans, Finland, Poland, Ukraine, 
Latvia, Armenia, Lithuania, White Russia, Esthonia, who have ar- 
rived in Moscow for the 1st Congress of the new International: * * * 
The assembly greets the Communist International ‘as director and 
organizer of the fighting forces of the world proletariat revolution, 
and expresses its firm confidence that under its guidance’ the dictator- 
ship of capital will be overthrown by the dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat. (Pravda, No. 52, March 7,1919.) fs f-— OSS ‘ 

4 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 205 


3. Prixcrpa, SpEecHEes AND Rerorts Mapp at Coneresses oF Com- 
MUNIST INTERNATIONAL Have Bren Presenrep By OFFICIALS OF 


So-CALLED Sovier GOVERNMENT 
No. 67 


(A) SECOND CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, JULY 
19-AUGUST 7, 1920 


PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND CONGRESS 


International Situation and Basic Tasks of Communist Interna- 


ener hoereh Po) Marl) srry tt idl sierra) De trans ea ts Lenin 
Report of Executive Committee ig Feats th hh ee ey rere dy el ep eo Zinoviev 
8 SET ET) (NTL SOR IR SAS le a nga enn OE ae Lenin 
Question of Admission to the IIT International_-~-_--_--______ Zinoviev 
Peclitmenven stern bey IM) Oi fen | er hO W se lm ete Bukharin 
PereOeesmiOnMIueRLION 0 dE Radek 
repens Prablem eh eo bs + — bey tee ee es ed HSH: Mayer 
‘Statutes Se Commiunise international §.-_.----__-+---__-____ ___. Kabatchiey 
mnrere eiyiIetses ib ee Zinoviev 


(Stenographic report of proceedings of II ORBIT PAT of Communist Inter- 
national, Moscow, 1920.) 


! 


No. 68 


'(B) THIRD CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, JUNE- 
JULY, 1921 


PROCEEDINGS OF THIRD CONGRESS 






Beport of Activity of Executive Committee_________------+-+---- Zinoviev 
Tactics of the Russian, Communist Party-_--_-_-_-___-_---—_--+-- Lenin 
Seika of the’ Commiinist' International 2. --S_-- ---__-_---. Radek 
Economic World Crisis and New Tasks of Communist Interna- 
TORT De ON eT eres ae Wepre meres verre ar! meets Trotsky 
Relation of Red Trade Union International to the Communist 
oh Le ao nie sepa ehagen ini cc epit Bpeh aS ST A greene Zinoviev 
League’ or Coniiunist' Youth?’ ++ 2 Vi Munzenberg 


MWomesie Miusvementeoe i) Vieni over whieh sete Deluna Clara Zetkin 


Question of Organization_..-----+~-~-----~--+++--+~+---~-------- IKonen 
(Bulletin of III Congress of Communist International.) 
No. 69 


'(C) FOURTH. CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
NOVEMBER 5—-DECEMBER 7, 1922 


PROCEEDINGS OF THE FOURTH CONGRESS 








| Report On Activity of Bxecutive’ Committeée-—-t *_-----__----- Zinoviev 
New Economic Policy of Soviet Russia__—-———----------~---- Lenin 

| Russian Revolution. —_+-~++.+--+--++-+-+--4------++-+++--+-----+- Trotsky 

| Offensive,of Capital. _-_.+---.------------++4----4-4--5- > Radek 
‘Program of the III International______.--------------------. Bukharin 
‘Tasks of Communist Labor ET See eh ee eee eels Lozovsky 
Agrarian Question__—~——~ bit ARTO. 6 JEG Se AE iLLi0) Varga 
‘Cooperative Moyement_i.- +. 424+5-+-4-+4-L-+-+--++--- thie Mestscheriakov 

Trotsky 


Meretich, Question... +. —-4qeseey tad esas resent actor cont 
(Bulletin of Fourth Congress of the Communist International. ) 


E. SUPPLEMENTARY DATA 
No. 79 


J. Decree on ANNULMENT OF STATE LOANS PASSED AT THE MEETING 
OF THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE JANUARY 21, 1918 


1. All State loans concluded by the governments of the Russian 
landowners and the Russian bourgeoisie enumerated in a specially 
published list are annulled (annihilated) from the 1st of December, 
1917. The December coupons of the said loans will not be paid. 

2. In the same fashion are annulled all guarantees given by the 
above-mentioned governments on loans issued by various enterprises 
and establishments. C3 

3. All foreign loans are annulled unconditionally and without 
any exception. | 

4. The short-term. obligations and series of the State Treasury re- 
main in force. The interest on these will not be paid, but the obliga- 
tions themselves will have currency just ‘the same as bank notes 
(trans. note credit notes). 

5. Citizens of small means possessing annulled state papers of © 
the interior loans in sums not exceeding 10,000 rubles (nominal 
value) will receive in exchange denominated certificates of the new 
loan of the Russian Socialistic Federative Soviet Republic in sum 
not to exceed 10,000 rubles. ‘The conditions of the loans will be 
especially decided. 3 : 

6. Deposits in the state savings banks and the interest on such. de- 
posits are inviolable. AJ] obligations of the annulled loans belonging 
to the savings banks will be exchanged for a book debt of the Rus- 
sian Socialistic Federative Soviet Republic. 

7. Cooperative societies, local self-government organizations, and 
other mutually advantageous and democratic establishments possess- 
ing bonds of the annulled loans will have their cases adjusted on the 
basis of rules to be worked out by the Supreme Council of National 
Economy together with the representatives of the said organiza- 
tions if it be proven that the bonds in the possession of the organiza- 
tions were acquired before the publication of the present decree. 

Remark.—It is for the local organs of the Supreme Council of 
National Economy to decide which local establishments are to be 
considered mutually advantageous or democratic. 

8. The general administration of the liquidation of the state loans 
will be in charge of the Supreme Council of National Kconomy. 

9, The execution of the liquidation of the loans will be carried out 
by the State Bank, to whom it is made obligatory to proceed imme- 
diately to a registration of all holders of bonds of the various state 
loans, as well as other interest-bearing papers, both those which have 
been annulled and which have not been. annulled. 

10. The Councils of Workmen’s, Soldiers’, and Peasants’ Deputies 
will form, in accord with the Local Councils of National Kconomy, 
commissions who will determine which citizens are to be considered 
as “ possessing’ small means.” 

206 


1 
j 


RECOGNITION OF .RUSSIA 207 


‘These commissions will have the right to annul absolutely savings 


acquired otherwise than by labor, even if these savings do not exceed 
‘the sum of 5,000 rubles. 


(Signed) Sverdlov, President of the Central Executive Committee. 
(Published in No. 20 of the Gazette of the Temporary Workmen’s 


and Peasants’ Government, January 28, 1918.) 


No. 80) 


9. Decrer ApproPRIATING 2,000,000 Rotupies For INTERNATIONAL 
REVOLUTIONARY PROPAGANDA PURPOSES. 


An Ordinance on assigning two roubles for the needs of the revo- 


-jutionary internationalist movement. 


Taking into consideration that Soviet authority stands on the 
ground of the principles of international solidarity of the proleta- 
riat and ‘the brotherhood of the toilers of all countries, that the 
struggle against war and imperialism, only on an international scale, 
can lead to complete victory, the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries, 


considers it necessary to come forth with all aid, including financial 


aid, to the assistance of the left, internationalist, wing of the workers 
movement of all countries, entirely regardless whether these coun- 


tries are at war with Russia, or. in an alliance, or whether they 


retain their neutrality. 


With these aims the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries ordains: the 


assigning of two million roubles for the needs of the revolutionary 


internationalist movement, at the disposition of the foreign repre- 
sentatives of the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs. 

President of the Soviet of Peoples Commissaries VI, 

Oulianoff (Lenin) ; Peoples Commissary for Foreign 

Affairs, L. Trotzky; Manager of Affairs of the Soviet 

of Peoples Commissaries VI, Bonch-Bruevich; Secre- 
tary of the Soviet, N. Gorbounov. 

(Published in No. 31 of the “ Gazette of the Temporary Workers 
and Peasants Government,” December 13, 1917.) 


No. 81. 


8 OrricraL CuHaracter or IzvestiA AND PrAvpA—STATEMENT AP- 


PEARING ON Hacu Cory OF THE SAME. 


Tzvestia, organ of Central Executive Committee of the Federation 
of Socialist Soviet Republics, and of the All-Russian Central Execu- 
tive Committee of Soviets of Workmen, Peasants and Red Army 
Deputies. 

Pravda, organ of the Central Committee and of the Moscow Com- 
mittee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). 


No. 84 


4. Decrer ABoLtsHine Private Ownersuir or Lanp, Farmrnc IMPie- 


ments, Livestock, AND Farm Propucrs, Passrp By THE CONGRESS 
or Soviets oF WORKMEN AND SoLpiers DeLeGaTEes AT THE Mrrrine 
or Ocroper 25, 1917 


1. All private ownership of land is abolished immediately without 


any indemnification. 


2. All landowners estates, likewise all the lands of the Crown, mon- 
asteries, church lands with all their livestock and inventories prop- 


208 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


erty, homestead constructions and all appurtenances pass over into 
the disposition of the volost land committees and district Soviets of 
Peasants Delegates until the Constituent Assembly meets. 

3, Any damage whatever done to the confiscated property belong- 
ing from now on to the whole people, is regarded as a grievous crime, 
punishable by the revolutionary court of justice. The district Soviets 
of Peasants Delegates shall take all necessary measures for the ob- 
servance of the strictest order during the confiscation of the land- 
owners’ estates, for the determination of the dimensions of the plots 
of land and which of them are subject to confiscation, for the drawing 
up of an inventory of the whole confiscated property and for the 
strictest revolutionary guard of all the farming property on the 
land with all the constructions, implements, cattle, supplies of prod- 
ucts etc., passing over to the people. 

4. For guidance during the realization of the great land reforms 
till their final resolution by the Constituent Assembly shall serve the 
following peasant Nakaz (Instruction) drawn up on the basis of 


: 


242 local peasant nakazes by the editor’s office of the (Izvestia of - 
the All-Russian Soviet of Peasant Delegates and published in No. 


88 of said “ Izvestia.” (Petrograd, No. 88, August 19th, 1917.) 
5. Lands of Peasants and Cossacks in the army are not ‘confisouted. 
(Collection of Decrees of Workmen-Peasant Power—1917-1918, No. 
1, paragraph 3. 


No. 89 


5. Controt oF Memper Communist Parties py Executive Com-_ 


MITTEE OF ComMUNIsST INTERNATIONAL 


RESOLUTION ON ORGANIZATION ADOPTED BY THIRD CONGRESS 
* * * 


tentiary powers to West Europe and America, the Executive can 
effectively support as regards organization the striving for an 
actual international of the common “daily struggle of the proletariat 


IV. By sending members of the Executive with plenipo- — 


of all lands. These representatives would have as their task to- 


acquaint the Executive Committee with the special conditions under 
which the Communist Parties of the capitalist and colonial lands 


have to struggle. And they would further see to it that these Parties — 


remain in closest intimate relation with the Executive as well as 


with one another, in order to,increase their common striking power. — 
‘The Executive as well as the Parties shall also take care that the 


intercourse between it and the individual Communist Parties, both 
through personal representatives and by written correspondence, 


proceeds more frequently and more quickly than it has been possible 
hitherto in order that there may be realized a common agreement on — 
all great political questions. (Bulletin of Third Congress of Com-_ 


munist International, No. 22, Moscow, July 18, 1921, p. 513.) 


\ 


F. UNITY OF THOUGHT AMONG BOLSHEVIK LEADERS 
1. Recent Speecues oF PROMINENT SovieT LEADERS 
TROTSKY 


Report to the Communist delegates of the 10th, All-Russian 
Congress of Soviets, as published in the Moscow Izvesta of Decem- 
ber 29, 1922: 

“Tf the Soviet authority were to perish then the proletarian Revo- 
lution in all Europe would be delayed for many decades, but we 
shall stand firmly at our post and try to decide the question in the 
‘next years if not in the next months. * * * Get closer to the 
reserves, i. e., to the masses. No matter what storms break * * * 
precursors of the approaching proletarian victory, the Soviet bound- 
ary is the front-line trench beyond which no counter-revolution can 
go and in which we shall stand at our posts until the reserves shall 
come up to unfurl the red flag of the Kuropean Socialist Union of 
“Soviet Republics as the forerunner of the World Union of Prole- 
tarian Republics.” 

Letter to the American Negro Communist Mackay, printed in the 
Moscow Izvestia, February 15, 19238: 

“The training of black agitators is the most important revolu- 
tionary problem of the moment. The problem becomes more com, 
plicated in the United States of America on account of the abominable 
stupidity and race hatred among the privileged circles of the work- 
ing class itself which do not want to recognize negroes, as brethren 
in labor and struggle. * * * One of the most important methods 
of struggle against this capitalistic corruption of minds is to wake 
up the human dignity and revolutionary protest among the black 
slaves of American capital. This work can best be carried on by 
the devoted and politically educated negro revolutionist, Naturally, 
the work must not assume the character of black chauvinism but must 
be carried on in a spirit of solidarity among all laborers regardless 
of the color of their skin. I am at a loss to say what are the most 
expedient organization forms for the movement among the American 
negroes because I am not familiar with the concrete conditions and 

possibilities, but the organization forms will be found as soon as 
sufficient will for action is displayed.” 

Article entitled “ Can Counter-revolution or revolution Be Made 
to Order at Any Given Time,” published in Pravda, No 215, of Sep- 
tember 23, 1923: r 

“The Communist Party can seize power not as.a result of utilizing 
the revolutionary movement, standing to one side, but only by direct: 
and immediate political, organizing, and military technical guidance 
of the revolutionary masses both in periods of long preparation and 
at the very moment of the decisive overthrow. For that reason, 
therefore, the Communist party has nothing to do with the great 

. 209 


°210 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


liberal law to the effect that revolutions grow and are not made, and. 
consequently can not be determined at any given time. From the 
point of view of the onlooker that is true, but from the point of view 
of the leader it is absurd and nonsense. * * * Revolution pos- 
sesses the powerful force of improvisation, but. its improvisations. 
never benefit fatalists, dreamers, and fools. The tokens of ‘victory 
are correct political judgment, organization, and the will to deliver 
the decisive blow.” ) | 
KAMENEV 


Speech at the 12th Congress of the Russian Communist Party, 
Pravda, April 18, 1923:: | | 


“The forces of ‘science are not vet exhausted and the vitality of | 


the organism of Vladimir Tlitch (Lenin) has not yet, run out. , On 
this repose our hopes that Vladimir Mitch will return to us and take. 
again, as warrior and chief, the helm of the World Revolution.” §, 
Resolution introduced by Kameney at the 12th Congress’ of the 
Russian Communist Party, published in Izvestia, April 21, 1993: _ 


“(C) Congress declares to the Comyounist International that its. — 


Russian section considers its’ prime duty, now more than eve;s, 1S: to. . 


assist with all its force’ the brotherly parties of other countries in 


their struggle for Communism under the experienced leadership of — 


the Communist: International.” 


Speech before'the plenum’ of the Moscow Soviet, Moscow Izvestia,. i 


December 11, 1923: iis | | 
“We have not ‘forgotten and ‘will not forget that we are not only 


in a city of Soviet Russia but that here in Moscow we are at the 


center of the International working-class movement. We should be 


worthy of that high position.” 


Speech before the Sclemn Session of the Moscow Soviet in honor 
of the 6th Anniversary of the October Revolution, Moscow Izvestia, 


of November 9, 1923: 


“"Po-morrow six years will have passed since the day which will. 
be noted in the history of the world, as the day of that great event. 


which started the destinies of the world on a newroad. * 


‘For six years the working class. relyine on the cooperation of | 
‘ca 2 a} ? ; ie 


millions of peasants, holds governmental authority in an enormous. 
country. But in October the working class did more than this;. it. 


~ Set ~ Sine 


created a new form of state. The new type of state created for the. 


first time gives the workingman the feeling that he is master in. , 
his own. country, governs it, has in his hands all the Weapons neces-. 


sary to break down, any opposition whatever. That is why our Oc- 


tober revolution became a model not only for us but also for the _ 


World Proletariat, a guide to the road which alone ean lead to the | 
* 


liberation of the millions. of oppressed mankind. * * 


“We are confident of one other thing—confident that the political. | 


idea which guided Vladmir Ilitch Lenin and which he served, that. 
the realization of the interest of the toiling masses and of the work- 


ing class, has already ceased to be the individual property of our — 


leader, of a narrow circle of his nearest comrades, or of the Com-_ 


munist party alone. This realization of the conditions of victory has 


become the property of the vanguard of workmen and peasants: 4 
throughout the territory of the Union of Socialistic Soviet republics. — 


ee 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA | 911 


And that is the main guaranty not only of the stability of our social 
‘rder but of the triumphant defeat of every attack and of the tri- 
mphant victory of the World Proletarian Revolution.” 


ZINOVIEV ¥ 


Article by Zinoviev in Moscow Pravda, December 1, 1923: 

“It takes no prophet to foresee that in the coming winter. and 
pring in Germany there will be a new outbreak of the revolutionary 
jovement, «7. * 

“The second wave is coming. It isn’t the final wave. It isn’t a 
vorld-wide October revolution. but it is. a gigantic approach to a 
vorld-wide revolution. Already a second wave of the International 
‘roletarian revolution is washing the fundaments of the European 
apitalism. That capitalism will fall, inevitably. 

“ We will make more than one, more than two mistakes in pre- 
icting definite dates since we possess no such scientific instrument 
's would guide us infallibly in such matters. The Marxist method 
5 a powerful weapon in our hands but. even it, will not protect. us 
gainst overestimation of the speed of events, inaccuracies in. such 

business as predicting dates. But in regard to the fundamental 
Spects we were not mistaken, are not mistaken, and-will not be 
uistaken. 

“Look at it as you will, the events of.the period September—Octo- 
er, 1923, were important moments in the gathering victory of the- 
nternational Proletarian Revolution.” 

Report to the Petrograd Soviet, in the Petrograd Pravda, August 
5, 1923 > 

“After long suffering the German working class is now entering 
n the only path the working class can follow to victory. And, 
vomrades, events are coming which will dwarf all that has so far 
ecurred. The’time when Lenin’s prediction will come true is near 
t hand: ‘ We are the first Soviet republic, but when the German 
orking man, the European working man, begins to speak, we will 
e one of the backward Soviet countries. * * *” Twenty million 
rerman, workers, all literate, more civilized than we, and with a. 
igher class machine, will push forward the World proletarian 
‘evolution with the speed of an express train. Events are coming 
uring which a real Socialist Revolution will start. The German 
‘evolution is the beginning of the Revolution all over Europe.’ ” 


BUKHARIN 


Speech at the meeting of the Tiflis organization of the Georgian: 
‘ommunist Party, Izvestia, September 9, 1923: 

_“'The question of the seizure of power by the German workers: 
sa question of the next few weeks. The significance of the German 
‘volution is very great. In case it succeeds it will result in World 
jevolution. In case it fails, the Union of Soviet Republics will 
‘gain be surrounded by the strengthened forces of reaction which» 
ill strive to make Germany a starting point for a campaign. 
gainst us.” 
Speech at the Solemn Session of the Moscow Soviet on the occasion: 
£ the Sixth Anniversary of the October Revolution. Izvestia. 
fovember 9, 1928: 





ay hy RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


‘“ Comrade Bukarin devoted his speech to the main events in Ger- 
many: ‘The Russian Communist Party has always declared that the 
October Revolution would inevitably lead to a whole series of other 
outbursts and would be the first stage on the road of International 

tevolution. And now, when we are on the threshold of the seventh 
year, every one of us can see clearly who was right. *.* *’ The 
German situation is one in which the German Communist Party has 
clearly had to put off its attack. It is inevitable that after the small 
wave just passed there will come a great revolutionary wave since the 
bourgeoise can not decide the impending problems, find a way 
Outs LF ah 

Report to the Non-partisan labor and red army conference pub- 
lished in the Moscow Pravda of November 14,.1928: 

“ Bourgeois Germany is absolutely unable to reestablish its eco- 
nomic structure since at the present moment it has wrung every- 
thing out of the working class that can be gotten. There is no sal- 
vation for present-day Germany along bourgeois lines. 

“And the sole salvation of the sinking country is nm a working- 
class dictatorship and a future alliance between German industry 
and Russian agriculture.” 


LENIN 


Speech at the 4th Congress of the Communist International on 
November 13, 1922, printed in the Bulletin of the 4th Congress of 
the Communist International, No, 8, page 8: 

“T am convinced that we in this sense not only for Russia but also. 
for foreigners must say that the most important thing for the period 
now opening is to learn. We learn in a general sense, they must. learn 
in a special sense, in order to under stand really the organization, the 
structure, the method, the content of revolutionary work. If that 
happens then I am conyinced the prospects of World Revolution will 
not only be good but excellent.” 


RADEK 


Speech at graduation of Red Commanders at. Moscow Military 
Training Establishments, Izvestia, September 19, 1925: 

“Many think that the movement before which we now stand con- 
sists only of revolutionary outburst in Germany and that Germany 
is approaching a new period of grapple between the bourgeoisie and 
the working class. But that is “not. so... The coming revolution in 
Germany is “only a part of new great world conflicts which we are ap- 
proaching, and the cause of the conflicts is the eccmplete bankruptey, 
not only of the German bourgeoisie but of the bourgeoisie of all 
Kurope, and, from a farseeing point. of view, of the world bour- 
geoisie. * + * Red Commanders, you, are not.‘ aeceustomed . to 
many words when an order is given, nor need I use many to explam 
the actual situation. Go back to the Army and teach it not only things: 
military but broaden its mind. Be not merely military commanders. 
but also bearers of the idea that when the hour comes and there will 
be no other way for us, the workmen peasants will respond to the. 
call of the Soviet government with the words “We are ready.” 


' RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 213 


STEKLOFF 


Leading article in Moscow Izvestia of November 10, 1923: 

cx * * But it is only the completely shortsighted who do not 
understand that the Russian Revolution is only a particular mani- 
festation of the approaching world proletarian revolution. 

“As a matter of fact, the October Revolution began and developed 
in the expectation of an internaticnal social revolution. And the 
fact that is has not yet occured does not mean anything. Six years 
is too short a time in history. * * * , 

“ The sixth anniversary of October has again shown that the work 
begun by the Russian proletariat six years ago has not failed to leave 
a trace, and is already bearing fruit on an international scale. The 
toiling masses of the capitalist countries and nationalities oppressed 
by imperialism look upon the Soviet power with hope. * * *” 


CHICHERIN 


Speech at the Agricultural Exposition in Moscow September 16, 
1923, published in the Moscow Pravda, September 18, 1923: 

“We must not forget that if the political reactionaries usurp 
political power in Germany—being supported by political reaction 
throughout the world—it would be a new menace to us. We must 
therefore be ready for new dangers and new strife. * * * We 
must be on the alert. We must study the extreme reactionaries in 
Germany and try to penetrate their ruses and intrigues. .Not for a 
moment must we forget that we are the only Red republic, or rather 
Federation of republics. * * * We can safely say that we have 
already conquered for ourselves the new régime—that of emanci- 
pated labor—and that we have already entered upon the era in which 


we are the vanguard of the masses of toilers and soon perhaps cur 


régime will be the régime ruling in all countries.” 
STALIN 


Slogans for the 6th Anniversary celebration of the October revo- 
lution, published in the Moscow Pravda of October 27, 1928: 

“7. Workingclass dictatorship—the sole salvation of Europe. 

“9. Workingclass Germany and Our Labor-Peasant Union, the 


bulwark of labor and peace. 


“10. The German steam hammer and Soviet wheat will conquer 
the entire World. 

“11. Make way for the exchange of our peasants’ wheat for 
German machinery. 

“19. If the German Revolution is strangled the Czar’s debts will 
be collected from our peasants—hurrah for the German revolution. 

“13. The alliance between white Germany and the Czar’s generals 


“means death to the free preasant and chains for the workman. 


“14, After Germany is robbed it will be the turn of our labor 


‘Union (of republics) to be robbed. Be on guard * * * 


j 
” 


“94. Proletarians of all countries, march under the flag of the 
Communist International.” 


‘ 
* 


214 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


TOMSKY 


Telegram to the striking transport workers of Barcelona, pub- 
lished in the Pravda of June 23, 1923: 

“The Russian proletariat follows with interest the heroic strug-- 
gle of the Barcelona proletariat which is continuing in spite of ter- 
ror and repression. The All-Russian Central Soviet of Trade Unions: 
encourages and stimulates you to continue the struggle and sends. 
you 50,000 pesetas as a token of solidarity. Long live proletarian 
Spain. Long live the international solidarity of workmen. Signed. 
Tomsky, President of the All-Russian Central Soviet of Trade: 
- Unions.” ) 

; LUNACHARSKY 


In anniversary number of Moscow Izvestia, November 7, 1928, 
celebrating six years of the existence of the Soviet Government: 

‘It is quite possible that we are entering a new purely political. 
crisis and that the task of intensifying the successes of the Revolu-: 
tion will give way to a new effort toward extending them. Per-. 
haps we are on the eve of an unusual broadening of the bases of the- 
Revolution. * * * It is extremely important to turn into new 
channels all the forces acquired by us in the field of education and_ 
to convert them into a weapon for further Revolutionary advance,, 
just as all the economic and political conquests of the Union of So-. 
cialist Soviet Republics will be turned into a similar weapon. _ We: 
have never believed and never will believe that the life of the Union 
will develop peacefully; on the contrary we shall always remember- 
that we represent only one contingent of the World Revolution and 
that our great Motherland is only the first breastwork conquered. 
by the Revolution in the struggle with world capital.” 


KRASSIN 


Speech made during the debates at the 12th Congress of the Rus-- 
sian Communist Party, Pravda, April 20, 1928: 

“The basic tasks of the foreign policy of the Soviet power are,. 
first, to “loose” the World Revolution, in securing the maximum 
conditions guaranteeing peace (for us), 1. e., recognition de jure, and. 
economic aid, loans, credits, etc. The World Revolution follows a. 
laborious path; we have no miraculous means of “loosening ” it. 
The most efficacious way to “loose” the World Revolution and aid. 
it is to strengthen the Soviet State, the Labor-Peasant State.” 


POSITIONS HELD BY LEADERS QUOTED 


Trotsky: Commissar (Minister) of War and Navy, 8. S. S. R.3. 
Member Central Executive Committee, S. S. S. R.; Member Soviet. 
of Labor and Defense, S. S. S. R.; Member Central Executive Com- 
mittee, R. S. F. S. R.; Member Soviet of Labor and Defense, R. S.. 
F. S. R.; Member Central Committee Russian Communist Party; 
Member Politbureau of the Russian Communist Party; Alternate- 
on Executive Committee of the Communist International. 

Kamenev: Vice-President Soviet of People’s Commissars (Min-- 
ister without portfolio), S. S. S. R.; Vice-President Soviet of Peo— 


q RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA | 215 


ple’s Commissars (Minister without portfolio), R. 5. F. S. R.; 
Member of Presidium of Central Executive Committee of the S. S. 
S. R.; Member of the Presidium of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee of the R. S. F. S. R.; Member of the Soviet of Labor and 
Defense of S. S. S. R.; Member of Central Executive Committee 
Russian Communist Party; Member Politbureau of Russian Com- 
munist Party; President of Moscow Soviet. 

Bukharin: Member Central Executive Committee of S. S. S. R.; 
Member Central Executive Committee of R. 8. F. S. R.; Member 
Central Committee Russian Communist Party; Member Politbureau 
of the Russian Communist Party; Member. Executive Committee 
of the Communist International; Member Presidium Executive 
Committee Communist International. 

Zinoyiev: President Petrograd Soviet; Member Central Execu- 
tive Committee S. S. S. R.; Member Central Executive Committee 
R. S. F. S. R., Member Central Committee Russian Communists 
Party; Member of the Politbureau_ of. the Russian Communist 
Party; President of the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International; Member of the Presidium of the Central Executive 
Committee of the Communist International. 

Stekloff: Editor-in-chief of the Moscow “ Izvestia,’ organ of 
the Central Executive Committee of the 8S. S. S. R.; and of the All- 
Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviet. of Workmen’s, 
Peasant’s, and Red Army Deputies. 

Stalin: Member Central Executive Committee, S, S. S, R.; Mem- 
ber Presidium Central Executive Committee, S. S..S. R. R.; Mem- 
ber All-Russian Central Executive Committee, R. S. F. S.; Member 
Presidium of All-Russian C. Executive Committee, R. S. F. S. R.; 
“Member Central Committee Russian Communist Party; Member 
- Politbureau of Russian Communist Party. 

Lenin: President Soviet of Peoples Commissars (Prime Min.), 
S. S. S. R.; President Soviet of Labor and Defense, S. 5. S. R.; 
President Soviet of People’s Commissars, R. S. F..S. R.; Member 
Central Executive Committee Russian Communist Party; Member 
Politbureau of the Russian Communist Party; Alternate Member of 
the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 

-  Tomsky: Member Central Executive Committee, S. 5S. S. R.; 
Member Presidium of Central Executive Committee, S. S. S. R.; 
Member All-Russian Central Ex. Committee, R. S. F. S. R.; Mem- 
ber Presidium All-Russian C. E. Committee, R. S. F. S. R.; Mem- 
ber Central Committee Russian Communist Party; Member Polit- 
bureau Russian Communist Party; President of Presidium of the 
Central Soviet of Russian Labor Unions; Member of the Executive 
Committee of the Red International of Trade Unions. 

Radek: Member Central Executive Committee of the 8. 8. S. R.; 

Member All-Russian Central Ex. Committee, R. S. F. S. R.; Mem- 
ber Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party; Mem- 
Executive Committee of the Communist International; Member 
Presidium of Ex. Committee of Communist Int. 

_ Lunacharsky: People’s Commissar of Education (Minister), 
‘RK. S. F. S. R.; Member Central Executive Committee, $. S. S. R.; 
Member All-Russian Central Executive Committee, R. S. F. S. BR. 


216 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Krassin: People’s Commissar (Minister) of Foreign Trade, S. S. 
S. R.; Member Central Executive Committee, S. S. S. R.; Member 
All-Russian Central Execut. Committee. R. S. FE. roe 

Chicherin: People’s Commissar (Minister) Foreign Affairs, 
S. S. S. R.; Member Central Executive Committee, S. S. S. R.; 
Member All-Russian Central Executive Committee, R. S. F. S. R. 


2. Recent ProchaMaTions oF BousHEviK REVOLUTIONARY ORGANS 


APPEAL OF THE TRADE UNIONS IN TERNATIONAL TO THE MEMBERS OF THE 
INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD 


[Translation from Moscow Trud, No. 193, August 31, 1922] 


The Executive Committee of the Trade Unions International has 
made an appeal to the members in the ranks of the Industrial Workers. 
of the World in the United States of America calling their atten- 
tion to the compromising activities of their leaders. 

The Executive Committee refutes the false statement of Joe Wil- 
liams, representative of the Industrial Workers of the World, at the 
first congress of the Trade Union International. Emphasizing the 
necessity of contact with the Third International and. proving that 
there is no big difference between the leaders of the Industrial 
Workers of the World and the Amsterdam Party—for both distrust 
labor organizations, although for different motives—the Executive 
Committee ‘declares: 

“We stand for the union of revolutionary elements with the 
masses of the labor organizations already existing. This would 
help the laboring classes to realize the idea of a united front against 
their bloodthirsty enemy—against American Capitalism. 

“More than in other countries,” continues the appeal, “ the work- 
men of America must be aware of the importance of a united front 
of labor, The Red International of Trade Unions decided to invite 
you to our Second Congress, in spite of the position taken by your 
leaders. We suggest to you to study and carefully discuss the pro- 
gram of the Red International of Trade Unions and to instruct. your 
representatives to pay more attention to these questions in your 
newspapers and periodicals. The Executive Committee feels sure that 
in case you become more acquainted and_ better informed about 
events, you will not permit these people to continue their harmful 
work, We are convinced that when you will know what we actually 
wish to do, you will recognize that our Jundamental task is to 
abolish capitalism and thus open the way that leads to the libera- 
tion of the laboring class.” 


RED TRADE UNION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE TO INDUSTRIAL WORKMEN OF 
THE WORLD (I. W. W.) 


{Translation from Moscow Izvestia, No. 53, March 9, 1923] 


In connection with the strike in Portland the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Red Trade Union has sent the following, telegram to 
the Executive Committee of the Industrial Workmen of the World: 

The Red Trade Union is closely watching the heroic struggle of 
the I. W. W. against the fierce persecution by the agents of capital 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 217 


‘in San Pedro and Los Angeles. We welcome the workman of 
the sea transport, members of I. W. W., and the International 
Association of Harbor Workers in the joint struggle in Portland. 
The Red Trade Union expresses its solidarity and support of 
millions of members of revolutionary Trade Unions that are join- 
ing in the unahimous and manly struggle of the members: of 
I. W. W. against the attacks of the California capitalists. The Red 
Trade Union is convinced that the revolutionary elements of the 
labor movement in America will in every way support their strug- 
gling comrades. 
With revolutionary compliments, 
LozovskKy. 


TO ALL WORKMEN, PEASANTS, AND SOLDIERS 
[Summary from Moscow Pravda, No. 9, January 14, 1923] 


The Executive Committee of the Communist International and 
the Executive Committee of the International of Trade Unions issued 
an appeal to the working class of Russia, France, Germany, and all 
other countries and to the French soldiers concerning the events in 
the Ruhr district. Addressing the Russian workmen, the appeal 
speaks of the “unparalleled crime planned by French capital.” 

Humanity is again facing a horrible war. The whole of Central 
‘Europe will be shattered to pieces if an end is not put to the crime 
of international bankers. Addressing the French soldiers, the Inter- 
national says that it is their duty to prevent the government of 
Poincaré from setting fire to Europe. “ Your enemy is in your own 
‘country. Agitate among the large masses of population and declare 
a strike.’ The appeal calls the German workmen to organize a 
united front of the proletariat. “Stretch your hand to the French 
brothers. Call the masses to unite with Soviet Russia. Only by so 
doing will you be able to repulse the enemy.” The international 
proletariat is also called to struggle for Socialism, for social revolu- 
‘tion, and to resist the plans of imperialists. Mass uprisings, strikes, 
and mutinies must be organized. The appeal is concluded with 
the usual ‘down withs” and cheers for the Workmen-Peasant gov- 
ernment and the world’s revolution. 

The appeal is dated at Moscow, January 13, and is signed by 
the Executive Committees of the Communist International and the 
International of Trade Unions. 


PROCLAMATION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL TO THE REVOLU- 
TIONARY PROLETARIANS AND PEASANTS OF THE WORLD 


{Summary from Moscow Izvestia, No. 33, February, 14, 1923] 


On the poverty and the sufferings of millions of laborers and 
peasants the imperalist robbers, France and England, have built 
up their world power. They have strengthened it by “ shamelessly 
robbing and enslaving” many millions of toilers in colonial and 
semicolonial countries. But the world war has opened the eyes 
of these millions to the intolerability of their condition; the native 
bourgeoisie in several of the colonial countries, such as India, Egypt, 
and Turkey, has taken the lead in the national emancipation move- 


218 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


ment. Seeing that the Communist International is fighting al 
capitalistic oppressors throughout the world, “can it stand aloof ix 
a Pharisseean mood? The Communist» International has openly 
professed that it supports this struggle, and it sticks to its promise 
to this present day. It is with particular sympathy that 'the Inter. 
national watches the heroic struggle of the Turkish nation agains 
the “ pack of the Entente stranglers.” It has called up the proletar- 
iat of all countries to assist in this struggle. |The imperialists of 
the Entente; who are used to measure power only by pounds and 
dollars, by dreadnoughts and machine guns, only now begin tc 
understand what the sympathy of the revolutionary world proletar- 
iat means. But the Communist International fully appreciates 
this sympathy, and knows that without it little Turkey long ago 
would have fallen a prey to the imperialistic robbers. The Angora 
Government should bear this in mind. The revolutionary victory of 
Turkey can be secured only if Turkey is backed by the world pro- 
letariat and its vanguard, the Communist Internatjonal. But what 
attracts proletarian sympathies, to that struggle? The firm! con- 
viction that without first throwing off the imperialistic yoke the 
emancipation of the Turkish laborers and peasants is impossible. 
In the national struggle waged by the Angora Government, the 
world proletariat perceives also the necessary preamble to. the ulti- 
mate emancipation of the Turkish toilers. Therefore, the news that 
in Turkey persecutions of revolutionary laborers and peasants and 
their Communist: party have commenced, “ has filled with alarm the 
hearts of the foremost. proletarians throughout the world.’ The 
Angora Government, is ill advised, and risks losing the support of 
“ the only sincere friends of struggling Turkey,” to wit, the world 
revolutionary proletariat and the Communist International. In 
Turkey they are dispersing trade unions and persecuting labor or- 
ganizations. The Turkish Communist party has been destroyed and 
the arrested Communists have been sent on for trial by Extraordi- 
nary Courts. All this to.truckle to the Entente robbers at Lausanne. 
The Communist International therefore is constrained to warn the 
Angora Government in the name of the world proletariat: ‘Don’t 
follow the paths of Poincaré and Mussolini,” your struggle is not 
finished yet by a long way, and “ without the support of the inter- 
national proletariat you can not hope to come out of that struggle 
victorious.” . The Communist International enjoins the proletarians 
of all countries, “and first of all those of England, France, Russia, 
and Switzerland,” “To warn the representatives of the Angora 
Government in those countries.” We will continue to watch: with 
sympathy the struggle of the Turkish toilers, and on anything that 
hampers the victory of the Turkish laborers and peasants, the Inter- 
national proletariat “ will declare merciless and implacable war.” 
* Long live the Turkish Communists thrown into Angora, prisons, 
long live the Communist International, etc. ete.” | 


Moscow, February 10, 1923. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 219 


GREETINGS TO THE RED ARMY, ON ITS FIFTH ANNIVERSARY, FROM THE 
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


[Extracts ] 


Izvestia, Mebruary 24, 1923. 
The whole world of exploiters hates you, soldiers of the Red 
Army, but trembles before you, knowing at it does that you are 
ready to defend the proletarian revolution in all countries, that you 
are a detachment of the international proletariat. * * * 
Long live the armed detachment of the world communist revolu- 
tion—the Red Army. 


GREETINGS TO ALL LABORING AND STRUGGLING WOMEN OF ALL COUN- 
TRIES ON OCCASION OF THE INTERNATIONAL DAY OF WORK-WOMEN 


| Translation from Moscow Izvestia, No. 52, March 8, 1923] 


Marcs 8, 1923. 

The Corfimunist International understands that the struggle with 
international capital and the forces of the international counter- 
revolution will be successful only in case it finds support on the 
part of the majority of women belonging to the international front 
of the revolutionary class struggle. 

The present. international advance of capitalism against the 
proletariat in all countries represents the heaviest burden for women. 
Reduction of wages and unemployment affect the living conditions 
of the laborers. ‘The proletarian women must understand that they 
can protect themselves only if they participate actually in organiza- 
tions and in the desperate struggle of the oppressed against exploita- 
tion. 

The Communist International which summons the International 
proletariat to the struggle against new imperialistic wars and against 
the intention of the imperialistic bandits to start. another military 
conflagration is not teaching pacifism; on the contrary, it calls on all 
women to render the utmost support to their class comrades in their 
efforts to organize the only tolerable war (from the laboring stand- 
point), a sacred war against criminals and the oppressors of the 
proletariat. The bourgeoisie must be deprived of the possibility of 
making peace with its deadly enemy with the help of obedient social 
patriots. 

On the day of the international demonstration of the class-con- 
scious proletarian women the Communist International declares its 
firm intention to carry on the struggle hand in hand with the forces 
of proletarian women of all countries until the final complete vic- 
tory of Communism is obtained. 

Long live this struggle! 

Long live the Communist International! 

Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


82325—24—-Ppr 2——5 


220 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


IN THE COUNTRY OF “* LAW AND ORDER” 


[From an Appeal of the Executive Committee of the Communist International Concerning 
the Sentence on the Rebels Chowry-Choura] 


[Translation from Moscow Izvestia, No. 66, March 25, 1923] 


Lo the Laborers of the Entire World: : | 

Imperialistic justice has sentenced to death 172 persons in India. A 
year ago 228 were arrested on the charge of participation in a riot 
which resulted in setting a police station in Chowry-Choura afire 
and the murder of 22 policemen, who fell while protecting “ law and 
order.” As vengeance for the death of these 22 policemen 172 per- 
sons will be killed. | a | 

The majority of the condemned belong to the peasants class, which, 
was forced to rebel by the intolerable burden of military taxes and 
the terrible high cost of living. 

A manifestation of almost 3,000 people has been fired at from the 
barracks of a police station in Chowry-Choura. The manifestants 
went to the market to put an end to the sale of cloth of foreign 
production. This act provoked the anger of the masses. Indigna- 
tion rapidly spread all over the neighboring regions and became 4 
dangerous agrarian mutiny, which has been suppressed by. the troops 
brought to the place of the mutiny. The number of those who 
perished by the bloody hand of “law and order” is unknown. | Dur- 
ing the suppression of the mutiny a large number of peasants were 
arrested, among whom 228 have been tried on the charge of murder 
and incendiarism. As a result 172 peasants have been sentenced to 
death. | 

Workmen and women workmen! Arrange meetings and demon- 
strations of protest, demand the liberation of the arrested. Demand 
from the Second and Second-and-a-Half Internationals that they 
call upon their chief support, the British Labor Party, to save the 
lives of the 172 Indian peasants. Let the Second-and-a-Half Inter- 
national call on its supporter, the independent Labor Party, to pro- 
tect its “ noble pacifism.” . sol he 

British Proletariat! Your duty is to lead the movement. If the 
reformist leaders can not be forced to act even by such horrible 
violation of morality and justice you must take direct action over’ 
their heads to protect the rights of the enslaved nations. y 

To uprising! 

Down with imperialism ! | 

Long live the victory of Indian workmen and peasants! Yao 

Long live the international solidarity of the working class! 

Executive Committee of the Communist International. A 

Executive Bureau of the Red International of Trade-Unions. ‘- 


BRING THE GUILTY TO BOOK 


[From the proclamation of the Communist International and Trade-Union International] 
[Excerpts translated from Moscow Izvestia, No. 107, May 16, 1923] 
The plenipotentiary representative of Soviet Russia comrade Vo- 


rovsky has been shot dead in Lausanne by a Swiss lackey of the En- 
tente. The diplomats, organizers of the Lauzanne Conference, did 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA | 221 


Bc kill him themselves. * * * They did it with all the refine- 
‘ment of diplomatic conspiracy. 
~ You should not leave this bloody challenge without an answer. 
You must answer it in closed fighting ranks, making all efforts in the 
class struggle, tightening your bonds with the victorious Russian pro- 
letariat and with the hundreds of millions of enslaved brothers in 
Posi a 80) Mark | 
Your task is to save the world from the destruction into which 
it is plunged by the plundering imperialists. 
Long live the defensive struggle of the united forces of all the 
exploited and oppressed of the whole world! 
_ Down with the imperialist murderers! 
Down with the bloodthirsty dogs of Fascism ! 
Long live the victorious Russian proletariat ! 
_ Long live the world revolution of the proletariat! 
The Executive Committee of the Communist International. 
The Executive Bureau of the Red Trade-Union International. 


EXCERPT FROM PROCLAMATION TO THE BULGARIAN WORKMEN AND 
PEASANTS 


[By the enlarged plenum of the Communist International] 


[Summary from Moscow Pravda, No. 148, June 29, 1923] 


Proletarian of all countries! Follow attentively events in Bul- 
aria! Show to the masses the crimes perpetrated by the victorious 
clique of Bulgarian Fascisti against the working classes. Mobilize 
the masses against the new Government of murderers and criminals! 
We have a repetition of the events of Rome. The entire proletarian 
is in danger—watch and be ready! | 
Away with the Fascisti bands, these venal creatures of Capital! 
Away with the instigators of the State mutiny the Sophia militarists, 
speculators and capitalists ! 
_ Long live the Federation of Workmen Peasant Government! 
Long live the solidarity of the International Proletariat in the 
struggle against menace of Fascism! 
The Enlarged Plenum of the Communist International. 





THE WHITE TERROR IN BULGARIA—APPEAL OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF 
THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL TO THE PROLETARIAT OF ALL 
COUNTRIES 


[Translation from Moscow Izvestia, No. 187, August 22, 1923] 


Comrades: The government overthrow in Bulgaria by cliques of 
military and reactionary exploiters crowns its triumph by an attack 
of white destructive terror. Never before had the Bulgarian work- 
men and peasants to suffer such a régime of terror as now under the 
government of Tsankov, which is supported by the secret intrigues 
of England and the open assistance of the Social-Democratic Section 
of the Second International. _ 

_ The recent process in Plevna bloodily reflects the policy of T’san- 
kov’s government ; of 95 peasants and workmen arrested for showing 
resistance to the military government overthrow and tried on a false 
charge of participation in mutiny and robbery have been mercilessly 


4 
‘ 


\ 


222 . RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


sentenced and all of them under terrible conditions, except 9 persons: 
(¢ sentence is not finished and obscure—Note by translator). 

The defendants suffered oppression} on the part of the police. 
which followed the orders of the bourgeois and Social-Demoeratic 
lawyers, who tried to find justification of these acts of violence. 
The defendants have been arrested and brought away from the place 
of trial which thus had to proceed without any defense of the ac- 
cused. In spite of threats and pressure on the part of the reac- 
tionaries, among whom Lawyer Markov deserves special attention, 
the defendants succeeded in getting what they wanted and received 
a possibility of defending the accused. 

They did not succeed in one thing, inaverting the atrocious and 
prematurely planned sentence. Three of the accused have been 
sentenced to death and hanged, several others to imprisonment for 
life and others for various terms from 12 to 3 years. 

That is the last bloody exploit of Tsankov’s government, which 
is supported by the Social-Democrats from the camp of the Hamburg 
International. The degenerates of Socialism appear again in the 
first ranks among the executioners of the proletariat. Wherever 
power falls into the hands of reactionaries the Social-Democrats 
appear as their supporters. 

In face of sufferings and persecution, the victims of which are the 
Bulgarian proletariat and its best fighters, the Communist Inter- 
national calls on the proletarian parties and the proletarian organi- 
zations of all countries to demonstrate their solidarity with the Bul- 
garian workmen. The workmen belonging to the Hamburg and 
Amsterdam Internationals have to either stand by the Bulgarian 
workmen or join their executioners! 

Workmen and peasants of Europe and America: 

Raise your voices for the defense of the accused in Plavna! 

Defending their cause you defend your own! 

Don’t let the criminal sentence be executed !. 

Workmen and peasants of Bulgaria: . 

Rally for the defense of your vanguard ! 

Close your ranks against the reaction! 

By an united close front struggle for your rights, for the Work- 
man-Peasant government ! 

Proletariat of all countries: To the help to the Bulgarian prole- 
tariat. 

Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


RUFFIANLY ATTACK OF THE TSANKOV GOVERNMENT UPON THE BUL- 
GARIAN COMMUNISTS 


[A Proclamation of the Communist International] 


[Translation from Moscow Pravda, No. 213, September 21, 1923] 


Events in Bulgaria haye developed exactly as was foreseen by the 
Communist International on the day after the white revolution of 
June 9. The cunctatory position which the leaders of the Bulgarian 
Communist Party had chosen by mistake was utilized by the gang 
surrounding Tsankov in fortifying themselves; after which they 
have taken the offensive. On September 12, under the pretext that 
the Communists were planning a coup d’état, the gang of Tsankov 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 228 


arrested about 1,000 Communists, which included almost all the re- 
‘sponsible members of the party. All Communist papers are closed, 
all the party and professional institutions demolished. 'The Govern- 
ment of T’sankov is spreading false news, e. g. with Comrade 
‘Kabakchiyev and other notable Communists when arrested was 
found compromising correspondence with Moscow, including also 
some letters from the active members of the Communist Interna- 
‘tional. The arrested leaders of the party are taken as hostages, and 
are in danger of being shot in case of a revolutionary movement. 

' The Executive Committee of the Communist International an- 
nounces that all the information about letters found, about a plot, 
etc., is a fraudulent provocation. The Government of Tsankov, who 
is more and more losing ground, is forced to adopt risky adven- 
turous measures. It is devoted to destruction and any new provo- 
cation in regard to communists will hasten that conclusion. 

The gang of Tsankov is only looking for an occasion to take re- 
venge upon the leaders of the Bulgarian proletariat. Let Tsankov, 
all his ministers, and his other most eminent servants remember that 
they will have to give an answer to the Bulgarian workmen and 
‘peasants and to the international proletariat for all their crimes. 
Let Tsankoy, his ministers, and those supporting his party know 

‘that they will have to give an answer to the Bulgarian workmen for 

‘the lives of the old leaders of the proletariat movement in Bulgaria. 

Not a single drop of blood shall be pardoned them when the day of 
settlement comes. 

Let Bulgaria reaction rage; its days are counted. Let the Bul- 

-garian Social Democrats truckle to the Bulgarian Fascisti, who are 
proving that there is nothing too mean for the party of the second 
international. In a country like Bulgaria the workman-peasant 
union will be most powerful from the moment it is effected. The 
tactics of the robber Government of Tsankov are hastening the early 
realization of that union. 

The Communist International sends its fraternal greetings to the 
Bulgarian workmen and peasants in the hour of trial. To the pro- 
vocatory policy of Tsankov the workmen and peasants of Bulgaria 
must reply by closing ranks with the organization of illegal groups 

all over the country, with the spread of propaganda among the 
millions of the working classes, and when the time comes, by estab- 
lishing workman-peasant government. The detestation of the Gov- 
ernment of the white hangmen is growing stronger. The time will 

come when the Bulgarian workmen and peasants will give the brutes 
their due. | 

Organize yourselves for the defense of your interests! 

- Organize yourselves for the displacement of the Government of 
Tsankov ! 

Organize yourselves for the defense of your captured leaders! 

Long live the Bulgarian Communist Party! 

Long live the union of workmen and peasants in Bulgaria! 

The Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


294 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


THE REVOLT OF POLISH WORKMEN AT CRAKOW 
[Translation from Moscow Prayda, No, 261, November 17, 1923] 


PROCLAMATION OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAI 


The Polish labor class has abandoned its condition. of passivity. 
It is necessary to widen the Union of Workmen and Peasants sealed 
with blood at Crakow. It is necessary to create a united fighting 
front, and not a single workman must accept the treachery of the 
leaders of the P. P..S. (Polish Socialist Party). 


TO THER WORKMEN OF ALL COUNTRIES 


The big strikes which burst out during the last few weeks in all 
parts of Poland—miners, textile and railway workmen, employees of 
the post—the general strike in Upper Silesia, in Galicia, at. Warsaw, 
and finally the bloody fights at Crakow, Tarnoy, and Borislav attract 
the attention of the entire international proletariat to the Polish 
sector of this proletarian battle front. 

These events reveal that Polish labor has abandoned its condition 
of passivity; that it is determined to meet the attack of capital with 
raised visors; and that capital will nowhere succeed in making hum- 
ble slaves of the workmen. 

The German workmen see, therefore, that they are not solitary 
in the hard struggle; that their Polish brethren are fighting at the 
same time at home against reaction, and that they will not permit 
intervention against the German revolution. There is no doubt that 
the proletarian revolution in Germany now begun has influenced the 
struggle of the workmen in Poland. The entry of the German prole- 
tariat into the revolutionary struggle must be the signal for all those 
who are exploited in any country. The German workman faces the 
dilemma—ruin and slavery, or revolution. ; 

During the recent struggle of the Polish proletariat all problems of 
the Polish revolution were clearly revealed and the road of the fight- 
ing Polish proletarian was clearly seen. 

The cruel terror of the government of Dmovsky-Korfanti, the mili- 
tarization of the railways, and the surrender of the strikers to the 
court-martial have revealed to what crimes the bourgeoisie is capable 
when fighting for its gain. They have shown to the large labor 
masses that it is necessary to escape death by starvation to overthrow 
this government of landowners and capitalists, and that a workman- 
peasant government must be fought for. : 

This slogan has ceased to be only a theory. Recent experience re- 
veals that this aim is quite attainable, and that it might have been 
already reached. This struggle has revealed all the weakness of the 
bourgeoisie and the presence of large reserves of revolutionary forces. 

Upper Silesia, this hearth of Polish nationalism and bourgeois 
influence on the proletariat, has opened fight on German-Polish capli- 
tal, which had concluded a close union. When the Polish Govern- 
ment, with all its police forces and dragoons, hurried to rescue of the 
German mining barons white-Korfanti insurgents, unfolding red 
banners, with Communists at their head, attacked the Government 
soldatesca. | 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 9295 






At Crakow the Polish and Ukrainian peasants in military uniform 
passed over to the workmen, surrendering the arms aimed at them by 
the bourgeoisie. 

To widen and strengthen this workman-peasant union, sealed with 
blood at Crakow, is the main condition of victory of the Polish revo- 
lution; this is the main lesson of Crakow events; this is also the 
‘fundamental task of the Communists. The Polish peasants and the 
peasants of the oppressed national minorities will overthrow the 
bourgeoisie under the direction of the workmen. The Polish labor 
‘class must learn from the Crakow events how to realize the slogan of 
‘disarmament of the bourgeoisie and armament of the proletariat. 

_ This slogan must nevermore be taken off the labor programme. 
Crakow must give the working class renewed strength, courage, and 

‘confidence in victory. It will be, on the other hand, an eternal menace 

for the bourgeoisie. 

At the head of all the tasks of the struggling proleariat is now, as 
before, the great task of forming a united fighting front. To attain 
this the Polish Communists and the Communist International: have 
repeatedly proclaimed, in word and deed, their readiness to follow 

whoever is ready to fight. the bourgeoisie for the attainment of prole- 
tarian aims. And this time, also, the Polish Communist Party, from 
the very beginning, has done all in its power to draw the leaders of 
the Polish Socialist Party and the opportunist leaders of the Polish 
Trade Unions into the general struggle. It has shown the workmen 

‘from the very beginning that it was possible to be victorious over 

the bourgeoisie only in a sustained and united struggle, with the par- 
ticipation of the workmen of all branches of industry and of all 
regions. : 

In Poland and in other countries the Communists always en- 
deavor to unite the proletariat for battle. Therefore, inasmuch as 
the opportunist leaders and the central groups have still some in- 
fluence on a considerable part of the proletariat, and its participa- 
tion in the upheaval to a certain extent depends on them, the Com- 
munists, supported by the pressure of the masses, will force them 
to take part in the general upheaval, in spite of their resistance and 
repeated treachery. 

But the masses must already realize from their own experience 
that the leaders are not to be judged by words, but by deeds. What 
is this experience and what are these deeds? The Polish Socialist 
Party has done all in their power to isolate the individual armed 
upheavals, from the very beginning they have checked the victorious 
Upper Silesian strike. They have not supported the railwaymen 
and prevented the entire proletariat from supporting it. 

Only when the Government used court-martial in its struggle with 
‘the strikers, the indignation of the entire proletariat forced the 
‘leader of the Polish Socialist Party to put forward the slogan of a 
general strike, and they joined the movement only upon pressure 
from outside, reluctantly, grinding their teeth. 

But the depth of the treachery, and low-down meanness of those 
who proclaim themselves to be the representatives of the workmen 
‘was revealed only at the moment when the great test came and the 
masses in close ranks entered the fight with the secular foe. For 
many months they had propagated struggle with the actual Gov- 


226 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


ernment, but when at Crakow the soldiers went over to the people. 
they hurried to the rescue of the Government, lest it be overhrown 
by the large masses. | 

For five long years the leaders of the Polish Socialist Party have 
adorned their central organ with the slogan: “ Long live the work: 
man-peasant government.” And when the moment arrived to real- 
ize this slogan, they betrayed the workmen and peasants and de- 
livered them, body and soul, to the mercy of the Government of 
landowners and capitalists. . | 

They trumpeted retreat at Warsaw at a time when Crakow had 
raised the banner of revolt. They sold their brethren at Crakow 
from fear of their victory. They delivered the Crakow workmen 
and soldiers to the bloody revenge of capital. Whoever has not 
understood this hitherto will understand it now. 

The leaders of the Polish Socialist Party fear the victory of the 
proletariat, they fear the workmen-peasant revolution, As long as 
they lead, the labor class is menaced with ruin. With them at 
the head, it has no hope to free itself from the yoke of capital and 
avoid hunger and degradation. 

Workmen! Learn from Polish and German events! Just as the 
revolt of the German proletariat was subdued by Ebert and Zollman, 
the Crakow revolt was crushed by Morachevsky and Dashinsky. 
Not a single honest workman who has still remained in the ranks 
of the Socialist Party can acquiesce to this treachery. Away with 
the hangmen and Judases! Unite under the banner of the Com- 
munist International! Prepare for a new struggle! Learn from 
recent big events! Gather the large masses under the banner of 
Communism! , 

Honor and glory to the dead of Crakow! 

Long live the Polish Revolution ! 

Away with the traitors! 

Long live the Communist International! 

Executive Committee of the Communist International. 

NovemeBer, 1923. 





t 
Fs 
} 


PART II 


THE RELATION BETWEEN THE SOVIET ORGANIZATIONS AND 
THEIR DEPENDENT AGENCIES IN THE UNITED STATES, AND 
THE SUBVERSIVE ACTIVITIES OF THESE AGENCIES 


if 


PRELIMINARY TRACINGS OF THE MOVEMENT BEFORE THE THIRD 
INTERNATIONAL 


A. congress of the Communist League was held in London Novem- 
ber, 1847. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels were there commis- 
sioned to prepare a manifesto, which is the basis for the Communist 
Manifesto and the Marxian teachings. It was written in German 
in 1848 and printed in England. In 1851 the German police arrested 
a number of the officials, and in 1852 they were sentenced to imprison- 
ment and the League was dissolved. In 1864 the International Asso- 


ciation of the Workers was established in London and became known 


as the First International. Karl Marx then prepared his program, 
which was intended to develop the working class intellectually to the 


point where the complete manifesto would be acceptable. 


The Second International was established at Paris in 1889, but was 
repudiated in 1914, it being charged by the extreme radical element 
that the Second International favored the bourgeoisie at the outbreak 
of the war. 

In 1877 Vera Zasulich shot Trepov, Chief of Police, St. Petersburg. 
She was acquitted, left the country, and joined George Plekhanov, 


+R. Axelrod, and Leo Deutch. In 1883 they organized the “Group 


for the Emancipation of Labor,” to further Marxian socialism in 


Russia. In 1898 the Group developed into the Russian Socialist 


Democratic Labor Party, known also as the Workmen’s Party. They 
published “Iskra,”’ which up to 1905 was printed in Switzerland. 
Plekhanov was the leader. The party held a congress in 1903 with 
the extremists in majority. A split occurred, the majority becoming 
known as the Bolsheviki, which they took as their party name. 

Nicholas Lenin was one of their leaders. 

After many years of agitation through the instrumentality of 
propaganda augmented by strict party discipline culminating in 


‘armed force (civil war), the Provisional’ Government of Russia was 


overthrown, and there resulted an organization which styles itself 


‘the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, the executives of 


which are almost entirely drawn from the Russian Communist 
Party. They are subject to the orders of the Russian Communist 
Party in the performance of their duties in the so-called Russian 
Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. 

227 


228 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Upon the formation of the Russian Communist Party and its 
seizure of power, Communism received an impetus not only ir 
Russia but throughout the entire world. 

On February 24, 1919, the Russian Communist Party issued a call 
for the assembly in Moscow of the First Congress of the Communist 
International. 


II 
A CALL FOR THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL 


The call for the first congress of the Communist International 
(Third International) was released by the “Rosta,” official Tele- 
graph Agency of the Bolsheviki, under date of February 24, 1919. 
Under the portion referring to “Aim and Tactics,” the following 
appears: 


The present is the period of destruction and crushing of the capitalistic 
system of the whole world, and it will be a catastrophe for the whole EKuropean 
culture should capitalism with all its insoluble contradictions not be done away 
with, 

The aim of the proletariat must now be immediately to conquer power. 'To 
conquer power means to destroy the governmental apparatus of the bourgeoisie 
and to organize a new proletarian governmental apparatus. 

The dictatorship of the proletariat must be the occasion for the immediate ex- 
propriation of capital and the elimination of the private right of owning the 
means of production, through making them common public property. * * * 
the establishment of a workmen’s government and the concentration of economic 
functions in the hands of the organs of the proletarian dictatorship are the 
most essential aims of the day. . 

In order to protect the socialist revolution against external and internal 
enemies, and to assist the fighting proletariats -of other countries, it becomes 
hecessary to entirely disarm the bourgeoisie and its agents and to arm the 
proletariat. 


This call was signed as follows: 


The Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Lenin, 
Trotsky) ; The Foreign Bureau of Poland’s Communist Worker’s 
Party (Karski) ; The Foreign Bureau of Hungary’s Communist 
Party (Rudnjanski) ; The Foreign Bureau of the German- 
Austrian Communist Party (Oudo); The Central Committee of 
the Finnish Communist Party (Sirola) ; The Acting Committee 
for the Federation of the Revolutionary Balkan Social-Demo- 
crats (Rakowsky); The Socialist Labor Party of America 
(Reinstein). 

The call admits that the aims and tactics set forth have been 
worked out in accordance with the program of the Russian Com- 
munist Party. 

In one of the concluding paragraphs of the call appears the fol- 
lowing statement: 

The most important method is the mass action of the proletariat, including 
armed struggle against the Government power of capitalists. 

The call contains invitations to various organizations throughout. 
the world to participate in the Congress of the Third International, 
and among the organizations named were the “I. W. W. of 
America,” the “Socialist Labor Party of America,” and the “Left 
Wing” elements of the Socialist Party of America. be 

In accordance with the call, there assembled. in Moscow in March, 
1919, representatives from all Communist factions throughout the 
entire world, resulting in the adoption of a manifesto and program 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 229 


which has, since that date, been the organic law of all Communist 

Parties throughout the world and which sets forth the principles 
and tactics to be employed by the Communists in bringing about 
the revolutions within the respective countries of the world, cul- 
minating in a world revolution. 


Tif 


MANIFESTO AND PROGRAM OF THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL 


The manifesto is addressed to the Proletariat of all lands. The 
following excerpts indicate a portion of the aims: 


The most important task at the present moment for the conscious and honor- 
able workmen of all countries is to strengthen the Soviet, to increase their 
authority, and to imitate the government apparatus of Russia. 

The working class must answer blow for blow unless it renounces itself and 
its own future, never artificially provoking civil war. * * * This makes 
necessary the simultaneous disarming of the bourgeoisie, the arming of work- 
mnen, and the creation of a Communist army to defend the authority of the 
Proletariat and the inviolability of its socialist structure. Such is the Red 
Army of Soviet Russia, which sprang up and exists as the bulwark of the work- 
ing class against all attacks from within or without. The Soviet army is in- 
separable from the Soviet State. (Translation by Department of State, U. S., 
from Severnaya Kommuna, official organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workmen 

-and Red Army Deputies. ) 


The manifesto, which makes specific reference to the United States 
of America, and the governing rules were adopted by the Congress 
of the Communist International at Moscow, March 2-6, 1919, and 
were signed by Rakovsky, Lenin, Zinoviev, Trotsky, and Fritz 
Platten. 

The following excerpts are taken from the platform: 

Together with the expropriation of factories, mines, landed estate, etc., the 
prolétariat must also put an end to the exploitation of the population by 
capitalistic house owners and transfer the large houses into the hands of local 
workmen’s Soviets and move the workmen into the apartments of the bour- 
geoisie, ete. 

* * %* The reyolutionary epoch demands :of the proletariat the applica- 
tion of such methods of struggle as will concentrate all its energies; first of all, 
melting of mass struggle with its logical conclusions—direct. conflict in open 
battle with the bourgeois, governmental machinery. To this end must be 
subordinated all other means, as, for example, the revolutionary, making use of 
bourgeois parliamentary institutions. 


The platform of the Third International closes with: 


The proletariat must defend itself at any cost. The Communist International 
-ealls on the entire proletariat of the world to take part in this last struggle. 
Arms against arms! Force against force! 

Down with the Imperialistic conspiracy of capital! Long live the interna- 
tional republic of proletarian Soviets, 

The First Constituent Congress of the Communist International 
‘did not draw up precise conditions of admission to the Third Inter- 
national. 

At the moment of the convocation of the First Congress only Com- 
munist currents and groups existed in the majority of countries. 
In view of this the Second World Congress found it necessary to 
establish definite conditions for the admission of new parties, as 
well as to point out to such parties as already had joined the Com- 
munist International the duties which are laid upon them. 


230 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The conditions as adopted by the Second Congress of the Commu- 
nist International (July 17 to August 7, 1920) are as follows: 


1. The general propaganda and agitation should bear a really Communist 
character, and should correspond to the program and decisions of the Third 
International. The entire party press should be edited by reliable Communists 
who have proved their loyalty to the cause of the proletariat revolution. The 
dictatorship of the proletariat should not be spoken of simply as a current 
hackneyed formula, it should be advocated in such a way that its necessity 
should be apparent to every rank-and-file workingman and working woman, to 
each soldier and peasant, and should emanate from every-day facts, systemati- 
cally recorded by our press day by day. 

All periodical and other publications, as well as all party publications and 
editions, are subject to the control of the presidium of the party, independently 
of whether the party is legal or illegal. It should in no way be permitted that 
the publishers abuse their autonomy and carry on a policy not fully correspond- 
ing to the policy of the party. 

Wherever the followers of the Third International have access, and whatever 
means of propaganda are at their disposal, whether the columns of newspapers, 
popular meetings, labor unions or cooperatives—it is indispensable for them 
not only to denounce the bourgeoisie, but also its assistants and agents— 
reformists of every color and shade. 

2. Livery organization desiring to join the Communist International shall be 
bound systematically and regularly to remove from all the responsible posts in 
the labor movement (party organization, editorship, labor unions, parliamen- 
tary factions, cooperatives, municipalities, etc.) all reformists and followers of 
the “centre,” and to have them replaced by Communists, even at the cost of 
replacing at the beginning “ experienced’ opportunists by rank-and-file work- 
ingmen. 

3. The class struggle in almost every country,of Europe and America is 
entering the phase of civil war. Under such conditions the Communists can 
have no confidence in bourgeois laws. They should create everywhere a par- 
allel illegal apparatus, which at the decisive moment should be of assistance 
to the party to do its duty toward the revolution. In every country where, in 
consequence of martial law or of other exceptional laws, the Communists are 
unable to carry on their work legally, a combination of legal and illegal work 
is absolutely necessary. 3 

4. Persistent and systematic propaganda and agitation must be carried on 
in the army, where Communist groups should be formed in eyery military 
organization. Wherever owing to repressive legislation agitation becomes im- 
possible it is necessary to carry on such agitation illegally. But refusal to 
carry On or participate in such work should be considered equal to treason to 
the revolutionary cause, and incompatible with affiliation to the Third Intex- 
national. . 

5. A systematic and regular propaganda is necessary in the rural districts. 
The working class can gain no victory unless it possesses the sympathy and 
support of at least part of the rural workers and of the poor peasants, and 
unless other sections of the population are equally utilized. Communist work 
in the rural districts is acquiring a predominant importance during the present 
period. It should be carried on through Communist workmen of both city and 
country who have connections with the rural districts. To refuse to do this 
work, or to transfer such work to untrustworthy half reformists is equal 
to renouncing the proletarian revolution. 

6. Every party desirous of affiliating to the Third International should 
renounce not only avowed social patriotism, but also the falsehood and the 
hypocrisy of social pacifism: it should systematically demonstrate to the 
workers. that without a revolutionary overthrow of capitalism no international 
arbitration, no talk of disarmament, no democratic reorganization of the 
League of Nations will be capable of saving mankind from new imperialist 
wars. A, 

7. Parties desirous of joining the Communist International must recognize 
the necessity of a complete and absolute rupture with reformism and the policy 
of the “centrists,’” and must advocate this rupture amongst the widest circles 
of the party membership, without which condition a consistent Communist 
policy is impossible. The Communist International demands unconditionally 
and peremptorily that such rupture be brought about with the least possible 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 93t 


delay. The Communist International can not reconcile itself to the fact that 
‘such avowed reformists as for instance Turatti, Modigliani, Kautsky, Hil- 
fedding, Hillquit, Lonquet, Macdonald and others should be entitled to consider 
themselves members of the Third International. This would make the Third 
International resemble the Second International. 

8. In the Colonial question and that of the oppressed nationalities, there is 
necessary an especially distinct and clear line of conduct of the parties of 
countries where the bourgeoisie possesses such colonies or oppresses other 
nationalities. Every party desirous of belonging to the Third International 
should be bound to denounce without any reserve all the methods of “its own” 
imperialists in the colonies, supporting not in words only but practically a 
morement of liberation in the colonies. It should demand the expulsion of 
its own imperialists from such colonies, and cultivate among the workmen of 
its own country a truly fraternal attitude towards the working population of 
the colonies and oppressed nationalities, and carry on a sysematie agitation 
in its own army against every kind of oppression of the colonial’ population. 

9. Every party desirous of belonging to the Communist International should 
be bound to carry on systematic and persistent Communist work in the labor 
unions, cooperatives, and other organizations of working masses. It is neces- 
sary to form Communist nuclei within these organizations, which by persistent 
and lasting work should win over labor unions to Communism. These nuclei 
should constantly denounce the treachery of the social patriots and of the 
fluctuation of the “centre” These Communist nuclei should be completely 
subordinated to the party in general. 

10. Any party belonging to the Communist International is bound to carry 
on a stubborn struggle against the Amsterdam “ International” of the yellow 
labor unions. It should propagate insistently amongst the organized workers 
the necessity of a rupture with the yellow Amsterdam International. It should 
support by all means in its power the International Unification of Red Labor 
Unions joining to the Communist International. 

11. Parties desirous of joining the Third International shall be bound. to 

inspect the personnel of their parliamentary factions, to remove all unreliable 
elements therefrom, to control such factions, not only verbally but in reality, 
to subordinate them to the Central Committee of the party, and to demand 
from each Communist representative in parliament to subject his entire ac- 
tivity to the ineress of real revoluionary propaganda and agitation. 
- 12. All the parties belonging to the Communist International should be 
formed on the basis of the principle of democratic centralization. At the pres- 
ent time of acute civil war the Communist Party will only be able fully to 
do its duty when it is organized in a sufficiently centralized manner; when it 
possesses an iron discipline, and when its party center enjoys the confidence 
of the party membership and is endowed with complete power, authority, and 
ample rights. 

18. The Communist Parties of those countries where the Communist activity 
is legal should cleanse their membership from time to time, as well as those 
of the party organizations, in order to systematically free the party from the 
petty bourgeois elements which penetrate into it. 

14. Each party desirous of affiliating with the Communist International 
should be obliged to render every possible assistance to the Soviet Republics in 
their struggle against all counter-revolutionary forces. The Communist parties 
should carry on a precise and definite propaganda to induce the workers to 
refuse to transport any kind of military equipment intended for fighting against 
the Soviet Republics, and should also by legal or illegal means carry on a 
propaganda amongst the troops sent against the workers’ republics, etc. 

15. All those parties which up to the present moment have stood upon the 
old social democratic programs should within the shortest possible time draw 
up a new Communist program, in conformity with the special conditions of 
their country, and in accordance with the resolutions of the Communist Inter- 
national. As a rule the program of each party belonging to the Communist 
International should be confirmed by the next Congress of the Communist 
International or its Executive Committee. In the event of the failure of the 
program of any party being confirmed by the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International, the said party shall be entitled to appeal to the 
congress of the Communist International. 

16. All the resolutions of the congresses of the Communist International, as 
well as the resolutions of the Executive Committee are binding for all parties 
joining the Communist International, The Communist International, operat- 


932 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


ing under the conditions of most acute civil warfare, should be centralized in 
a better manner than the Second International. At the same time, the Com- 
munist International and the Executive Committee are naturally bound in 
every form of their activity to consider the variety of conditions under which 
the different parties have to work and struggle, and, generally, binding resolu- 
tions should be passed only on such questions upon which such resolutions are 
ossible. 

‘ 17. In connection with the above, all parties desiring to join the Communist 
International should alter their names. Bach party desirous of joining the 
Communist International should bear the following name: Communist Party 
of such and such a country, section of the Third Communist International. 
The question of the party name is not only a formal one but is a political ques- 
tion of great importance. The Communist International has declared a deci- 
Sive war against the entire bourgois world, and all the yellow Social Demo- 
cratic parties. It is indispensable that every rank-and-file worker should be 
- able clearly to distinguish between the Communist parties and the old official 
“Social Democratic” or “Socialist” parties, which have betrayed the cause 
of the working class. 

18. All the leading organs of the press of every party are bound to publish 
all the most important documents of the Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist International. ) 

19. All parties which have joined the Communist International, as well as 
those which have expressed a desire ‘to do so are obliged in as short a space 
of time as possible, and in no case later than four months after the second 
Congress of the Communist International, to convene an Extraordinary Con- 
gress in order to discuss these conditions. 

In addition to this, the Central Committees of these parties should take care 
to acquaint all their local organizations with the regulation of the Second 
Congress. 

20. All those parties which at the present time are willing to join the Third 
International, but have so far not changed their tactics in any radical manner, 
should, prior to their joining the Third International, take care that not less 
than two-thirds of their committee members and of all their central institu- 
tions should be composed of comrades who have made an open and definite 
declaration prior to the convening of the Second Congress as to their desire 
that the party should affiliate to (with) the Third International., Exceptions 
are permitted only with the consent of the Executive Committee of the Third 
International. The Executive Committee of the Communist International has 
the right to make an exception also for the representatives of the “ centre” 
as mentioned in paragraph 7. 

21. Those members of the party who reject in principle the conditions and 
the theses of the Third International, are liable to be excluded from the 
Party. 

This applies also to the delegates at the special congresses of the party. 


That both the manifesto and the platform of the Third Inter- 
national contemplate the use of force and violence in effecting the 
world revolution is shown not only by the above but also by the 
Resolutions, Theses, Statutes, and Edicts of the various congresses 
of the Third International. Page 4 of the Theses and: Statutes 
announced that the Communist International (Second Congress, 
July 17 to August 7, 1920)— 


makes it its aim to put up an armed struggle for the overthrow of the inter- 
national bourgeoisie and to create an international Soviet Republic as a 
transition stage to the complete abolition of the State. 

On page 36 of the Theses and Statutes we find the following 


definite statements. (Second Congress, J uly 17 to August 7, 1920): 


The working class can not achieve victory from the bourgeoisie by means 
of a general strike alone, and by the policy of folded arms. The proletariat. 
must resort to an armed uprising. ' 


Again, on page 30 of the Theses and Statutes, in showing the dis- 


tinction between the Communist International and the Socialist. 


- 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 233 


ane parties, it is stated (Third Congress, June 22 to July 
22, 1921): 


' Communists are trying to take advantage of all means and methods for the 
purpose of overthrowing and destroying the capitalist government and estab- 
lishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. 


Again, on page 61 of the Theses and Resolutions, an instruction 
appears to conduct propaganda to convince the proletariat that 
every economic or political conflict (Third Congress, June 22 to 
July 12, 1921)— 


given the necessary combination of circumstances, may develop into civil war, 
in the course of which it will become the task of the proletariat to conquer 
the power of the State. 


This almost immediately follows a reference to the United States 
of America which appears on page 60 of the Theses and Resolutions 
in the following words (Third Congress, June 22 to July 12, 1921) : 


The organizations of strike breakers and cutthroats, which are the old-time 
embellishment of the American democracy, have now acquired a leading organ 
in the so-called American Legion, made up of the flotsam and jetsam of the 
war. 


On page 47 of the Theses and Statutes the following appears: 


The elementary means of the struggle of the proletariat against the rule of 
the bourgeoisie is first of all, the method of mass demonstrations. Such mass 
demonstrations are prepared and carried out by the organized masses of the 
proletariat under the direction of a united, disciplined, and centralized Com- 
munist Party. 

Civil war is war. * * * The mass struggle means a whole system of 
developed demonstrations, growing ever more acute in form, and _ logically 
leading to an uprising against the capitalist order of government. In this 
warfare of the masses, developing into a civil war, the guiding party of the 
proletariat must, aS a general rule, secure every and all lawful positions mak- 
ing them its auxiliaries in the revolutionary work and subordinating such posi- 
tions to the plans of the general campaign, that of mass struggle. 


Zinoviev concluded his opening address at the Fourth Congress 
with the statement (Fourth Congress, Nov. 7 to Dec. 3, 1922) : 


We shall witness the world shaken by numberless revolts and tens, nay 
hundreds of millions, of oppressed peoples rising against imperialism. Long 
live the international revolution ! 


Immediately following this Zinoviev read a telegram from Lenin, 
which closed— 


The Soviet power in Russia is celebrating its fifth anniversary. It is more 
firmly established than ever. The civil war has come to an end and we can 
already see the first signs of the economic revival. It is Soviet Russia’s 
greatest pride to be able to help the world proletariat in the difficult task of 
overthrowing capitalism. The victory will be ours. Long live the Communist 
International! (Signed) V. Ulianov-Lenim. (From official printed report 
published for the.Communist International by the Communist Party of Great 
Britain, page 6, 1922.) , 


On page 14 of the same official printed report Zinoviev is quoted 
as follows: | 


You are aware that we have been accused of using the International asa 
weapon of the Russian Soviet Republic. There are even some ‘ friends ’’ who 
make this assertion. It is, of course, self evident that there is and there 
ought and must be an interaction between the first proletarian republic and 
the Communist: Party which is fighting against the burgeoisie. From our 
communist viewpoint it is perfectly clear that the Communist International is 
of the greatest importance for Soviet Russia, and’ vice versa. It is utterly 
ridiculous to ask who is the exploited, who the subject’ and who the object. 


934 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The Republic and the International are as the foundation and the roof of a 
building, they belong to each other. 


“The Worker,” official organ published by the Central Executive 
Committee of the Workers’ Party of America. (Communist) , touches 
upon this subject editorially in the issue of August 11, 1923. The 
Executive Secretary of the Workers’ Party, who also. is responsible 
for the editorial policy of the paper, is Charles E, Ruthenberg, and 
the Managing Editor is J. Louis Engdahl. The following is quoted 
from this editorial : | 


Of course, the old party statesmen who go to Russia, like to talk much of the 
disappearance of Communist aims and Bolshevist taint from Soviet rule. Ali 
of which is utter nonsense. Soviet Russia is more firmly rooted to-day than 
ever before in her struggle for the world social revolution. 


At this same Congress Lenin stated (Fourth Congress, Noy. 7 to 
Dec..5; 1982); 


I am confident that in the sense (we have to say not only for the Russians 
but for foreigners as well) that the most important thing for us all in the 
period now opening is to learn, * * * If you do this, I am! confident that 
the prospects for the world revolution are not merely favorable, but splendid. 
{Page 119, official printed report published for the Communist International 
by the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1922.) ) 


As showing the aims of the Third International toward world 
revolution, reference is made to the Resolution on the Russian Revo- 
lution as published in the Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth 
Congress of the Communist International, November 7—December 
3, 1922, published for the Communist International by the Commun- 
ist Party of Great Britain: 


The Fourth World Congress reminds the proletarians of all countries that 
the proletarian revolution can never be completely victorious within one single 
country, but that it must win the victory internationally, as the world revolu- 
tion. The work and struggle of Soviet Russia for its existence and for the 
achievement of the revolution is the struggle for the emancipation of the pro- 
letarians, the oppressed and exploited of the whole world, from slavery and 
Servitude. The Russian proletarians have done more than. their duty as the 
revolutionary pioneers of the world proletariat. The world proletariat must 
at last do its share. In all countries the workers, the disinherited, and the 
enslaved must. show morally, economically, and politically the most active 
solidarity with Soviet Russia. Their own interests, and not only international 
solidarity, demand that they should engage for this purpose in the most ener- 
getic struggle against the bourgeoisie and the capitalist State. In all countries 
their watchword must be: “ Hands off Soviet Russia!” ‘De jure” recognition 
of Soviet Russia! 

The Fourth World Congress calls upon the proletarians of the as yet capi- 
talist countries, inspired by the example of Soviet Russia, to strike a deathblow 
against capitalism and to do their utmost for the world revolution. (Page 22, 
Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist Interna- 
tional, 1922.) ; 


Further, with regard to the use of force and violence and armed 
uprising, the following excerpts are taken from the “ Program of 
the Communists,” by Bukharin (May, 1918) : 284 


A thoughtful survey of the position reveals to us that Russia is the only 
country in which the proletariat has yet overthrown the bourgeois state. The 
rest of the world is still possessed by the capitalist exploiters. Soviet Russia, 
with her workers’ and peasants’ government, is like a tiny island in the stormy 
ocean of Capitalism. Should the victory of the Russian workers be followed 
by the victory of the German and Austrian workers, there would still remain 
the other great robber states of Capitalism. Should the entire Capitalism of 
Kurope give way under the hammer stroke of the working class, there would 
still remain the Capitalism of Asia, headed by the robbers of Japan, and the 


| 5 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 235 
,pitalism of America, headed by the enormous robbers’ league named the 
nited States of America. ( 

ped capitalist states will not surrender their position without a struggle: 
ey will fight desperately in order to prevent the proletariat from: securing 
orld power. The greater the onrush of the proletariat the more precarious 
‘comes the position of Capitalism, the more must it strain every mag tte in its 
fht against the workers. 

When the proletariat has been victorious in one, two, or three eb hn brite it 
ill come into unavoidable collision with the capitalist world still remaining, 
hich will endeavor to crush with blood and iron ‘the attempt of the workers 
‘liberate themselves... Therefore, even after the Revolution we must under- 
and that there wil! be in some countries a transition period between Capi- 
lism and Communism in which the workers will be faced by a hard struggle 
fainst their enemies both at’ home and abroad. 

For this struggle it is necessary to have a rigid, widespread; and firmly 
elded organization completely equipped for the struggle. The Proletarian 
ate; the Workers’ Government, provides this organization. Like every other 
ate, that of the working class is an organization of the ruling class. In this 
se the ruling class is the working class, and its organization is at once a 
fense against Capitalism and the means which will finally destroy it. (Pro- 
am of Communists, Bukharin, page 17.) 


Also the following, taken from pages 60-61 of the Theses and 
esolutions, Third Congress (June 22 to July 12, 1921): 


In the struggle of the proletariat against the eapitalist offensive it is the 
ity of the Communists not only to take the advanced posts and lead those 
igaged in the struggle to a complete understanding of the fundamental revo- 
tionary tasks, but it is also their duty, relying upon the best and most active 
ements among the workers, to create their own workers’ legions and militant 
ganizations which would resist the pacifists and teach the “golden youth” 
the bourgeoisie a wholesome lesson that will break them of the strike 
eaking habit. 

In view of the extraordinary importance of the counter-revolutionary shock 
oops, the Communist Party must, through its nuclei in the unions, devote 
ecial attention to this question, organizing a thorough-going educational and 
mmunication service, which shall keep under constant observation the mili- 
ry organs and forces of the enemy, his headquarters, his arsenals, the con- 
ction between these headquarters and the police, the press, and the political 
irties and work out all the necessary details of defence and counterattack. 
The Communist Party must in this manner convince the widest circles of 
e proletariat by work and deed, that every economic or political conflict, 
ven the necessary combination of circumstances, may develop into civil war, 
the course of which it will become the task of the proletariat to conquer 
e power of the state. (‘Theses and Resolutions,” p, 60-61, 1921.) 

The theory of the strengthening of Communism solely by propaganda and 
‘itation and by the organization of separate Communist trade unions had met 
ith complete failure. Nowhere has a Communist Party of any influence 
‘isen in this way. (‘Theses and Resolutions,” p. 40. Third Congress, June 
'to July 12, 1921.) 


‘The matter of violence also is covered on pages 112, 113, and 114 
- the Theses and Resolutions of the Third World Congress, June— 
uly, 1921: 


The formation of our fighting organization in the pre-revolutionary period 
ust depend principally on the general Communist party work. The entire 
irty must be made into a fighting organization for the revolution. 

Therefore, our general party work must be apportioned in a manner which 
ould insure, eyen in the pre-revolutionary period, the foundation and consoli- 
ition of a fighting organization commensurate with the needs of the revolu- 
nm. * * * The formation of a regular red army is, as yet, out of the 
lestion. We must conquer without a previously organized army—through 
@ masses under the leadership of the party. For this reason, even the most 
roic effort would not succeed should our party not be well prepared and 
ganized for such an eventuality. * * * 


82325—24—pT 2——6 


236 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The Communist Organizer must look upon every member of the party : 
every revolutionary worker as a prospective soldier in the future revolution 
army. Jor this reason, he must allot him a place in the party which will 
him for his future rdle * * * (Theses and Resolutions, pp. 112, 113, 1 
1921, ) 

The program of the Communist Party is not‘only a program for the liberat 
of the proletariat of one country—it is a program for the liberation of 
peoples of the entire world, for it is their program of the International Revc 
tion. * * * We adopt the method of supporting the International Revc 
tion of the whole world, the method of supporting uprisings in the colon 
of these countries. * * *, Overthrow of the imperialist governments 
armed uprising and organization of an International Republic of the Soviet: 
that is the way to the international dictatorship of the working class. * * 
The better we are organized, the stronger the armed troops of the workers 2 
peasants are, the mightier the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia is, 
much the quicker will the International Revolution develop. 

* * * Sooner or later the International Soviet Republic will be creat 
(“ Program of the Communists,” pp. 75, 76, 77, and 78.) 


OUR MOTTOES 


[From Proclamation issued for May 1, 1919, by the Executive Committee of the C: 
munist International, Vol. I, p. 26] 


Long live the world-wide dictatorship of the proletariat! 

Long live the International Soviet Republic! 

All to the defense of the Soviet Republics in Russia, Hungary, and Bavar 

Long live the International Red Army! 

Long live the Third International! 

Long live communism! 

Long live the communistie First of May! . 

Let the workingmen of all countries stubbornly cling to the rifles which 1 
bourgeoisie had against their will pressed into their hands in 1914. “Arms - 
the workmen, no arms for the bourgeoisie! ”’ such is the watchword of the d: 

The battles that have heretofore taken place in various countries are nothi 
but skirmishes between the outposts of labor and capital. .The great decis: 
battle is still impending. Europe is vibrating with the hum of voices of ind 
nant proletarians who are longing to rush into battle. Subterranean distu: 
ances are being felt at various points of our planet. Thunder and tempe 
blood and tears, hunger and illimitable suffering, attend the birth of the n 
world, the glorious communistiec world, a world of universal brotherho 
between toilers. 


The Great Communist International was born in 1919. The Great Interr 
caer Soviet Republic will be born in 1920. (“The Communist Internationa 
p. 28. 

So far under this subject this memorandum has cited excerp 
from the Manifesto, Program, Theses, Statutes, and Resolutions — 
the Third International, together with the defense of its leader 
The remainder of this report will establish that the Third Intern 
tional in its plan for the forcible overthrow of all Governments oth 
than Soviet in form, includes the United States of America, and th 
the Communist organizations in this country obtain their Inspir 
tion, direction, and support from the Third International. 

In order that there may be a very full understanding of the ix 
discipline maintained in every Communist Party the following qu 
tation is taken from the “Theses and Constitution of the Thi 
International” (pages 5, 6, and 7), which were adopted at the Co: 
gress of the Third International held in Moscow in 1921. This qu 
tation, being an enunciation of the governing body of communis 
Pet now exists in the world, is particularly interesting and si; 
nificant : Nid dt | 


The Communist International is aware that for the purpose of a_spee 
achievement of victory the International Association of Workers, which 


; ‘ RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 237 






gtruggling for the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of Commun- 
m, should possess a firm and centralized organization. To all intents and 
urposes the Communist International should represent a single universal 
Communist Party, of which the parties operating in every country form in- 
dividual sections. The organized apparatus of the Communist International 
is to secure the toiler of every country the possibility at any given moment 
xf obtaining the maximum of aid from the organized workers of the other 


countries. 
| For this purpose the Communist International eonfirms the following items 


of its statutes: 

' 1. The new International Association of Workers is established for the 
purpose of organizing the common activity of the workers of various coun- 
tries who are striving towards a single aim; the overthrow of capitalism; the 
establishment of the dictatorship of the proletarian and of the International 
Soviet Republic; the complete abolition. of classes and the realization of 
socialism—the first step of Communist Society. 

_ 2. The new International Association of Workers has been given the name 
of the Communist International. 

8. All the parties and organizations comprising the Communist International 
bear the name of the Communist Party of the given country (section of the 
Communist International). 

4. The World Congress of all parties and organizations which form part 
of the Communist International, is the supreme organ of this international. 
The World Congress confirms the programmes of the various parties com- 
prising the Communist International. The World Congress discusses and 
decides the more important questions of programme and tacties, which are 
eonnected with the activity of the Communist International. The number of 
decisive votes at the World Congress for every party and organization is 
determined by a special regulation of the Congress; it is found necessary to 
strive for a speedy establishment of a standard of representation on the basis 
of the actual number of the members of the organization and the real in- 
fluence of the party in question. 

5. The World Congress elects an Executive Committee of the Communist 
International which serves as the leading organ of the Communist Interna- 
tional in the interval between the convention of World Congresses and is re- 
sponsible to the World Congress only. 

- 6. The residence of the Executive Committee of the Communist Interna- 
tional is decided at the World Congress of the Communist International. 

7. A Special World Congress of the Communist International may be con- 
vened either by regulation of the Executive Committee or at the demand of 
one-half of the number of the parties which were part of the Communist Inter- 
national at the last World Congress. 

S The chief burden of the work and the greatest responsibility in the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist International lie with the party of the coun- 
try where, in keeping with the regulation of the World Congress, the Executive 
Committee finds its residence at the time. The party of the country in ques- 
tion sends to the Executive Committee not less than five members with a 
decisive vote. In addition to this, one representative with a decisive vote is 
sent to the Communist International from ten or twelve of the largest com- 
munist parties. The list of. these representatives is to be confirmed by the 
Universal Congress of the Communist International. The remaining parties 
and organizations forming part of the Communist International enjoy the right 
of sending to the Executive Committee one representative each with a con- 
sultative vote. 

9. The Executive Committee is the leading organ of the Communist Inter- 
national between the conventions: The Executive Committee publishes in no 
less than four languages the central organ of the Communist International (the 
periodical “The Communist International”). The Executive Committee makes 
ne necessary appeals on behalf of the Communist International and issues 
nstructions obligatory on all the parties and organizations which form part of 
the Communist International. The Executive Committee of the Communist 
International enjoys the right to demand from the affiliated parties the exclu- 
sion of groups of members who are guilty of the infringements of international 
proletarian discipline, aS well as the exclusion from the Communist Interna- 
tional of parties guilty of the infringement of the regulations of the World 
Congress. In the event of necessity, the Hxecutive Committee organize in 


238 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


various countries its technical and auxiliary bureaus, which are entirely unde 
the control of the Executive Committee. | 

10. The Executive Committee of the Communist International enjoys th 
right to include in its ranks representatives of organizations and parties HO 
accepted in the Communist International but- which sympathize towards com 
munism ; these are to have a consultative vote only. 

11. The organs of all the parties and organizations forming part of th 
Communist International, as well as of those which are recognized sympa 
thizers of the Communist International, are obliged to publish all official regu 
lations of the Communist International and of its Executive Committee. 

12. The general state of affairs in the ‘whole of Hurope and America make. 
necessary for the communists of the whole world an obligatory formation o 
illegal communist organizations along with those existing legally. The Execu 
tive Committee should take charge of the universal application of this rule. 

13. All of the most important political relations between the individua 
parties forming part of the Communist International will generally be carrie: 
on through the medium of the Executive Committee of the Communist: Inter 
national. In cases of exigency direct relations will. be established, with th 
provision, however, that the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter 
national shall be informed of them at the same time. 


THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA 


In 1890 the Socialist Labor Party of the United States was 
founded. <A split occurred in 1899. From 1907 to 1912 there were 
numerous disputes in the Socialist Party of America, resulting in a 
definite split in 1912. In 1916 a number of the extremists organized 
the Socialist Propaganda League at Boston and issued a newspapel 
known as “The New International.” In April, 1917, “ The Class 
Struggle” appeared. During 1917 and 1918 the radical elements 
of the Socialist Party continued activities contrary to its platform 
and, in November, 1918, a communist propaganda league was 
formed in Chicago. During the same year the Boston branch of the 
Socialist Party began the publication of “ The Revolutionary Age,’ 
which advocated communist tactics. These activities resulted in the 
formation in New York City in February, 1919, of a Left Wing 
Section of the Socialist Party, the program of which was adopted 
by many of the locals of the Socialist Party, all of the Slavic federa- 
tions of the party joming. The Socialist Party of America ex- 
pelled every branch and local which adopted the Left Wing mani- 
festo and program, in all approximately 40,000 members. In June, 
1919, a National Left Wing conference was held in New York for 
the purpose of organizing a new party, but this effort was defeated 
and 31 of the delegates withdrew. These delegates issued a call for 
a convention on September 1, 1919, to organize a communist party. 

In August, 1919, at Detroit, Michigan, there was held a Russian 
convention, designated “The Convention of the Russian Socialist 
Federations in America, or the Fifth Regular Convention of Fed- 
erations of Russian branches of the Communist Party of America.” 
This federation had grown from 450 members in 1917 to 123 branches 
with over 9,000 members in 1919. The convention adopted a reso- 
lution of greeting to the Communist convention which was to be held 
in Chicago in September, 1919. : 

In March, 1919, the Communist Party of Russia had issued a cal] 
for an international congress to organize a new International. The 
Left Wing Section mentioned above transmitted credentials to §. J. 
Rutgers to represent it at the congress. 3 


ee 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 239 
_ The first convention of the Communist Party of America was held 
on September 1, 1919, at Chicago, with 140 delegates supposedly 
representing 58,000 members. There was organized simultaneously 
the Communist Labor Party, with a reported membership of 10,000. 
The faction which formed the Communist Party of America was 
headed by C. E. Ruthenberg, I. E. Ferguson, Louis C. Fraina, Alex- 
ander Stocklitzky, John Ballam, Jay Lovestone, Dennis Batt, and 
Rose Pastor Stokes. Prominent in the organization of the Com- 
munist Labor Party at that time were John Reed, Marguerite Pre- 
vey, Ludwig Lore, James P. Cannon, Charles Baker, Charles Krum- 
bein, and Max Bedacht. 
_ These names are given here in order to show the continued connec- 
tion of the individuals with the Communist movement from its in- 
ception down to the present day, even. into what is known as the 
Workers’ Party. 
_ At the Convention held in Chicago in the summer of 1919 a mani- 
festo and program was drawn up and adopted by the Communist 
Party of America, an examination of which is necessary as it was the 
first manifesto and program of this character to be adopted in the 
United States and which for the first time aligned the Communist 
movement in this country with the Third International. 


THE MANIFESTO AND PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF 
AMERICA, 1919 


The following excerpts are considered of sufficient interest to in- 
corporate in this memorandum. 3 
- Under the subject “ Political Action,” it is stated: 


Communism does not propose to “capture” the bourgeoise parliamentary 
state, but to conquer and destroy it. As long as the bourgeoise state prevails, 
the capitalist class can baffle the will of the proletariat. 

ok a * Pm ee * * * 
_ The conquest of the power of the state is accomplished by the mass power of 
the proletariat. Political mass strikes are a vital factor in developing this 
mass power, preparing the working class for the conquest of Capitalism. The 
power of the proletariat lies fundamentally in its control of the industrial 
process. The mobilizing of this control, against Capitalism means the initial 
form of the revolutionary mass action that will conquer the power of the state. 


Under the title ‘“ Unionism and Mass Action,” the following ap- 
pears: 


| Mass action is industrial in its origin, but it requires political character as 
fit develops fuller. forms. Mass action, in the form of general political strikes 
‘and demonstrations, unites the energy and forces of the proletariat, brings 
proletarian mass pressure upon the bourgeoise state. The more general and 
‘eonscious mass action becomes, the more it antagonizes the bourgeoise state, 
‘the more it becomes political mass action. Mass action is responsive to life 
itself, the form-of aggressive proletarian struggle under Imperialism. Out of 
this struggle develops revolutionary mass action, the means for the proletarian 
‘conquest of power. .. . 

_ * * * Jt will be necessary to rally the workers, organized and unorganized, 
‘by means of revolutionary mass action. 


~ Under the subject “ Dictatorship of the Proletariat ” the following 
appears: AE TO | 


The proletarian revolution comes at the moment of a crisis in Capitalism, of 
a collapse of the old order. Under the impulse of ‘the crisis the proletariat 
acts for the conquest of power by means of mass action. Mass action concen- 


240 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


trates and mobilizes the forces of the proletariat, organized and unorganized 

it acts equally against the bourgeoise state and the conservative organization 

of the working class. Strikes of protest develop into general political strike 

and then into revolutionary mass action for the conquest of the power of th 

state. Mass action becomes political in purpose while extraparliamentary i 

form ; it is equally a process of revolution and the revolution itself in operatior 
The state is an organ of coercion. 


Under the title “The Program of the Party ” the following ap 
pears: 


The Communist Party is the conscious expression of the class struggle o 
the workers against capitalism. Its aim is to direct this struggle to the con 
quest of political power, the overthrow of capitalism, and the destruction 0 
the bourgeois state. 

The Communist Party prepares itself for the revolution in the measure tha 
it develops a program of immediate action, expressing the mass struggle: 
of the proletariat. These struggles must be inspired with revolutionary spiri 
and purposes. 

The Communist Party is fundamentally a party of action. It brings to the 
workers a consciousness of their oppression, of the impossibility of improvin; 
their conditions under capitalism. The Communist Party directs the workers 
struggle against capitalism, developing fuller forms and purposes in this strug 
gle, culminating in the mass action of the revolution. 

The Communist Party maintains that the class struggle is essentially ¢ 
political struggle; that is, a struggle to conquer the power of the state, 

(a) The Communist Party shall keep in the foreground its consistent appea 
for proletarian revolution, the overthrow of capitalism, and the establishment 
of a dictatorship of a proletariat. * * * 

(0) Participation in parliamentary campaigns, which in the general strug 
gle of the proletariat is of secondary importance, is for the purpose of revolu 
tionary propaganda only. 

* * * * Be % 

(d@) Nominations for public office and participation in elections are limitec 
to legislative bodies only, such as municipal councils, state legislatures, anc 
the national congress. 

* ik b * * ok * 

(a) The Communist Party shall participate in mass strikes, not only to 
achieve the immediate purposes of the strike but to develop the revolutionary 
implications of the mass strike. 

(6) Mass strikes are vital factors in the process out of which develops the 
workers’ understanding and action for the conquest of power. 

(c) In mass strikes under conditions of concentrated capitalism there is 
talent (latent) the tendency toward the general mass strike, which takes on 
a political character and manifests the impulse toward proletarian dictator- 
ship. 
* * * * * * * 

The Communist Party must engage actively in the struggle to revolutionize 
the trade-unions, As against the unionism of the American Federation of 
Labor, the Communist Party propagandizes industrial unionism and industria! 
union organization, emphasing their revolutionary implications. Industrial 
Unionism is not simply a means for the everyday struggle against capitalism: 
its ultimate purpose is revolutionary, implying the necessity of ending the 
capitalist parliamentary state. Industrial Unionism is a factor in the final 
mass action for the conquest of power, as it will constitute the basis for i 
industrial administration of the Communist Commonwealth. 


THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA 
ARRESTS IN 1919 AND 1920 


During the latter part of 1919 the Department of Justice sibitd 
ted to the Department of Labor a large amount of evidence on the 
Communist Party of America. This resulted in the issuance of 
a large number of warrants of arrest for deportation hearings. The 


a RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 241 


ases were based upon the theory that the Communist Party of 
merica advocated the overthrow by force and violence of the Gov- 
rnment of the United States and, therefore, its officers and mem- 
ers who were aliens, were subject to deportation as being members 
£ an organization prescribed by the immigration laws. The first 
ase in which the Department ‘of Labor rendered its decision on this 
yoint was the case of Englebert Preis and the decision is considered 
£ sufficient importance to quote in full: 


; DEPARTMENT OF LABOR, 


OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY, 
Washington. 


wy 


te! 


the 
PINION OF SECRETARY WILSON WITH REGARD TO MEMBERSHIP IN COMMUNIST 
: PARTY IN RE ENGLEBERT PREIS 


Age 31; native of Austria; entered the United States at Port Huron, Michi- 
an, on November 13, 1915, having arrived in Quebec by S. 8. Scotan, June 
4 1914. This is a case arising under the provisions of the Act of October 

, 1918. 

It is alleged that the alien is a member of the Communist Party of America, 

fhich is affiliated with the Communist International. The alien admits mem- 
ership in the Communist Party of America, and that it is affiliated with the 
‘ommunist International. The sole question, therefore, to be determined by 
he Secretary of Labor is: Is the Communist Party of America such an or- 
anization as is described in the Act of October 16, 1918, membership in which 
gakes an alien liable to deportation. The language of the act applicable 
9 this particular case is as follows: 
“Section 1. * * * aliens who are members of. or affiliated with any or- 
anization that entertains a belief in, teaches, or advocates the overthrow by 
orce or violence of the Government of the United States. * * * 
“ Secrion 2. * * * shall, upon the warrant of the Secretary of Labor, be 
aken into custody and deported in the manner provided in the immigration 
et of February fifth, nineteen hundred and seventeen.” 
‘It will be observed that belief in, teaching, or advocating the overthrow of the 
rovernment of the United States is not alone sufficient to bring any organiza- 
ion within the scope of the act. There must, in addition, be a belief in, teach- 
ng, or advocacy of force or violence to accomplish the purpose. Bearing that 
ad mind we may proceed to an examination of the facts. 
‘The Manifesto and Program and Constitution of the Communist Party of 
imerica and the Manifesto of the Communist International are submitted in 
yidence and their authenticity admitted. The Constitution of the Communist 
arty (see Page 19 of the Manifesto) requires that: 

“ Srotion 2. Applicants for membership shall sign an application card read- 
ng as follows: 

-“*mMhe undersigned, after having read the constitution and program of the 
Yommunist Party, declares his adherence to the principles and tactics of the 
arty and the Communist International; agrees to submit to the discipline of 
he party as stated in its constitution ; and pledges himself to engage actively 
n its work.’ ” 

“An examination of the documents submitted clearly demonstrate the fact 
hat it is the purpose of the Communist Party to overthrow the Government of 
he United States. There are many statements that might be quoted showing 
hat purpose. The two following are typical. On Page 9 of the Manifesto and 
*rogram the statement is made: 

“Communism does not propose to ‘capture’ the bourgeoise parliamentary 
tate, but to conquer and destroy bh alas 
And again on the same page: 

“The proletarian class struggle is essentially a political struggle. 
The objective is the conquest by the proletariat of the power of the State.” 
Many other statements of similar purport are to be found in the same docu- 
nent. After having found that it is the purport of the Communist Party to 
‘onquer and destroy the Government of the United States, the next point of 
nquiry is as to how the conquest is to take place. 

It is apparent that the Communist Party does not seek to attain its objective 
hrough the parliamentary machinery of this government, established by, and 


* * * 


942 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
| 


operated under, the Constitution. That is made sufficiently clear by the — 
lowing excerpt from Page 15 of the Manifesto referred to: bs | 

“ (0) Participation in parliamentary campaigns, which in the general sir 
gle of the proletariat is of secondary importance, is for the purpose of revc 
tionary propaganda only.” 

And again from Pages 9 and 10 of the same document: | 

“In those countries where the conditions for a workers’ revolution are 1 
yet ripe the same process will go on. The use of parliamentarism, howevy 
is only of secondary importance.” 

And further on Page 10: 

“The parliamentarism of the Communist Party performs a service in mol 
izing the proletariat against Capitalism, emphasizing the political charac 
of the class struggle.” 

The parliamentary processes established by our Government are to be d 
carded or used for propaganda purposes only and other means adopted { 
overthrowing the Government of the United States. These means are stated 
considerable length and frequently reiterated seemingly for purposes of emp! 
sis. ‘The conquest of the power of the state is to be accomplished by the m: 
power of the proletariat. ; . 

Strikes are to be broadened and deepened, making them general and milita: 
and efforts made to develop their revolutionary implication. The strike is to 
used not simply as a means to secure redress of economic wrongs, but as 
means through which the Government may be conquered and destroyed. <A fe 
excerpts from the Communist Party and Communist International manifest 
will make these statements evident. Anrteul 

Thus on Page 10 of the Manifesto and Program of the Communist Party. 
America is the following: 

“The conquest of the power of the state is accomplished by the mass pow 
of the proletariat. Political mass strikes are a vital factor in developing tt 
mass power, preparing the working class for the conquest of Capitalism. T 
power of.the proletariat lies fundamentally in its control of the industri 
process. ‘The mobilizing of this control against Capitalism means the initi 
form of the revolutionary mass action that will conquer the power. of. t) 
state.” ; , 

And again on Page 11 of the same document: “hy 

“Mass action is industrial in its origin but it acquires political charact 
as it develops fuller forms, Mass action, in the form of general politic 
strikes and demonstrations, unites the energy and forces of the proletarie 
brings proletarian mass pressure upon the bourgeois state. The more gener 
and conscious mass action becomes, the more it antagonizes the bourgeo 
State, the more it. becomes political mass action. Mass action is responsi 
to life itself, the form of aggressive proletarian struggle under Imperialisy 
Out. of this struggle develops revolutionary mass action, the means for, tl 
proletarian conquest of power.” 

And further on Page 12 the same document: 

“ Strikes of protest develop into general political strikes and then into rey 
lutionary mass action for the conquest of the power of the state. Mass actic 
becomes political in purpose while extra-parliamentary in form; it is equal 
a process of revolution and the revolution itself in operation.” 

Then on Page 16: ; ry é; 

“The Communist Party shall participate in mass strikes, not only to achie\ 
the immediate purposes of the strike but to develop the revolutionary implic: 
tions of the same strike.” ot pas 4 

And then, making the purpose still more clear, we have the following fro1 
Page 30 of the Manifesto of the Communist International, with which th 
Communist Party of America is affiliated and whose manifesto is accepted a 
part of the policy of the party: ne Rare ll 

“ The revolutionary era compels the proletariat to make use of the means o 
battle which will concentrate its entire energies, namely, mass action, with it 
logical resultant, direct conflict with the governmental machinery in ope 
combat. .All other methods, such as revolutionary use of bourgeois parliamer 
tarism, will be of only secondary significance,” io tee 

From these quotations and numerous other statements in’ the Manifesto,’ no 
here quoted, it is apparent that the Communist Party of America is not merel 
a political party seeking the control of affairs of state, but a revolutionar: 
party. seeking. to conquer and destroy the state in open combat. And the onl. 
conclusion is that the Communist Party of America is an organization tha 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 243 


' 
7 believes in, teaches, and advocates the overthrow by force or violence of the 
| Government of the United States. 

It does not devolve upon the Secretary of Labor officially to determine 
whether Congress was wise in creating the law or the Communist Party wise 
in creating the facts. It is his duty to apply the law to the facts as he finds 
them. It is mandatory upon him to take into custody aliens who are members 
of this organization and deport them in the manner provided for in the Immi- 
gration Act of February 5, 1917. 

Your memorandum of January 17, 1920, recommending that the Department 
issue its warrant for the deportation of Knglebert Preis, such deportation to be 
to Austria, at Government expense, is hereby approved. _. 

(signed) W. B. WILSON, 
Secretary. 


LEGAL OPINIONS OF THE COURTS 


The situation had become so acute and the spread of ultra-radical- 
ism so broad that by the end of 1920 most of the States had passed 
laws against anarchy, criminal syndicalism, sabotage, red-flag dem- 
onstrations, and organizations advocating the use of force or violence 
ina political or economic program. 

The leading federal case arising out of these arrests was United 
States ex rel. Martin Abern v. Wallace (268 Fed. 413). It was a 
habeas corpus proceeding, and District Judge Knox in his opinion 
stated : 


I am of the aiaion that the manifesto and program of the Communist Party, 
together with other exhibits in the case, are of such character as to easily lead 
a reasonable man to conclude that the purpose of the Communist Party is to 
accomplish its end, namely, the capture and destruction of the State, as now 
constituted, by force and violence. Since the party has seen fit to use words of 
general application, which in their popular and ordinary sense may fairly 
import and which are appropriate to the use of force and violence and which 
have been found to have that meaning, there is no obligation upon the court to 
refine and construe the language so as to reach a different result. If force 
and violence be not within the contemplation of the party, it would be a simple 
matter to have the absence of such thought clearly appear. As it is, the 
language used would seem designed to mean all things to all men ahd to be 
fairly susceptible of meaning, even though it does not unequivocally declare 
in favor of force and violence. 


And still further in the decision the court proceeds: 


If those who support the Communist Party in its present declaration of 
principles hope for success—and I must assume that they have such hope—l 
can not do otherwise than conclude that they must contemplate the employment 
of force and violence. In other words, I am unable to perceive how the 
expropriation of private property can be accomplished without the employment 
of forbidden instrumentalities. I say this because of the fact that up to the 
time of the capture and destruction of the present Government its officers will 
be, as they now are, charged with the protection of property rights, and I 
can not imagine that such officers and those whose property the Communists 
hope to take will meekly capitulate the moment the Communists demand a 
transference to, them of all such rights. Should such a transfer be demanded 
and refused, could it for a moment be supposed that the Communists, if they 
considered their strength sufficient, would hesitate and seek peaceful means of 
persuasion? It seems to me that they would unquestionably exért ‘whatever 
coercion and employ whatever force and violence was Weiaaagsip to. the achieve- 
ment of their success. 


In the Abern case the court was Abadia the first Program and 
Constitution of the Communist Party of America--that of Septem- 
ber, 1919. In May, 1921, the new Program and Constitution of the 
C. P. of A. was adopted, and in a subsequent section of this memo- 
randum it will be shown that the latter Program specifically advo- 
cates force and violence. 


244 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The International has indicated that this force is to be used by 
the so-called Proletariat in answer to force used legally by the 
present governments to suppress expropriation and civil war stimu- 
lated by the Communists. 

There was a similar habeas corpus: proceeding brought in the 
Federal District Court for the Eastern District of Massachusetts 
known as the Colyer case. This case, however, went up to the Cir- 
cuit Court of Appeals, and the opinion of the lower court, leaning 
toward the Communists, was overruled, the title of the case being 
Skeffington v. Katzeff, the Ist circuit, October term, 1921, No. 1508; 
January 11, 1922. 

The Martin Abern case is thoroughly in line with the case of 
In Re Lem Kosopud before Judge Westenhaver in the Federal 
District Court for the Northern District of Ohio, while—the Paul 
Glaser case, U. S. v. Paul Glaser, United States District Court of 
Indiana, No. 7926 at law, May 28, 1920, before Judge Albert B. 
Anderson, membership in the Communist Party of America was 
held sufficient to cancel certificate of naturalization. 

In the case of Benjamin Gitlow before Judge Laughlin in the 
Supreme Court, Appellate Division, State of New York, No. 5870, 
January, 1921, Judge Laughlin, writing the opinion of the court, 
which was unanimous, determined that the dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat necessarily involves the use of force and violence. This 
case originally came up in the City Magistrate’s Court, New York 
City, and on November 14, 1919, City Chief Magistrate MeAdoo in 
his decision stated: | 


According to the manifesto, the revolutionary Socialists, calling themselves 
the Communist Party, confronted with this common enemy which is to be 
destroyed, organized government as it exists to-day, the ‘“ capitalistic’ state, 
as they call it, and the hated bourgeoisie, how are they going to effect the 
revolution? Does .the manifesto tell us? It does, in very plain terms, with, 
it must be admitted, a tinge of subtle evasiveness, intended for a defense in 
court. 

How is this revolution to be accomplished? The manifesto gives the battle 
cry and slogan in practically two words—coercion and suppression. The mass 
action strike is to paralyze all the industries of the country, depriving millions 
of people of the necessaries of life, paralyzing the armed forces of the United 
States, making the soldier and the policeman impotent, and silencing of such 
voices in the pulpit as are not in accord. This is the first stage, coercion by 
absolutely and unqualifiedly illegal means, unlawful practices, and a criminal 
conspiracy deliberately invented to carry out the purposes intended. These 
strikes are called mass action and have nothing whatever to do with the efforts 
for increase ,of wages or lessening of hours or the betterment of the workers. 
It is a militant uprising of the red revolutionists. At this point the State is 
given the option that it must either suicide or be killed. Wherein does this 
differ from professed anarchy? 


The following excerpts are taken from the decision of the Appel- 
late Division of the Supreme Court of New York: 


I is perfectly plain that the plan and purpose advocated by the appellant and 
those associated with him in this movement contemplate the overthrow and 
destruction of the governments of the United States and of all the states, 
not by the free action of the majority of the people through the ballot box in 
electing representatives to authorize a change of government by amending or 
changing the Constitution * * * but by immediately organizing the indus- 
trial proletariat into militant Socialist unions and at the earliest opportunity 
through mass strike and force and violence, if necessary, compelling the goy- 
ernment to cease to function, and then through a proletarian dictatorship taking 
charge of and appropriating all property and administering it and governing 


' RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 245 


4 through such dictatorship until such time as the proletariet is permitted to 
administer and govern it, * * * but they are chargeable with knowledge 
that their aims and ends cannot be accomplished without force, violence, and 


bloodshed, and therefore it is reasonable to construe what they advocate as 


‘intending the use of all means essential to the success of their program. 


The doctrines advocated are not harmless. They are a menace, and it 


_behooves Americans to be on their guard to meet and combat the movement, 


which if permitted to progress as contemplated may undermine and endanger 
our cherished institutions of liberty and equality. : 
The defendant and his fellow socialists of the Left Wing knew perfectly 


well that such results could not be peaceably accomplished, and, moreover, 


they are not advocating a change in the Constitution or a new Constitution 
or Government. They are plainly advocating the destruction of all existing 


| government. The only practical difference between the doctrines advocated 
by them and the doctrine of anarchy pure and simple is that they intend to 
‘utilize the existing government temporarily while organizing the proletariat 


for mass strike, and they intend a proletarian dictorship for a period after 
the overthrow of the government, and after that a government of production 
‘only, which they call Communist Socialism. 

When people combine and advocate such doctrines, there must necessarily be 


_ great latitude for reading between the lines to determine what is implied in the 
doctrine, and they should be held responsible for advocating what they must 


know is involved in the doctrine and will be essential to the accomplishment of 
their purpose. 

The doctrine advocated by the appellant is not for a change of control of the 
Government, but is for the annihilation of existing governments in general. 

It follows that the judgment of conviction should be affirmed. 

In People v. Lloyd (304 Illinois) it was held that the Constitution 
clearly provides the lawful means by which the existing form of gov- 
ernment may be reformed or changed and the use of any means other 
than those provided is unlawful. It was also held in this case that 
in a prosecution for a conspiracy to overthrow the established gov- 
ernment, documents and newspapers published by anyone of the 
defendants in furtherance of the common design are admissible in 
evidence against all of the defendants, as any act or declaration of a 
member of a conspiracy, in contemplation of law, is the act and decla- 
ration of all the members and is admissible against each of them; 
also that the fact that a conspiracy’ to overthrow the government by 
violent means has assumed. world-wide proportions does not change 
the criminal character of the conspiracy. It is held specifically that 
a conspiracy to overthrow the government by forcing it to submis- 
sion by the suffering that would necessarily follow a general strike 
is unlawful. This case involved William Bross Lloyd and 17 others, 
all Communists. 

In People v. Winitsky, in the New York Supreme Court in March, 
1920, the defendant was charged with a violation of the criminal 
anarchy law of the State because of his activities as executive secre- 
tary of the Communist Party of America. He was convicted, and 1n 
passing sentence upon him Hon. Bartow S. Weeks stated as follows: 

The doctrines that you preach, the doctrines to which you declared your ad- 
herence were a belief in the mass strike, a belief in the general strike, and a 
belief in such things as are illustrated in the articles as having occurred in 
Winnipeg and Seattle, where the people attempted to take the reins of govern- 
ment by refusing to work, by refusing to operate the electric-light plant, by re- 
fusing to operate the heating plants in the hospitals, by refusing to allow the 
cartmen to take the refuse out of the streets, so that hospital service was dis- 
turbed and plague was almost imminent. You preached a belief in these 


methods of accomplishing a change in the government of this country. 
* * % as * ak * 


246 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


When you talk about the possibility of accomplishing results by a mass strike 
or a general strike, it should be, and it seems to me it is, absolutely clear to 
any sensible person that the attempt to control the situation in a great city, or 
in any place where many people are congregated together, by closing down all 
the industries, all the means of public life at one time, by a concerted move- 
ment, in order to bring about a revolution and to bring about a change, could 
never by the blindest hope of an idealist be expected to go through without 
force and violence. 

The line of demarcation between treason, which is punishable by death, and 
criminal anarchy is so narrow that it is almost impossible to distinguish it. 


One of the most important and interesting of the deportation 
cases was that agamst Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, the “ official” 
Soviet envoy to the United States. When he appeared before the 
subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United 
States Senate, he gave the following very interesting testimony, 
important especially because of his “ official ” capacity : 


Mr. Eis. You believe in the dictatorship of the proletariat? 

Mr. MARTENS. Yes, sir; and in Russia it is a fact. 

Mr. Evztis. Mr. Boukharin says that there are certain means by which this 
dictatorship shall become the world order. 

Mr. MARTENS. Yes. 

Mr. Eris. That is to say the government of all the countries of the world: 
and that is to be brought about by force. .Do you believe in that or not? 

Mr. Marrens. Well, again your statement. is too general. I believe in the 
dictatorship of the proletariat, the same as represents forces in other matters. 
Dictatorship represents force, of course, every dictatorship represents force. 
If you ask me if I believe in force, I answer yes; I believe in force against 
force, always. I believe in violence against violence, always; but I do not 
believe in force and violence if it is not necessary to apply them. 

Mr. Etis. But if it is necessary you believe in them? ~ 

Mr. Martens. Yes, sir; certainly. Force against force and violence against 
violence. I believe in that. 

Senator BrRaANbDEGEE, Do you believe in establishing the soviet form of govern- 
ment all over the world? ; 

Mr. MARTENS. Certainly. 

Mr. Eris. Do you denounce the III International now? - 

Mr. Martens. No, sir, 

Mr. Extis. Do you agree with it? 

Mr. Martens. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Ettis. Do you agree with the sentiments it expresses? 

Mr. MARTENS. Yes, Sir. 


The Department of Justice presented to the Department of Labor 
a mass of evidence against Martens and certain of his colleagues, 
as a result of which a deportation hearing was held and a decision 
rendered by the Secretary of Labor, Hon. W. B. Wilson, on Decem- 
ber 15, 1920. In view of the fact that this decision touches specifi- 
cally the participation of the so-called Soviet Government in activi- 
ties for the forcible overthrow of this government, the following 
excerpts from the decision are given: ons | 


The Soviet Government of Russia believes in, teaches, and advocates the 
overthrow of the Government! of the United States by the use of force and vio- 
lence, not by the process of military invasion but by conducting propaganda to 
Stir up insurrection. It has appropriated money for that purpose. In the 
decree of December, 1917 ,the Soviet Government ‘said: 

“The Soviet of the People’s Commissaries considers it necessary to come 
to the assistance of the left international wing of the labor movement of all 
countries, * * * absolutely independent from the fact: whether these coun- 
tries are at war with Russia or in alliance or are maintaining a neutral con- 
dition. With these aims the Soviet of the People’s Commissaries decides to 
assignate for the needs of the revolutionary international’ movement for the 
disposition of the foreign representatives of the Commissariat for Foreign 
Affairs, two million rubles.” 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 247 


When the Soviet Government speaks of a revolutionary movement it does not 
mean a peaceful revolution brought about by parliamentary processes, but a 
revolution by force and violence. Lenin in a letter to American workingmen 
says: 

_ “Let incurable pedants, crammed full of bourgeois democratic and parlia- 
mentary prejudice, shake their heads gravely over our soviets. Let them 
deplore the fact that we have no direct elections. These people have forgotten 
nothing, have learned nothing, in the great upheaval of 1914-1918. The com- 
bination of the dictatorship of the proletariat with the new democracy of the 
proletariat, of civil war with the widest application of the masses to 
political problems, Such a combination can not be achieved in a day, can not 
be forced.into battered forms of former parliamentary democratism.” 

And again in a “ New Letter to the workers of Europe and America,” he says: 

“ Now no conscious working man and no sincere socialist can fail to see what 
shameful treason against socialism was perpetrated by those men who, in line 
with the Mensheviks and ‘social revolutionists’ of Russia, with the Scheide- 
manns and Suedekums of Germany, with the Renaudels of France and Vander- 
velds in Belgium, with the Hendersons and Webbs in England, and with 
Gompers & Co. in America, supported ‘their’ burgeoisie in the war of 1914- 
1918. * * * Only the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the annihilation of 
the bourgeoisie parliament, only ‘soviet rule and proletarian dictatorship can 
put an end to imperialism and safeguard the victory of socialism, safeguard a 
permanent peace.” . : 

The officials of the Soviet Government are members of the Russian Communist 
Party. Through that party Lenine and Trotsky, the recognized heads of the 
Soviet Government, issued the call for the Communist International Congress 
in 1919 which became known as the Third International. They participated in 
‘the Congress and guided its counsels. The following excerpts are taken from 
the call issued on February 24, 1919: 

“Comrades: The’ undersigned parties and organizations consider it indis- 
pensable to call the first Congress of the New Revolutionary International. 
* %* * Already now the framework is laid for the real revolutionary inter- 
national. The gigantic pace of the world revolution which gives rise to new 
problems, the danger that this revolution may be killed by the alliance of 
the capitalistic states which organize a League of Nations against the revo- 
lution, the attempt of traitor socialists to gather and after having ‘ amnestied ’ 
each other to assist their governments and the bourgeoisie again to betray the 
working classes, and finally in view of revolutionary experience and for the 
purpose of internationalizing the course of the revolution, we are induced to 
take the initiative in placing on the order of the day the question of calling 
the revolutionary proletarian parties to an International Congress. * * * 

“6 The world situation demands immediate and as perfect as possible rela- 
tions between the different groups of the revolutionary proletariat and a com- 
plete alliance of all the countries in which the revolution has already suc- 
ceeded. 

“7 The most important method is the mass action of the proletariat, includ- 
ing armed struggle against the government power of capitalists. * * * 

“14. The Congress must lay the foundation of a common fighting organ 
which will be a uniting link and methodically lead the movement of the center 
for the Communist International which subordinates the interests. of the 
movement in every separate country to the common interests of the revolution 
on an international scale.” 

in the platform adopted by the Third International at that time this lanenage 
occurs: 

“The revolutionary epoch demands of the proletariat the application of such 
methods of struggle as will concentrate all its energies, first of all methods of 
mass struggle, with its logical conclusions—direct conflict in open battle with 
the bourgeois, government machinery. To this end must be subordinated all 
‘other means, as, for example, the revolutionary making use of bourgeois par- 
liamentary institutions.” 

These are but samples from masses of evidence along the same lines. 

With such definitions before us of what is meant by the revolutionary strug- 
ele, every reference to the revolution takes on the significance of force and vio- 
lence against the existing machinery of government. There is an abundance of 
evidence showing the use of the term by Martens, Lenine, Trotsky, many other 
Officials of the Soviet Government, the Russian Communist Party, and the Third 
International. 


—— 


= 


248 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


AS a means of showing the close working cooperation between the Soviet 
Government and the Third International and the world-wide scope of their 
revolutionary purpose, the following order to the Red Army and the Red Fleet, 
issued by L. Trotsky, is significant: 

“ Order to the Red Army and the Red Fleet, No. 83, March 9, 1919, Moscow. 

“Tzvestia, Mareh 11, 1919. 

“ Greetings from the Communist International. 

“At the beginning of March in Moscow sat the representatives of revolutionary 
workmen of the various countries of Hurope and America, who had come to- 
gether to create a close revolutionary solidarity of the toilers of all countries 
in the struggle against oppressors of all countries. This congress founded the 
Communist International; that is, the international union of workmen, soldiers, 


and toiling ‘peasants, for the purpose of establishing a World Soviet republic 


which would put an end forever to hostilities and wars between peoples. At 
one of its sessions the communist international adopted the following resolu- 
tion of greeting to the Russian Workmen’s and Peasants’ Red Army: 

““The congress of the Communist International sends to the Red Army of 
Soviet a heartfelt greeting and all wishes for complete victory in the struggle 
against international Imperialism.’ ” 

This brothery greeting of the international proletariat should become 
known to all soldiers and sailors of the Red Army and Red Fleet: I hereby 
order the commissary to publish it in all regiments, divisions, and batteries, 
and on all warships. Every soldier of the Red Army, every sailor of the Red 
Fleet with well-deserved pride will hear this word of greeting from the highest 
and authoritative institution of the world working class. The Red Army and 
the Red Navy will not deceive the expectation and hopes of the Communist 
International. 

“ Forward—under the flag of the world working class! 

“ President of the revolutionary Military Soviet of the Republic. 

“ People’s Commissary for Military and Naval Affairs. ° 

“TL. TrorsKky.” 


It will thus be seen that the Soviet Government, itself claiming to be a diec- 
tatorship of the proletariat, through its Minister of War officially accepts the 
Third International as the highest and authoritative institution of the world 
working class, and pledges the red army and navy not to deceive the expec- 
tations and hopes of the Third International, and orders them forward under 
the flag of the world working class. 

*k % * * * * & 


That he (Martens) is an official of the Soviet Government of Russia is 
not controverted. The Soviet Government conducts a propaganda in the 
United States for the purpose of creating an insurrection to overthrow the 
Government of the United States by force and violence, as has already been 
pointed out. It is further shown that Lenine has proposed to withdraw the 
propaganda in turn for political and commercial recognition and intereourse 
between Russia and the United States. If there was ho improper propa- 
ganda being conducted, there would be nothing to withdraw. Martens is an 
official of and therefore a member of or affiliated with the Soviet Govern- 
ment, an organization that entertains a belief in, teaches, or advocates the 
overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United States, and 
this fact, taken in conjunction with his expressed belief in and approval of 
the Third International, proves that he believes in the overthrow by force or 
violence of the Government of the United States. 

It is therefore decided that Ludwig C. A. K. Martens is an alien, a citizen 
of Russia, and that he entertains a belief in and is a member of or. affiliated 
with an organization that entertains a belief in, teaches, or advocates the 
overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United States, and 
the Commissioner General of Immigration is hereby directed to take the said 
Ludwig C. A. K. Martens into custody and deport him to Russia at the ex- 
pense of the Government of the United States. 


From the above it will be seen that the question of whether Com- 
munist programs contemplate the use of force and violence has been 
passed upon by every class of tribtnal which could pass upon it, 
namely, Federal and State courts, administrative tribunals and 
legislative committees of both Federal and State governments, and 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 949 


in every class the result has been in support of the position that force 
and violence are inseparable from Communist programs. 

In addition, the Secretaries of State of the United States, under 
different administrations, have issued formal expressions on the 
subject of Soviet Russia and all of them are in line with the fore- 


_ going decisions. 


During 1920 and 1921 the Communist movement in the United 
States functioned illegally or “ underground,” as the Communists are 
inclined to characterize it. There were in existence during that 
period of time within the Communist Party certain factions, but for 
all practical purposes the Communist movement was united in its 
ultimate aims and ends, the differences that existed being limited 
largely to personal leadership. The Communist International was 
finally moved, by the differences existing among the various factions, 
to pass upon the question of unity and to cement the Communist 
movement within the United States in 1920 and 1921. 


THE PROGRAM AND CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF 
AMERICA, ADOPTED IN MAY, 1921 


As a result of the joint unity convention of the United Communist 
and Communist parties, held in May, 1921, a revised program and 
constitution was adopted and issued by the Central Executive Com- 
mittee under the title, ‘‘ Program and Constitution of the Communist 
Party of America.” It was also published in this form in the official 
organ of the Communist Party of America, “The Communist,” for 


_ July, 1921, and also in an official bulletin issued by the Communist 


Party in or about the month of June, 1921. This instrument is even 
more extreme than the one quoted above. The following quotations 
are taken from the edition printed by the Central Executive Com- 
mittee and sold throughout the country. This document was ad- 
mitted in evidence in the Berrien County, Michigan, Criminal Syn- 
dicalist Cases (The Bridgman. Convention Cases). 

With regard to the Communist International, the following ap- 
pears on page 9: 

* * * The Communist International is an organization for waging class 
warfare for the liberation of the working class; there can be no reservations 
in indorsement and affiliation with it. Loyalty ‘“ with reservations” is treach- 


ery. Indorsement and defense of Soviets in Russia with failure to advocate 
the Soviet form of proletarian dictatorship in the United States is hypocrisy. 


On page 11 the following appears: 

The Communist International alone conducts the struggle of the proletariat 
for its emancipation. The Communist Party of America is its American 
section. 

Throughout the program and constitution the Communist Party of 
America is referred to as a section of the Communist International. 

With regard to the dictatorship of the proletariat and the destruc- 
tion of the state as at present composed, except in Soviet Russia, the 
following appears on page 11: 

The establisment of a proletarian dictatorship is indispensable to the at- 


tainment of the social revolution. The proletariat must destroy the bourgeoise 
state. 


250 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


Under the title “ Proletarian Dictatorship and Bourgeois Democ- 
racy,” the following appears: 


The proletarian revolution comes at a moment of economic crisis precipi- 
tating a political crisis. ‘The politicu-economic crisis causes a collapse in the 
capitalist order. * * * 


On page 14 the following very specific statement with regard to the 
use of force appears: | 


By use of force, the proletariat destroys the machinery of the bourgeois State 
and establishes the proletarian dictatorship based on Soviet power. 

The proletarian State, like every other state, is an organ of suppression and 
coercion, but its machinery is directed against the enemies of the working elass. 
it aims to break the desperate resistance of the exploiters who use all the power 
at’ their command to drown the revolution in blood. The proletarian state 
aims to make this resistance impossible. Under a proletarian dictatorship, 
which is a provisional institution; the working class establishes itself as a 
ruling class in society. After the resistance of the bourgeoisie is broken, after 
it is expropriated and gradually absorbed into the labor strata, then only do all 
classes vanish, the proletarian dictatorship disappears and the State dies out. 


The following conclusion appears on page 16; 


The proletarian revolution is a long process. It begins with the destruction 
of the capitalist state and the establishment of the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat, and ends only with the complete transformation of the capitalist system 
into the Communist society. P 


With regard to the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, Lenin in his 


“ Soviet Republic and Its Problems,” in the chapter entitled ‘ Democ- 
racy and Proletarian Dictatorship,” has the following to say: 


But “dictatorship” is a great word. And great words must not be used 
lightly. A dictatorship is an iron rule, with revolutionary daring, and swift 
and merciless in the suppression of the exploiters as well as of the hooligans, 
And our rule is too mild, quite frequently resembling jam rather than iron. 


Under the subject “ Political Action,” the following statement 
appeared : 


Every class struggle is a political struggle. The object of the class struggle, 
which inevitably develops into civil war, is the conquest of political power. 

* ae * * * * * 
The Communist Party of America, section of the Communist International, 
is that part of the working class which is most advanced, intelligent, self- 
Sacrificing, and class conscious. It is therefore the most revolutionary part 
of the working class. * * * 


It is well to keep in mind Lenin’s own definition as taken from 
his General Program of the Bolsheviki, chapter on Armaments and 
War, as follows: rat 


Civil wars are also wars. Those who accept the class struggle must accept 
civil wars, which, under certain circumstances, are a natural and inevitable 
continuance, development, and accentuation of the class struggle in every society 
based on class divisions. All great revolutions prove this. To deny or to 
overlook civil wars would mean becoming a victim of the most hopeless oppor- 
tunism and abandoning the Social revolution. . 


And again, in his work entitled “ Constitutional Illusions,” he 
says: : | 
Finally, as we know the problems of social organization are solved by the 
class struggle in its most aggressive, most violent form, namely, in the form of 
civil war. 


In his “ Soviet Republic and Its Problems ” he Says: 


Secondly, every great revolution, and especially a socialist revolution, even if 
there was no external war, is inconceivable without an internal war, thousands 


: 
: 
) 


| 


} | RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA , 951 
: 


and millions of cases of wavering and of desertion from one side to the other 
and a state of the greatest uncertainty, instability, and chaos. 


In * Izvestia,” of January 10, 1919, Trotzky, on this subject, writes: 


_ The proletariat says (to “ conspirators,” “ sabateurs,” étc.), I will break your 
Yerror. as a demonstration of the will ‘and strength of the working class, is 
th Justined.' oe * 


_ Under the title “ Mass Action,” the program and Constitution of 
the Communist Party of America proceeds: 


The revolutionary epoch upon which the world has now entered forces the 
oroletariat to resort to militant methods—mass action, leading to direct eolli- 
sion with the bourgeois state. Mass action culminates in armed insurrection 
md civil war. The centralized power of the capitalist class manifests itself 
through control of the state machinery—the army, the navy, police, courts, 
yureaucracy, ete. it is through such means that the capitalist class imposes 
ts will upon the workers. . Mass action is the proletarian revolt against the 
yppression of the capitalist class. It develops from spontaneous activities of 
he workers massed in large industries. Among its initial manifestations are 
nass, strikes and mass demonstrations. 

The, Communist Party will educate and organize working masses for such 
lirect political action; i. e., mass strikes and mass demonstrations. and will 
ead them in these struggles, The struggles form the major campaign of the 
Jommunist Party. It is through such struggles that the working masses are 
wepared for the final conflict for power. This can be nothing else but a direct 
struggle between the armed forces of the capitalist state, on the one hand, and 
he armed forces of the proletarian revolution on, the other... In these mass 
trikes and demonstrations large masses of workers are united. New tactics 
ind a new idoelogy are developed. As these strikes grow in number and in- 
ensity, they Modine political character through unavoidable collision and open 
cmbat with the capitalist state which openly employs all its machinery to 
Weak their strikes and crush the workers’ organizations. 

‘This finally results in armed insurrection aimed directly at the destruetion 
i the capitalist state and the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship. 
this objective can not be attained unless the entire mass movement is under 
he control and guidance of the Communist Party. 

The Communist Party will keep in the foreground the idea of the necessity 
f violent revolution for the destruction of the capitalist state and the estab- 
ishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat based on Soviet power. 

The Communist Party will systematically and persistently propagate the 
dea of the inevitability of the necessity for violent revolution, and will pre- 
are the workers for armed insurrection as the only means of overthrowing the 
apitalist state. 


It is well to remember Trotsky’s own definition of “ Mass Action ” 
vhich appears in his “ Proletariat and the Revolution,’ published in 
904: 


_We have got to summon all revolutionary forces to simultaneous action. How 
an we do it? First of all, we ought to remember that the main scene of 
evolutionary events is bound to be in the city. Nobody is likely to deny this. 
t is evident, further, that street demonstrations can turn into a popular 
evolution only when they are. a manifestation of masses; that is, when they 
mbrace, in the first place, the workers of factories and plants. To make the 
rorkers quit their machines and stands, to make them walk out of the factory 
remises into the street; to lead them to the neighboring plant; to proclaim 
1ere a cessation of work; to make new masses walk out into the street; to go 
ius from factory to factory, from plant to plant, incessantly growing in num- 
ers, sweeping police barriers, absorbing new masses that happened to come 
eross, crowding the streets, taking possession of buildings suitable for public 
leetings, fortifying those buildings, holding continuous revolutionary meetings 
ith audiences coming and going, bringing order into the movements of the 
lasses, arousing their spirit, explaining to them the aim and the meaning of 
hat is going on; to turn, finally, the entire city into one’ revolutionary camp ; 
lis is, broadly speaking, the plan of action. The starting point ought to be the 


82325—24-_pr 2-7 


252 - RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA | | 


factories and the plants. That means that street manifestations of a serious 
character, fraught with decisive events, ought to begin with the politica! 
strikes of the masses. 


The following defense of mass action is taken from the Theses and 
Resolutions adopted at the Third World Congress of the Third 
International, page 143, of the edition published by the Contempo- 
rary Publishing Association, New York City, 1921, which edition was 
:dmitted in evidence in the Berrien County, Mich., criminal syndi- 
calist. cases, thei edition being used as one of the standard Com- 
munist text books: 


b) 


Under ‘ direct. action ’’ we mean all forms of direct pressure of the workers 
upon the employers and the state: boyeott, strike, street demonstrations, seizure 
of the factories, armed uprisings, and other revolutionary activity, which tend 
to unite the working class in the fight for Socialism. s 


Under the Title “ Parliamentary Action,’ the program and con- 
stitution of the Communist Party of America contains the following: 


The Communist Party of America recognizes that the revolutionary prole- 
tariat must use all means of propaganda and agitation to win over the ex- 
ploited masses. One of these means is parliamentary activity. The work of 
Communist representatives in parliament will consist chiefly in making revolu- 
tionary propaganda from the parliamentary platform. * * * 

* %* * It is the task of the proletariat to destroy the entire machinery of 
the bourgeois state, not excluding its parliamentary institutions. 

cd * & & % s a 

The American bourgeois State was quick to recognize the Communist parties 
in America as its historic and deadly enemies. It employed all its power in a 
vicious onslaught against them. Being outlawed, the Communist parties re- 
organized as underground, illegal parties. Thus, for the present, the Communist 
Party of America is prevented from participating in the elections under its 
own name. 

While the Communist Party of America wages its major campaigns and 
activities through the mass struggles of the working class outside of parlia- 
ment, it will also organize the necessary legal machinery for participation 
in municipal, state, and national election campaigns. It shall, wherever pos- 
sible, enter its candidates in opposition to all bourgeois and social-reform 


parties. \ 


With regard to the Trade Union Educational League and the Red 
Labor Union International the program and constitution contains 
the following (pages 30 and 31) : 


The Communist Party will carry on an extensive propaganda for the 
affiliation of all organized labor in America with the Red Labor Union 
International. * * * The Communist Party will fully cooperate with the 
Red Labor Union International and any committees or bureaus it may estab- 
lish to carry on its work in the American labor movement, in keeping with the 
decisions of the Communist International. 


With regard to the Government of the United States being a 
capitalist government, and therefore included in the subversive aims 
of the Communist, the following appears on pages 37 and 38 of the 
program and constitution of the Communist Party of America: 


“The Communist Party of America will support with all its power every 
movement for the liberation of the oppressed colonial peoples of the United 
States. The Communist Party will fight against the economic and military 
aggression of American capitalists upon the populations of the weaker Ameri- 
can republics. The Communist Party of America will carry on a systematic 
agitation in the American army and navy against every kind of oppression 
of the colonial peoples by American imperialism. * * * The Communist 
Party will systematically agitate against the oppression of the colonial 
peoples by American imperialism, and support every uprising on the part of 
these oppressed peoples.” : 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 2538 


Reverting to the subject of the Communist International, the fol- 


lowing excerpts are taken from the program and constitution of the 
~Communist Party of America: 


The Communist International, brought forth by the proletarian revolution 


in action, is the central organ of the revolutionary proletariat in its struggle 


for the conquest of world power. * * #* 
The Communist International subordinates the so-called national interests 


to the interest of the international proletarian revolution. The Communist 


International merges and centralizes the reciprocal aid of the proletariat of 
all countries. * * * 

* * * Its mission is to organize the working class of the world for the 
overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of Communism. 


- The Communist International is a fighting body and assumes the task of com- 
_bining the revolutionary forces of every country. 


In order to overthrow the international bourgeoisie and to create an Inter- 
national Soviet Republic as a transition stage to the Communist Society, the 
Communist International will use all means at its disposal, including force of 
arms. ; 

* *« * The Communist International represents the single universal Com- 


~munist Party, of which the parties of the various countries are sections. 


Section 1 of Article 2 of the Constitution of the Communist Party 


of America, referring to membership, includes the following: 


Section 1. Every person who accepts the principles and the tactics of the Com- 
munist Party and of the COMMUNIST. INTERNATIONAL, and agrees to sub- 


mit to the Party discipline and engage actively in its work, shall be eligible for 


membership, provided he is not a member or supporter of any other political 
organization. 


On the question of “Illegality,” section 1 of Article 3 of the Con- 
stitution of the Communist. Party of America states as follows: 


Section 1. The Communist Party of America is an underground, illegal 


organization. 


On the subject of “ Party Discipline,” Section 2 of Article 8 of the 
Constitution of the Communist. Party of America is as follows: 


Section 2. The following offenses are breaches of Party discipline: 

1. Violation of the fundamental principles of the program and the Con- 
stitution of the Party. 

2. Refusal to accept and carry out the decisions of the Party. 

3. Wilfully to block and disrupt Party work and the cooperation of the 
various Party units. 

4. Knowingly and unnecessarily to endanger the underground work of the 
Party. 

5. In any way to betray the Party trust. 


Section 12 of the same article is as follows: 


Section 12. Every member of the Communist Party elected or appointed to 
an official position in a labor union or any other organization shall be under 
strict Party control and the immediate instructions of the Party nucleus of 
his labor union or other organization. 


In the issue of the “ Novy Mir,” the official organ of the Russian 
Federation of America, for March, 1921, Volume 2, No. 12, there 
appears a very interesting report of the Third Convention of the 


Communist Party of America. The following excerpts are taken 


from this report: 


We will stop on two points of our program, which have actually caused a 
misunderstanding, but not a dissension. 

The last paragraph of the Chapter on “ Mass Actions” reads in the plan of 
the program: “The Communist Party of America will systematically and 
ceaselessly preach in the midst of the working class the necessity of an armed 


- 
254 RECOGNITION ‘OF RUSSIA 


:: 
uprising, as the only’ means for the destruction of the bourgeois Government ; 
and the establishment of, the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of a 
Soviet Government.” ) ri 

The Communists consider it disgraceful to hide their viewpoint and their 
aims. They declare openly, that their aims can be attained only by the means 
of a forcible overturn of the entire present day social régime. 

After long debate a special committee was elected, which drafted the para- 
graph as follows: | i tein got) 

“The Communist Party of America will systematically and. ceaselessly 
preach in the midst of the working class the principle of the inevitability and 
the necessity of a forcible revolution and will prepare the working. class for 
an armed uprising, as the only means necessary. for the. destruction of the 
bourgeois government ‘and the establishment of. the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat in the form ofa Soviet Government.” ts . 

This wording was unanimously accepted. Hedi 

The above quotation, clearly, indicates the intention of the Com- 
munist Party as then constituted to use foree and violence, and. it 
should be noted that it was this Party which, a few months later, 
in compliance with the edict of the Third International, formed the 
Workers’ Party of America. 


EDICT OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL TO’ FORM THEGAL ‘PARTY ° 


The Third Congress, June-July, 1921; of the Communist; Inter- 
national issued instructions to the Communist Party of America 'to 
form an open political body which could operate legally.’ (Sée’ ex: 
cerpt from Theses on Tactics of Third Congress of the Communist 
International, “ The Communist,” for August, 1921, reading as ‘fol- 
lows :) | | ) PPTUS 


The Communist International draws the attention’ of the Communist Party 
of America (united) to the fact that the illegal organization must not only form 
the ground for the collection and crystallization. of active Communist forees, 
but that it is their,duty to try all ways and means to get out of their illegalized 
condition into the open, among the wide masses, that it is their duty ‘to find 
the means and, form to unite these masses politically through public activity, 
into the struggle against American capitalism. ) : 


In the “ Communist,” official organ of the Communist Party of 
America, for September, 1921, there appeared an article by Roger 
B. Nelson entitled “The Party at the Crossroads,” from which, the 
following is taken: | urhmott 2 


mts 


WHAT HAS BEEN DONE? 


Our Central Executive Committee, conscious of its duties and the pressing 
needs of the Communist International and the Party, has laid the foundation 
for unifying and centralizing the open, legal activities of the Party. It is high 
time that our efforts to win the masses should cease being sporadie sallies. If 
we are to develop a mass Communist Party in the United States, our efforts at 
coming into open, direct contact with the working class in all-its struggles must 
be highly organized and centralized ona national.secale. . This is indispensable — 
to a proletarian revolution in America. In doing this we are simply accepting 
the tactics adopted by the Third Congress of the Comintern. We are only tak- 
ing steps to carry out the especially emphatic instructions of the Third. Con. 
gress to the Communist Party of America. ss ry 

We quote from the Theses on Tactics as submitted to the Third Congress by 
Lenin, Radek, Bukharin, Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev: “In the United 
States of North America, where, on account of historical circumstances, there 
was a lacking a broad revolutionary movement even before the war, the Com- 
munists are still before the first and simplest task of creating a Communist 
nucleus and connecting it with* the working masses. The present economic 
crisis, which has thrown five million people out of work, affords a very fayor- | 
able soil for this kind of work. Conscious of the imminent danger of a radical- 


RECOGNITION: OF RUSSIA 255 


ized) labor movement becoming subject to Communist influence, American 
capital tries to crush and destroy the young Communist movement by means of 
barbarous persecution. The Communist Party was forced into an illegalized 
existence under which it would, according to capitalist expectation, in the 
absence of any contact with the masses, dwindle into a propagandist sect and 
lose its vitality. The Communist International draws the attention of the 
Communist Party of America (unified) to the fact that the illegalized organi-. 
zation must not only serve as the ground for collecting and crystallizing the 
active Communist forces, but that it is the Party’s duty to try all ways and 
means to get out of the illegalized condition into the open, among the wide 
masses. It is the duty of the Party to find the means and forms to unite 
these masses politically, through public activity, into the struggle against 
American capitalism.” 

_ Karl Radek, in his report on the Third Congress, as quoted in 
“ The Communist,’ August, 1921 (page 26), said in part, as follows: 

* * * The Communist parties are the instrument of this leadership. 
In many countries the Communist parties are still in the process of formation. 
There the first task of the Communist International is to urge on these com- 
-munists to increase their efforts tenfold, to draw the masses to themselves and 
“spread Communist influence among them. ' 

This is the position in England and in the United States of America. 

To carry out the mandate of the Communist International to form 
a so-called legal political party in the, United States, the Communist 
Party of America organized what was known as “ The American 
Labor Alliance.” » (See report of Jay Lovestone, Executive Secre- 
tary of the Communist Party of America, made to the Illegal Com- 
munist Party Convention at Bridgman, Michigan, on August. 21, 
19211, page 2::) 

Pursuing this policy the C. E. C. (Central Executive Committee) organized 
the A. L. A. The entire party membership was called upon to organize branches 
of the A. L. A. (American Labor Alliance). 

The organization of the American Labor Alliance, not being the 
type of political organization desired by the Communist Interna- 
tional, the Central Executive Committee, on the return of Marshall 
(Max Bedacht) from the Third Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national, carrying instructions from the Communist International 
to organize a legal political party, at once made plans to change the 
various units of the American Labor Alliance into units of a poli- 
tical party to be known as the Workers’ Party of America. (See 
Jay Lovestone’s report, referred to above :) 

Comrade Marshall returning from the Third Congress, reported to us on 
the instructions’ for the American Party to organize an open legal political 
party. The C, E. C. immediately appointed a sub-committee to work out the 
details of the application of this instruction. Our plan was to change the 
various units of the A. into units of the #2 to be organized., The legal federa- 
tions were to affiliate with the #2. There were to be formed Janguage sections 
of the #2. The party unit in each city was to appoint a corresponding provi- 
sional committee of the #2. Branches of #1 were to form branches of #2 and 
to appoint provisional committees. These branches were to be centralize into 
C. ©. C.’s. Special organizational modificaticus were permitted for such legal 
federations as the Finnish and Hungarian. 

The “ A” was the American Labor Alliance. The “ #2” was 
the Workers’ Party of America. The “ #1” was the Communist 
Party of America. ..The “ C. C..C.’s” were the City Central Com- 
mittees. 

After the organization of the Workers’ Party, also known as the 
legal political, party, a difference of opinion arose among the mem- 
bership of the Communist Party of America, which led to a split 


256 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


in the organization. The dispute was submited to the Executive 
Committee of the Communist International and the Communist 
International reinstructed the Communist Party of America for 
the immediate formation of a legal political party, emphasizing that 
no delay was permissible. (See Jay Lovestone’s report above refer- 
red to, page 5:) 


The C. E. C. was sustained 100% in its plans for the development of legal 
activities by the C. I. This can be seen from the following quotations from 
official communications sent to us through our delegate and the E. C. of the 
©. I. The instructions we received were specifically and emphatically for 
the immediate formation of the LPP. ‘No delay is permissible,’ was the 
instruction of November 14, 1921. The answer of the C. I. to the appeal of the 
“minority” was a unanimous, unreserved endorsement of the policy of the 
Party and a mandatory instruction for all members to comply immediately 
with the decisions of the C. E. C. (See Ex. #5 and Ex. #6 and Ex. #7— 
Instructions of the Comintern entitled-—‘ Concerning the next Tasks of the 
CARD SPY Be 


The activities of the American Labor Alliance in the formation 
of the Workers’ Party of America, including its call for the con- 
vention, are covered in that portton of this memorandum entitled 
“The Formation of the Workers’ Party.” 

The Communist International, in conformity with its instruction 
to the Communist Party of America to organize a legal political 
party, transmitted a program for guidance to the Communist Party, 
entitled “ Concerning the Next Tasks of the C. P. of A. (A Thesis 
by the Executive Committee of Communist International) 1, Main 
Aspects of Strategy,” excerpts from which are as follows: 


I. MAIN ASPECTS OF STRATEGY 


In order to assist the American comrade in working out and formulating 
their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
pr DOSS for their examination, the following main points: * * * 

* * The general elections in which hundreds of thousands of workers 
take part, can not be rejected as being merely a peaceful movement with which 
the Communists will have nothing to do. Further, certain mass organiza- 
tions which not only are not communistic, but are not proletarian in com- 
position, must be utilized by Communist strategy for the benefit of the pro- 
letarian class struggle. As for instance, the existing mass movements of small 
farmers (who are, in a sense, semi-proletarian), and even movements of 
middle-class farmers under some circumstances. Another instance is the 
Negro mass movement for racial betterment, which movement often attempts 
deliberately to avoid proletarian class character but must include great masses 
of toilers. Communist strategy must utilize these movements as auxiliary 
forces, or at least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in the class war. 

4,* * * The fighting proletarian is to be led from one stage to another 
in the revolutionizing process by means of suitable slogans. They must help 
the proletariat to free itself from the illusions and false traditions that limit 
its vision and fetter its activities and to counteract the fossilizing influence 
of the trade-union bureaucracy. One must organize the proletariat for the 
historic training school, in which it will learn to become the conquerer of 
capitalism. 

Only the Communist Party can do this. The organization of the Communist 
Party as leader of the revolutionary movement is, therefore, the fundamental 
task of the Communists. 


Il. MINOR STRUGGLES AND DEMANDS 


# x * % * * * 


The Communist Party must remember that it is not its purpose to reform 
the capitalist state. The purpose of the Communist is, on the contrary, to 
cure the working masses of their reformistic illisions through better experience. 


; . RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 257 
f 


Demands upon the State for immediate concessions to the workers must be 
made, not after the fashion of the Social-Democrat parties which try to make 
those demands within the limits in which the State can grant them while re- 
taining its strength intact. Communist demands for immediate concessions to 
the workers are formulated, not to be ‘‘ reasonable” from the point of view of 
capitalism, but to be reasonable from the point of view of the struggling 
workers, regardless of the State’s power to grant them without weakening 
itself. Thus, for instance, a demand for payment out of the government 
treasury, of full, union-standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is 
highly reasonable from the pont of view of the unemployed workers, but 
damaging from the point of view of the Capitalist State and the capitalist 
wage competition which the State demands. 

We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be made. It 
must be clearly understood that these are merely examples for illustration, 
and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even as advised 
by the Comintern. 


* bs * % * oo oo 


10. Favoring a close alliance between the United Mine Workers of America 
with the Railroad Brotherhoods and all other Unions for common action to raise 
the standard of living of all workers in both industries. 

* a * co * * * 


14. For the unrestricted right of soldiers and sailors to organize in unions. 
Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers or sailors. No pri- 
vate soldier or sailor to be judgea by a court-martial except composed entirely 
of private soldiers or sailors elected for the purpose within the military unit 
concerned. 

 * % * xe % * i 

°0. Condemnation of the Washington conference as a preparation for a new 
world war. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of the Far East and 
other regions for exploitation. ; 

% * % * *% * 

22. For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet Russia. 
For the reestablishment of postal agreement with Russia. 

These and other similar demands must be considered only as starting points 
for broader, sharper, more universal slogans. 

* * * * * * * 


The Communists must participate as revolutionists in all general election 
campaigns, municipal, State and Congressional, as well as Presidential. Not 
in the same manner as the Social-traitors and centrists, not in order to avoid 
violent revolution and substitute parliamentary activity for revolution, but, 
on the other hand, in order to use even the election campaigns to revolutionize 
the workers and lead them forward, to sharpen their class consciousness and 
to bring them together and unite them under Communist leadership. Class 
conscious, courageous, and wise communists, as elected representatives of the 
worker can always find the possibility in the various institutions of the bour- 
geois State, in one way or another, to give effective object lessons to revolu- 
tionize the working class. Besides, the Communist Party can conceal its under- 
ground apparatus and develop it very effectively within the outer framework 
of the legal campaign organization and the election activities. 


Ill. PARTY ORGANIZATION 


In all these minor struggles, as well as in the final revolutionary battle of - 
the proletariat, the party organization must be the leader of the struggling 
workers. 

Its weapons are manifold and vary, according to the situation, from en- 
tirely legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest movements for 
increase of wages, and from peaceful demonstrations to the revolutionary strike 
and to the various forms of armed revolutionary class struggle. 

* * * Jn addition, the Party must publish an illegal official organ. 

All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must be utilized 
by the Party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the illegal activities 
is not a Communist at all, and neither is that type of conspirator who does 
not want to know anything. about legal activities. 


258 - RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist Party in 
the United States to be a legal Party. Of course, the Party can develop open 
labor organizations. It can even build a legal revolutionary workers’ or- 
ganization. It can even also launch legal revolutionary Labor Party. It must 
Jaunch also such a legal Party with the purpose that the Communists can 
openly enter its ranks. * *  * But the underground organization whose 
membership consists entirely of Communists must not be liquidated. On the 
contrary, it must be built ever firmer and stronger. It must guide and con- 
trol the legal revolutionary Party through its members. Every Communist— 
that is, every member of the underground party—must submit to an iron 
discipline and must act in accordance with the directions of the leading organs 
of the underground Party in all legal as well as illegal activities. 

As a matter of course, all real Communists in the United States will sub- 
scribe to this. The executive of the Communist International knows that the 
minority of the Party Executive does not deny the advisability of taking ad- 
vantage of legal opportunities, although this Minority opposes the rapid and 
energetic procedure of the Majority in founding the legal revolutionary Party. 
This distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive Committee of the Comin- 
tern, without good ground. The fact that the Party Executive is proceeding 
rapidly and energetically with the formation of the legal Party organization 
is not a fault. It would have been a fault to wait with the launching of the 
legal Party until the underground organization had developed “ sufficient 
Strength.” The development of the underground organization can best be 
furthered through these very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal 
PATE gh ag 

« * * The Communist Party must takeethe initiative in the formation of 
the new legal Party and must take the control firmly into its own hands. It 
must be careful to assure itself the actual control over all the leading organs 
of the legal Party. For this reason, the legal organization must take the 
permanent form of a Party organization. * * * Furthermore, the develop- 
ment of a solidly organized legal Party, in which members of the Communist 
Party have at least the majority on all important Committees, will make pos- 
sible the control of still other anticapitalistic organizations through this 
legal Party. 

For the foregoing reasons we draw your attention to the following for your 
guidance: 

1. The Communist Party of America is as yet far from having satisfactory 
connections with the masses. The means of contact must be constructed with 
the greatest possible speed. 

2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation. Secret 
operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, can not be satisfactory 
mass operations. The means of public contact with the masses must be 
principally: 

(4) A legal Press, including at least one Daily English legal news- 
DADE force hi wok . 

“(b) Organized groupings of sympathizers within the Trade Unions. 

3. * *  * The Government of the United States will not now, permit a 
* Communist Party” to exist but it is compelled to permit “ parties” to exist 
in an otherwise almost unrestricted variety, for the purpose of its own preserva- 
tion, * *  * The State attempts, wherever it can, to exclude.a truly prole- 
tarian revolutionary Party from this public field. It attempts first, to ex- 
terminate the revolutionary Party, if possible, or second, to terrorize and cor- 
rupt the Revolutionary Party into subservience to capital law which makes 
revolution impossible, or third, at least to confine the revolutionary party’s 
operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached secretly. 

A Communist Party must defeat all these attempts. It must not be ex- 
terminated. It must unequivocably refuse to obey capitalist law, and must urge 
the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal machinery. It 
is equally the duty of a Communist Party to defeat by any means that may 
be necessary, the capitalist government’s attempt to confine the Revolutionary 
Party to the underground channels in which it is even more concealed from the 
masses than it is from the Government. 

The program of the legal Party will have to be somewhat restricted—Sepcial 
measures and slogans which, while not Stating the illegal Communist pur- 


pose, will objectively have the revolutionary effect upon the masses, must be 


adopted. The legal Party must, at all time, go as far toward the Communist 
program as is possible while continuing a legal existence. oa 


tf 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 259 


5. The entire membership of the underground Party, the real Communist 
Party, must join the open Party and become its most. active element., Com- 
munist Party members must, at all times, hold the positions of leadership in 
the legal Party. In addition to the entire Communist Party membership, the 
legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers who accept 
the principle of the class struggle, and the abolition of capitalism through the 
establishment of the Workers’ Power.. Working class organizations that sub-_ 
scribe to these principles can be. admitted to or affiliated with the legal party, 
as a body, within the judgment of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist Party. 

6. The Executive of the Communist International has resolved to support 
the iy an of the inajority of the Central Executive Committee of the Com- 
_munist Party of America in favor of the immediate construction of a legal 
political Party on a national scale, which will act as an instrument of the 
iNegal Communist Party for participation in legal activities, such as electoral 
campaigns, ete. * * * The ruling of the Communist International must 
be accepted as obligating every member of the Communist Party of America, 
minority or majority, to work diligently in the immediate construction of a 
legal political party. As a rule, Party members who fail to participate whole- 
heartedly in the legal work, or who sabotage that work, must leave the Party. 

7. But, in carrying out these instructions, the Party must guard itself against 
the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work—the tendency to become 
legal in fact as well as in outward appearance. *, * * 

8. The underground organization of the Communist Party must not sink 
into disuse but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal machinery 
further and further, in proportion to the growth of the [legal Party. While 
coming out in the open, the Communist Party must not make the mistake of 
being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district Communist 
Party headquarters records of illegal machinery, its underground printing 
arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee. ‘The 
Central Hxecutive Committee headquarters (of the Party proper) must con- 
tinue, to be guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of. redoubling its se- 
curity from discovery should be constantly studied). The underground ma- 
chinery of the Communist Party is not merely for emergencies but for con- 
stant and permanent use. Down to the lowest unit—the group of ten—every 
branch and stem of the Party structure must continue to keep its secret ad- 
dresses and meeting places and to use these in constant underground func- 
tioning. Every member, no matter what his work is in the legal Party, must 
also perform his duties in the underground organization. 

9. The Party underground press must continue... The means of ‘publishing 
unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must be Kept always in 
hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how “liberal” it may be, 
a Communist Party must never relinquish its facilities for underground press 
and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United States, the active 
functioning of the underground press can not be abated. But it would be foolish 
to print any considerable amount of literature underground that could be 
printed legally. The legal political,party will be able to take upon itself the 
printing of a large portion of the literature that is not definitely illegal. 
It may also be made sponsor for a great many legal Communist newspapers. 
Legal newspapers must form a very large part of the work of a mass Party. 
The illegal press must carry the propaganda that the legal press can not 
earry, thus making sure that the full Communist message is made clear at all 
times. A 

10. * * * It must always be remembered that the real Revolutionary 
Party—The American Section of the Third International—is the Communist 
Party of America and that the legal Party is but an instrument which it uses 
to better carry on its work among the masses. Only through membership in 
the American Section—the Communist Party of America—can American work- 
ers become members of the Communist International. 

* * * ‘It is, as a matter, of course, very necessary that you make al) 
preparations in your underground party Convention for the public convention 
at which the legal revolutionary party is to be launched. 

: With Communist Greetings, 
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 
i (Signed) BUKHARIN. 
RADEK. 
KUUSINEN, Secretary. 





260 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


This Thesis consisted of ten typewritten pages, being a copy of 
the minutes of a meeting of the Presidium of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International for November 19, 1921, certi- 
fied as a correct copy by one “ Rankon,” Secretary of the E, (rau, Is 
which certificate was dated Moscow, December 8, 1921. 

Jay Lovestone, Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of 
America, during the month of April, 1928, while testifying for the 
defense in People of the State of Michigan v. Charles E. Ruthen- 
berg, better known as the Berrien County Criminal Syndicalist 
Cases, in the Circuit Court of said County, stated under oath that 
the document to which the certificate was attached and which docu- 
ment bore the signatures of Bukharin, Radek, and Kuusinen, repre- 
senting the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national, was a true and correct copy of what it purported to be, 
that it was received by him, said Jay Lovestone, as Executive Secre- 
tary of the Communist Party of America, and that the signatures 
affixed thereto were bona fide. 

After the foregoing written instructions had been received by 
the Communist Party of America, a faction known as the Minority 
in the Communist Party still refused to submit to the decree of the 
Communist International, which brought forth further instructions 
from the Communist International to the minority faction, with 
the demand that the minority rejoin the Communist Party of Amer- 
ica, led by the so-called majority which had organized the Workers’ 
Party of America in obedience to the instructions received from 
Moscow. (See excerpts from “ Answer of Comintern to Minority’s 
Appeal’”.) 

* * We advise that when you inform the minority membership of this 
decision you also convey to them your desire to reinstate at once with full 
membership rights suspended Comrades willing to conform to the Theses on 
legal activities sent to you by the E. C. of the C. I. and to the decisions of your 
C. E. C. in harmony therewith. 

With Communist Greetings, 

(SEAL OF E. C. oF C. I.) 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
O. W. KUUTSINEN, Sec. 

In consequence, the Communist International rendered another 
decision, under date of March 11, 1922, in which the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International reaffirmed its decision of 
November 21st and January 24th. (See “ Decisions of E. C. of C. 
I.” Special Bulletin on Party Situation, issued by the C. E. C. of 
the Communist Party of America, dated New York, May, 1922, ex- 

cerpts from which read as follows: 


Decision of E. C. of C. I. 


* 1% * % Ed * % 

1. The Executive Committee of the Comintern reaffirms anew its decisions 
of November 21st and January 24th. * * * The E. C. of the C. I. demands 
of the group which split away from the C. P. of A. that it rejoin Peep 
and participate in the work of the legal Party that has been founded. 

* %* * All members that do not comply with these instructions within 
two months from the time that they are sent out by the C. E. C. of the GC. P. 
of A. stand outside of the C. P. of A. and therefore also out of the Comintern. 

5. The E. C. of the C. P. of A. is instructed to reinstate with full member- 
ship rights all members of the split-off fraction that rejoin within the given 
time and,to grant them opportunity to participate in the election of delegates 


a Nia 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 261 


to the C. P. of A. Convention in the spring. Should these decisions of the 
‘Comintern arrive too late in America then the C. E. GC. of the GC. P. of A. is 
‘instructed to postpone the party Convention to such a date that it will be possi- 
ble for the reinstated members and groups of the split-off fraction to participate 
‘within the sections in the choice of electors for picking the Convention dele- 
gates. 

6. Comrade Moore is instructed to return to America immediately and to 
help with Comrade Marshall to carry out these decisions. 

(Signed ) RAKON. 


“Comrade Moore” is the party name of J. Ballam, who was one 
of the delegates sent over to settle this controversy before the Third 
International. 

Further correspondence in this connection was carried on as 
shown by a letter, which appeared in the Special Bulletin referred 
‘to above, dated Moscow, March 30, 1922, excerpts of which are as 
follows: 


LETTER FROM E. C.. OF C.,. I. TO THE MINORITY 


Moscow, March 30, 1922. 
DrAR CoMRADES: * * * The Communist International sends its plenipo- 
tentiary representative to America, whose task will be to help you in overcom- 
ing the still existing difficulties. We already had to contend with even 
greater obstacles than yours in some countries, and have learned to overpower 
them. 
_ We place at your disposal the whole of our revolutionary experience—we 
will together find the way out and pursue it in the future. * * * 
With fraternal greetings, 
(SEAL or H.C. oF C. I.) 
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


_ Reference may also be made to a letter in Bulletin by John Moore, 
entitled ““ An Appeal to My Comrades of the Opposition in the C. P. 
of A.,” excerpts of which are as follows: 


DEAR COMRADES: * * * QOpposition to the Communist International is 
treason to the world proletariat. To fight the Communist International is to 
betray the Russian Revolution and the Soviet Government. To leave the Com- 
munist International means to renounce the Communist movement. 


And further, a letter from the Chairman of the Comintern (Com- 
munist International), signed G. Zinoviev, was received, dated Mos- 
cow, April 3, 1922, reading as follows: 


Dear ComRADE Moore: We are all extremely delighted to learn that after 
all an agreement has been reached. I certify herewith that in this matter 
you have done your best, although you defended the mandate of your faction 
until the very last. 

We are firmly convinced that after your arrival in America you will do 
everything possible in order to carry out immediately the Moscow resolutions 
regarding America. A legal workingmen’s Party in America is absolutely 
necessary and for the present possible. The C. I. supports the young legal 
party with all its power. All American Comrades must now carry out the 
instructions of the Executive immediately and without qualifications. We 
instruct you to do everything possible for the enforcement of this resolution. 
Against eventual opportunism we shall fight together. 

With Communist Greetings, 
(Signed) G. ZINOVIEV. 


The majority members of the Communist Party, through the offi- 
cial organ of that party, The Communist, published many articles 
during the summer of 1921 relating to the formation of the com- 
munist mass party as instructed by Moscow. In the issue of 
the Communist, Volume 1, No. 2, for August, 1921, commenc- 
ing on page 5, appears an article entitled, “The Need for Open 


262 RECOGNITION’ OF RUSSTA 


Work.” The following are quotations from the article referred ti 
which throw an interesting light on the movement preliminary t¢ 
the formation of the Workers’ Party of America: 


THE NEED FOR OPEN WORK 


The position of the Communist International on the question of legal and 
illegal methods is very clear. It urges that both methods must be part oj 
the tactics of the Communist Party. Where bourgeois democracy still per- 
mits the party to exist openly, it must develop an underground organization 
in preparation for the time when it will have to meet the attack of the cap- 
italists state and to do that work which can not be done openly; and where 
capialist terrorism has forced the party underground, it must take advantage 
of every means to conduct open work. The Communists of the United States 
have been criticized by the Communist International because of their failure 
to take care of all the available means for carrying on open work. 

The underground organization has its tasks, tasks which are of. first im- 
portance, which can not be carried on openly. It must keep before the workers 
the goal of overthrowing and destroying the capitalist state; it must develop a 
membership which understands the full implications of its program, and 
educate this membership to assume the leadership of the masses; it must 
have its tentacles reaching out into every form of workers’ organizations, 
striving to sway, to control, to develop revolutionary purpose; it must main- 
tain its illegal press and distribute its illegal literature in which its whole 
program is fearlessly presented; it must prepare the organization and méans 
of using armed force in anticipation of the revolutionary crisis. These tasks 
can not be accomplished by an open organization. 

What is urged here is that to conduct its work most effectively the Com- 
munist Party must have two arms, one out in the open, functioning publicly, 
the other unseen, secret, underground. 

* *  * In order to fulfill the requirements’ set forth above, the open or- 
ganization, must be known to the masses as; the legal expression of the Com- 
munist Party. There is no valid reason why. this should not. be so. The 
United Communist Party during the period of its existence created an open 
organization which was known as an auxiliary of the party. In some cities 
the authorities and the White Guard organizations of the capitalist class 
charged that this organization was but the camouflaged U. C. P., but no 
attack was made upon it and its work was not interfered with. The fact that 
such connection is established by general repute can not serve as the basis 
for the prosecution so long as no provable connection can be established be- 
tween the open organization and the Communist Party, and its activities are 
not of an illegal nature and in the open organization becoming known as the 
open expression of the Communist Party, the party purpose is served in that 
the prestige of the activities of the open arm redounds to the credit of the 
Communist Party. 


The Communist, Volume 1, No. 3, for September, 1921, con- 
tained an article, commencing on page 3, entitled “The Party at 
the Cross Roads,” from which the following excerpts are taken as 
indicative of the connection existing between the formation of a 
legal party by the then illegal party, the Communist Party .of 
America : 

THE PARTY AT, THE CROSS ,ROADS 


It is high time that we act. The Party must develop such a machinery 
as will enable the entire membership to actively participate in all the struggles 
of the working masses. We must further give these struggles a political 
character and direct them into revolutionary channels. We must give them 
a deep Communist hue. i , 

Our Central Executive Committee, conscious of. its duties and the pressing 
needs of the Communist International and the Party, has laid the foundation 
for unifying and centralizing the open, legal activities of the Party. be 

Comrades, conditions known to all of us and at present beyond control 
make it impossible for us to go into an elaboration of the. details involved in 
our plans. For this end, the Central Executive Committee is devising, other 


2 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 263 


means. Suffice it to say that our Central Executive Committee. is. not 
pledged to any iron-clad formula as to our machinery for country-wide work. 
We frankly recognize that the form is a matter mainly dependent. upon, the 
Prevailing Party and outside. conditions. But taking all circumstances into 
consideration, the Central Executive Committee’s plan is best suited for. the 
present. It is therefore the, inviolable duty of every member of the party 
to give the Central Executive Committee, undivided support in its efforts. to 
build a Party of Life, of action, of revolutionary power. 

We have taken all steps possible to insure complete and unquestionable con- 
trol of the entire open work of the Party. Our open work is completely under 
the control of the party. Only the most reliable comrades subject to strict 
Party discipline are entrusted. with such work. 

We must, therefore, develop an auxiliary organization that will be so or- 
ganically constructed as to secure for: the Communist Party a controlling 
influence on the working masses. 

Let us consider these problems. First, anent the fears of losing. control, 
Well, the problem of control is one which we will always face. The Central 
Executive Committee has taken away every step possible to effect 100 per 
cent control of the legal work. As ‘time! goes on, still better methods of control 
may be devised. Then again, our entire membership must swing into the open 
work so as to perpetuate our control. ) 

The Third Congress of the Communist International’ emphasized most 
strongly the urgent necessity of our- finding ways and means to so function. 

The existence of a strong, open, fighting auxiliary organization of the 
Communist Party will not undermine or,do away with the underground Party. 
Such a subsidiary, organization will positively add strength and life to our 
Party. 
~ At present we can openly apply and work out all of our principles except 
that of armed insurrection and, the seizure of power. The Party must. lose 
no opportunity for winning over the masses to our position on, this, problem. 
Por this task, the underground organization is especially fitted. In other 
work the Communist Party should fully and most openly utilize all legal 
opportunities, The underground Party should limit itself to that work whieh 
can and must be done underground only.. This should be the guiding policy 
for our press, education, defense, agitation, and labor union work. Such a 
policy is not one of Compromise. It is the policy urged and demanded bythe 
Phird International. 

The class struggle and the very life of the Communist. Party demand a 
Unification and centralization of all our open work on a national scale...,.The 
Communist International is most insistent on our accepting such a policy. 


In the same issue of “ The Communist,” Volume 1, No. 3, for Sep- 
tember, 1921, commencing on page 16, appeared an article entitled 
* The Necessity, for Legal Work,” from which the following extracts 
are taken: 

; THE NECESSITY FOR LEGAL, WORK 


The C. P. A. has now reached.a point where a change of tactics is an abso- 

lute necessity. This change is vital not only to the party but to the progress 
xf the entire American labor movement. 
~The mountain did not go to Mohammet so Mohammet must go to the moun- 
tain. The masses do not and will not come to our underground organization, 
so we must organize above and carry our agitation on a legal basis. 
‘The question of legal work was raised at the unity convention, but on account 
of lack of time nothing definite was decided, and it was given to the C. BE. GC. 
The C. E. C., realizing the importance and conscious of the necessity for com- 
dining legal work with the illegal, decided to conduct legal work on a large 
scale. For this reason they have established a special department for the 
jurpose of pushing this work by all possible means. The decision of the CG. 
HE. C., as is usual with any new departure, was met with some skepticism. 
But this step was necessary, as our party was becoming more and more sec- 
‘arian. Our isolation was affecting the entire party. In order to rid itself 
of this harmful influence, to establish real contact with the toiling masses, 
the ©. E. ©. decided to conduct work not only within labor unions but also 
through all other workers’ organizations upon a unified and systematic plan. 
im 


74 


264 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Another argument put forward against legal Communist propaganda is that 
at the present time we will be compelled to refrain from propagating openly 
some of our principles, such as the necessity of armed insurrection. This 
policy it is claimed may lead to centrism. This argument would hold true 
if our work were limited to legal propaganda only. But whatever can not be 
circulated through legal means can be and must be given publicity through 
our underground political party. The illegal party remains the controlled 
factor. It directs all the agitation and propaganda of the illegal as well as 
the legal organization. 

Under the direction of the illegal party there will be conducted Communist 
propaganda as far as the existing conditions permit. The legal organizations 
will also serve as a recruiting ground for the Party. 


Confirmatory of the preceding enunciations of the Communist 
Party of America, and clearly establishing the fact that the Work- 
er’s Party of America was formed by the Communist Party of Amer- 
ica and for purposes similar to those of the Communist Party of 
America, is the issue of “ The Communist ” for October, 1921, Vol- 
ume 1, No. 4, in which, on page 3, appears an article entitled, ‘ The 
Task of the Hour,” from which the following excerpts are taken: 


THE TASK OF THE HOUR 


What we want is action. In order to get that those workers that respond 
sympathetically to our calls and slogans must be organized. Should we, for 
example, succeed in making a worker feel that Soviet Russia ought to be 
recognized, it is our task to have him do something in favor of such a policy. 

What should such a worker do to make his sympathies count? Join the 
underground Communist Party? This only convinced Communists will do. 

The group of workers we are particularly interested in is the one that in 
its daily struggles reacts favorably toward our immediate slogans and tactics. 
We must organize this group if our party is to break the isolation, in which 
it finds itself and become a factor in the class struggle. The problem as it 
presents itself to us at this moment is how can the Communist Party, an out- 
lawed underground organization, get in touch with the sympathetic and benevo- 
lent neutral elements of the working class? How can the Communist Party 
of America make them function in an organized manner under its control and 
leadership? 

After nearly two years of existence our party numbers only ten thousand. 
It is obvious there is something wrong with the party. The trouble is that 
we were too much underground spiritually as well as organizationally. It is 
true we could not avoid our Party’s going underground. We were driven to 
it in self-protection against the brutal onslaught of the capitalist government. 
We said, “ Hither we remain legal and betray Communism, or save our Com- 
munist souls and go underground.” We did not see then that we could be above 
ground and underground at the same time. 


“The Communist,” Volume 1, No. 4, page 1: 


After all our blunders and failures and with the helpful guidanee of the 
Communist International, we are beginning to see the light. In order to end 
the unbearable isolation of our Party and bring it into direct touch with the 
masses, we must create a legal organization actively participating in every 
phase of the class struggle * * * on the industrial field; on a platform 
that will meet the requirements of the law, as actually enforced by the ruling 
class. We must have an organization coexisting with the Communist Party 
and led by it. 

The whole truth does not mean telling the workers at every turn of the 
game that the seizure of power will have to be accomplished by force of arms. 
The injection of the idea of the armed force, whether as a means of defense 
or offense, at the wrong psychological moment, can only harm the revolutionary 
movement. There are stages in the class struggle that do not call for the in- 
troduction of the idea of armed force. Telling the workers the whole truth 
about a given situation does not mean giving the workers the full Communist 
program. 

If our tactics should prove correct, our slogans appealing, and our propa- 
ganda effective, the legal organization will become a power. ‘This does not 
imply the liquidation of the underground organization. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 265 


Our underground organization, as an organization, will remain intact. But 
its functions will undergo a change. It will no longer publish all its litera- 
ture underground. It will no longer distribute this literature through the 
outlawed organization. All these will be done by the legal organization. 
~The Communist Party, as such, will address the working class of America only 
when the legal organization will not be able to do so. The underground or- 
ganization will remain without change, except that instead of functioning in 
a vacuum, as it does now, the Communist Party of America will be working 
on a living, fighting, mass organization in every unit of which there will be 
a communist nucleus working under the centralized control of the regular 
Party organization. There is, then, no danger that the Communist Party of 
America will be liquidated. iy 

The question of leadership and control is also a question of organization. 
Considering the matter from this angle, we must remember that the legal 
organization is to be created by the Party. This is a sufficient insurance 
against the danger of losing control at the outset. Furthermore, as many of 
our members as possible should actively participate in the life of the legal 
organization. This will insure party control for a very long time to come. 

The building of an open political organization is the task of the hour. This 
will end our isolation and political sterility. It will make us a Party of 
action, a real revolutionary Party. 


In order that there may be a very full understanding as to the 
administrative organization of the Communist Party of America 
and the duties of the District Organizers which are frequently re- 
ferred to in the various instructions prepared by the Communist 
Party of America after the formation of the Workers’ Party of 
America in December, 1921, the following extracts are taken from 
the Constitution of the Communist Party: 


EXTRACTS FROM CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 


Article I. Name, purpose, and emblem: 

Section 1. The name of this organization shall be the Communist Party of 
America, Section of the Communist International. 1 

Section 2. The Communist Party: of America is the vanguard of the working 
class; namely, its most advanced class conscious and therefore its most revo- 
lutionary part. Its purpose is to educate, direct, and lead the working class 
of America for the conquest of political power; to destroy the bourgeois state. 
machinery; to establish the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the form ot 
Soviet power; to abolish the capitalist system and to introduce the Communist 
Society. 

Section 3. The emblem of the Party shall be the crossed hammer and sickle 
between sheaves of wheat and within a double circle. Below the hammer and 
sickle the words ‘‘ All power to the workers.” In the circular margin the 
words “Communist Party of America—Section of the Communist Inter- 
national.” 

Article III. Form and Units of Organization: 

Section 1. The Communist Party of America is an underground illegal or-. 
ganization. It is highly centralized with the Convention as its supreme body. 
and the Central Executive Committee acting as such between Conventions. 

Section 2. The basic unit of the Party shall be a group of approximately 
ten numbers, and wherever possible not less than five. 

Section 3. Groups of the same language within a city or locality shall form 
a Branch. Branches shall consist of not more than ten groups each. 

Section 4. Branches within a locality shall form a Section. Sections shall 
consist as nearly as possible of ten branches, and shall be formed wherever 
there are two or more branches within a locality. 

Section 5. Subdistricts shall consist of not more than ten Sections and of 
isolated Branches within a territory prescribed by the District Executive 
Committee. 

Article V. Central Executive Committee: 

Section 1. Between conventions the Central Executive Commitee shall be the 
supreme body of the Party and shall direct all the Party’s activities. 

Section 2. The Central Executive Committee shall consist of ten members 

elected by the Convention. The Convention shall also elect six alternates. 


2°66 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


When the list: of alternates shall have been exhausted the Central Executive 
Committee shall have the right of cooperation. 

Section 3. All Central Executive Committee members shall devote pli their 
time to the work of the Party and shall live in the city in which the National 
Headquarters are located or in adjacent cities. 

Section 4. Candidates for the Central Executive Commiittee must hase been 
members of a Party affiliated with the Communist International at least. 
eighteen months. fy 

Article VI. Districts and Subordinate Units: 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committeasshall appoint District Organizers 
for each District. : 19 

Section 2. Every district organizer shall make complete reports: to ‘the Dis- 
trict Executive Committee as to the general Party work in his District... He 
shall submit and carry out the instructions and decisions of the Central Execu-: 
tive Committee. He shall make remittances, financial statements, and reports 
to: the Central Hxecutive Committee at least once a week. He shall submit 
financial statements to the membership in his District at least once a month. 

Section 3. District Convention shall be held at least every six months. Hvery 
Section shall send delegates to the District Convention in preportion to the 
membership. The District Convention shall eleet five members to the District 
Executive Committee. These five members, together with the District organizer 
and the subdistrict Organizers, shall constitute the District Executive Com- 
mittee. The District Executive Committee shall supervise the activities of the 
District Organizer and shall regularly submit the minutes of its meeting to the 
Central Executive Committee. 

Section 4. District Organizers. shall appoint subdistrict organizers subject to 
the approval of the Gentr al Executive Committee. 

Section 6. The Subdistrict Organizer shall call meetings of the subdistrict 
Executive Committee at least every two weeks. He shall make a ‘complete re- 
port to the subdistrict Executive Committee and transmit and carry out the de- 
cisions and the instructions of the Central Executive Committee, the District 
Organizer, and the District Executive Committee. 

Section 7. The subdistrict Executive Committee shall consist of the sub- 
district organizer, the Section Organizers, and: the Organizers of the isolated 
Branches having direct. connection with the Subdistrict. 

Section 8. The Section Executive Committee shall consist of Branch. Or- 
ganizers and shall elect Section Organizers. 

Section 9. Branch Organizers shall be elected by the group captains... They 
shall work under the direction of, the Section Organizers and shall meet. at 
least once a week. 

Section 11. District Organizers, Subdistrict Organizers, Section and Branch 
Organizers. shall have been members of the Party not less than one year. 
Group captain, six months. 

Article VII. Language Federations: 

Section 1. Language’ groups, shall consist of members rabbi the: same! 
janguage.. Language groups in the same locality shall be formed into Language 
Branches; all Branches of the same language shall be united into Language 
Federations, provided they have at least 250 members. 

Section 2. All language groups and branches shall, be integral parts: of the 
Party structure in their localities and shall perform and earry out all Party . 
functions and obligations. 

Section 3. (a) Shortly after Party Conventions Nationaal Language Confer- 
ences shall be held. The expenses of these conferences shall be paid out of 
the regular Party treasury. 

(0) These National Conferences, shall formulate plans for education and 
propaganda in. their respective languages, both legal and illegal, and shall 
elect National Language Bureaus. consisting of not less than five and not more 
than seven members each, subject to the approval of the Central Executive 
Committee. All actions of these conferences shall be in strict conformity with 
the decisions of the Party Convention and the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 4. National Language Bureaus shall elect editors for their legal and 
illegal publications and shall supervise all legal and illegal activities of their 
respective federations, Subject to the approval of the Central Executive Com 
mittee. 

Section 5. The minutes of the National Language Bureaus shall is regularly 
submitted to the Central Executive Committee, and all their actions shall be — 
subject to the direction, control, and approval of the Gentral Exeeutive Com- 
mittee. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 267 


_ Section 6. (a) For illegal work the National Language Bureaus shall con- 
nect with their respective Branches through their Language Channels) or, if 
necessary, through regular Party channels of communication. 

(b) They shall have the right to appoint Organizers, including District and 
subdistrict Language Organizers, subject to approval of the Central Pxecutive 
Committee. 

_ (€), All Language Organizers shall work under the supervision of the Party 
District Organizers in the various districts. 
| Article VIII. Discipline: 

Section 1. All members and Party units shall maintain and enforce strict 
Party discipline. All decisions of the governing bodies of the Party shall be 
binding upon the membership and subordinary units. 

Article X. Party Press: . 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committee shall publish the official under- 
ground organ of the Party. which shall be issued at least once a month. 

Section 2. The Central Executive Committee shall issue a biweekly Party 
bulletin, which shall be distributed to the membership free of charge. 

Section 3. Literature issued by the Party shall be under the supervision of 
the editorial committee and under the control of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee. 

Section 4. No subdivision of the Party may publish papers or books without 
the permission of the Central Executive Committee. Over their own signature, 
Sections may issue leaflets dealing with matters in their locality, subjeet to 
the approval of the Central Executive Committee or such District Committee 
as may be so empowered by the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 5. All legal and illegal Party Press and publishing machinery, in- 
cluding Federation press and establishments, shall be unconditionally and 
fully subject to the Party through its Central Executive Committee or such 
other Party units as may be expressly authorized by the Central Executive 
Committee, 

* 


FORMATION OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF AMERICA 


The following is the convention call to organize the Workers’ Part y 
of America sent. out from the Headquarters of the American Labor 
Alliance, New York, N. Y., in December, 1921: 

) y ) y 


(“‘ The Toiler,” Volume 4, No. 199, page 6, December 3, 1921] 
A CALL TO ACTION 


Convention Call to Organize the Workers’ Party of America. 

A fierce class war is raging throughout the world. All capitalist governments 
ire openly fighting the battles of the exploiters: 

‘The struggle of the workers, even for the most elementary needs, is to-day 

net with merciless suppression, and develops into a fight for political power. 
- Inspired by the proletarian revolution in Russia, and impelled by the cowardly 
ind traitorous conduct of their leaders, the workers of the world have organized 
he Communist International as an answer to the unholy alliance of their capi- 
alist oppressors. Despite the bitter opposition of the capitalists and their labor 
ieutenants, the Communist International is growing rapidly. It has become a 
vorld power. 

The American capitalists are using the present economic crisis to increase their 
ower of exploitation and oppression. The whole working class is being crushed 
inder the iron heel of a brutal capitalist dictatorship. 

At this critical moment we must have an organization that will not only 
‘aliantly defend the workers, but will also wage an aggressive struggle for the 
\bolition of capitalism. Only a revolutionary workers’ political party can fulfill 
his task. 

Such a party will and must grow out of all political groups which stand on 
he platform of the militant class struggle. It is not necessary to create this de- 
ire for unity. It is already a living reality, grown out of the very struggle 
if the masses during the years since the ending of the World War and the in- 
ugurating of Soviet Rule in Russia. 


82325—24—-prt 2 8 





268 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
| 

With a full realization of these facts, the undersigned join in issuing thi 
call for the organization of the Workers’ Party of America, pledged to th: 
tollowing principles: ? : 

1. The workers’ republic: To lead the working masses in the struggle fo 
the abolition of capitalism, through the establishment of a government b: 
the working class and for the working class—a Workers’ Republic in America 

2. Political action: To participate in all political activities, including elec 
toral campaigns, in order to utilize them for the purpose of carrying our mes 
sages to the masses. The elected representatives of the Workers’ Party wil 
unmask the fraudulent capitalist democracy and help mobilize the worker: 
for the final struggle against their common enemy. ; 

3. The labor unions: To develop the labor organizations into organs of mili 
tant struggle against capitalism, expose the reactionary labor bureaucrats, anc 
educate the workers to militant unionism. 

4. A fighting party: It shall be a party of militant, class-conscious. workers 
bound by discipline and organized on the basis of democratic centralization 
with full power in the hands of the Central Executive of the party shall als 
coordinate and direct the work of the party members in trade unions. 

0. Party press: The party’s press shall be owned by the party and all it: 
activities shall be under control of the Central Executive Committee. 

All working-class bodies that accept the above program are invited to joir 
in the first national convention of the Workers’ Party, to be held in New 
York City, December 23-26, 1921. 

Working men and women! Help build the political party that will leac 
the oppressed masses to achieve their own complete emancipation! Let u: 
raise the banner of the militant workers of the world with the immorta 
rallying cry of, “Workers of the world unite! You have nothing to los: 
but your chains! You have a world to gain!” 

(Signed) 

American Labor Alliance, Affiliated Organizations, Finnish Socialis: 
Federation, Hungarian Workers’ Federation, Italian Workers 
Federation, Jewish Workers’ Federation, The Workers’ Counci 
of the U. S. A., The Jewish Socialist Federation, Workers’ Edu 

cational Assn. (Arbeiter Bildungs Verein). 5 


The Workers’ Party of America held its first convention in Nev 
York City, commencing on December 23, 1921. It was announcec 
that the party would centralize and direct the struggle of the labor. 
ing masses against the powerful centralized opposition of thei 
exploiters. Its ostensible purpose was to be the consolidating of 
existing labor organizations, to develop them into organizations o/ 
militant struggle against capitalism and penetrate the labor unions 
with truly revolutionary elements, to participate actively in the 
election campaigns for the sole purpose of unmasking the so-callec 
fraudulent capitalist democracy, with the ultimate aim of forcing 
the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of a workers 
republic. (See the Program of the Workers’ Party of America, 
tie and circulated by the Workers’ Party, 201 W. 13th Street. 
NY | dpi: 

The delegates consisted of 94 delegates representing the Ameri- 
can Labor Alliance and 12 delegates representing the Workers’ 
Council. 

The following are excerpts from the Program adopted at the 
first convention of the Workers’ Party of America, New York City. 
December 23, 1921: (This program was somewhat mild in form, and 
has been superseded by the program adopted at the second éon- 
vention of the Workers’ Party, which is covered in a subsequent part 
of this memorandum, and references to it are made here in order 


RECOGNITION OF! RUSSIA 269 


again to draw attention to the réle of the Communist International 
in the direction of the organization and the activities of the Party) : 


_ Disillusioned by the cowardly and traitorous conduct of their, own leaders 
‘and inspired by the proletarian revolution in. Russia, the workers: of) the 
world have organized the Communist International. Despite the bitter oppo- 
sition of the Capitalists and their labor lieutenants, the Communist Interna- 
tional is growing rapidly. It: has become a world power, the citadel and hope 
of the workers of every country: 


% % % vk ok % % 


OUR LABOR MOVEMENT 
a % * oR * * me 


8. To lead in the fight for the immediate needs of the workers, broaden 
and deepen their demands, and develop out of their every-day struggle a force 
for the abolition of capitalism, 


_ 4. To work for the establishment of a Workers’ Republic. 


CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGN OF 1922 
ok * vk * * 7 * * 


The resumption of trade relations with Russia, and the recognition of 
the Soviet Republic, 


THE RACE PROBLEM 


The Negro workers in America are exploited and oppressed more ruthlessly 
than any other group. The history of the Southern Negro is the history of a 
brutal terror—of persecution, rape, and murder. The formal abolition of 
slavery made it possible for the northern capitalists to penetrate the South 
and to bring cheap Negro labor north. This was, however, detrimental to the 
interests of southern capitalists, and they have sought by every means to 
maintain the enslavement of the Negro. It is in order to subjugate him and 
break his spirit, that secret murder societies such as the Ku-Klux Klan have 
been established. 

Because of the anti-Negro policies of organized labor the Negro has despaired 
of aid from this source, and has either been driven into the camp of labor’s 
enemies, or been compelled to develop purely racial organizations which seek 
purely racial aims. The Workers’ Party will support the Negroes in their 
struggle for liberation, and will help them in their fight for economic, political, 
and social equality. It will point out to them that the interests of the Negro 
gorkes are spy with ssiieige of the white. * * * 


* * * * 


LABOR UNION PROGRAM 
* % % * oo * 7% 


Facing this crisis, the Workers’ Party of America rejoices to be able to point 
out that, for the first time in our labor history an adequate and comprehensive 
program has been laid out for the militant workers in the labor unions. The 
First World Congress of Red Labor Unions, held in Moscow in July, 1921, 
brought together the wisdom and experience of the revolutionary labor move- 
ment of the whole world. Out of this congress came a clear and definite pro- 
gram, which if applied with intelligence and energy by the militant workers 
will lead the American labor union movement out of the present disruption 
and place it on the high road to social and economic power—the road to the 
Workers’ Republic. 

The Workers’ Party, therefore, calls upon the class-conscious workers of 
America to rally to the banner of the Red International of Labor Unions. 
[t calls upon them to consider carefully the resolutions and decisions of 
the First Congress of the Red International and to put its policies into effect : 
(1) by joining the labor union of their trade or calling; (2) by organizing: a 
Minority group with all other class-conscious workers in such unions or join- 
ing such militant bodies of this nature as already exist; (3) by using the 
energies of these class-conscious groups to place militant, aggressive programs 
into effect in their unions and depose the conservative or reactionary Officials 
that stand in the way or oppose. 

* % * * * % * 


270 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


RESOLUTION, OF LABOR, UNION ACTIVITY 


® * # # % Pa # 
The Red International of Labor Unions composed, as it is of the most’ trusted 
and experienced representatives of the revolutionary unions in ‘all countries, is 
an instrunient:for bringing. to the unions of each country the tactical wisdom 
and scientific knowledge of revolution gained) in the experience of all. The 
Workers’ Party will urge the revolutionary unions existing in the United 
States to follow the policies outlined by the Red Labor Union International. 


Even though the Workers’ Party of America has a separate and 
distinct. constitution and program, it is impossible to base a review 
of the purposes and activities of that organization solely upon an 
examination of its organic law. In examining the activities of the 
Workers’ Party of America it is essential always to keep in mind the 
purposes for which that party was formed by the Communist Party 
of America and the instructions to the Communist Party of America 
in formulating the plans, program, and constitution of the Workers’ 
Party of America. 

Shortly after the convention of the Workers’ Party of America 
the Communist Party on January 12; 1922, sent secret instructions 
which were binding on all their members, directing them as to the 
part they were to play in the Workers’ Party so as to insure absolute 
control. These instructions establish the fact that the Workers’ 
Party is controlled by the Communist, International through its 
American section, the Communist Party of America. 


INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED JANUARY 12, 1922, “TO ALL MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNIST 
PARTY OF AMERICA’’; ** THESE INSTRUCTIONS ARE BINDING ON ALL MEMBERS ” 


[Excerpt of report of Executive Secretary Lewis on adjustment of No. 1 and No. 2 
passed at the conference No, 2 delegates to the convention of W. P.] 


The complete and satisfactory adjustment on #1 and #2 is the next problem 
that the Party must solve. 

We have had no experience in the form of organizing which we are \at the 
present time building up to the present. We have been functioning as a Party 
under conditions of suppression. The form of organization was adapted to 
this condition and though the machinery was cumbersome, there was no particu- 
lar problem of organization. To-day, in constructing the #2, we are con- 
fronted with the problem of adjusting the #1 to the #2 in such a manner as 
not to hamper the growth of the new organization and at the same time not to 
allow the #1 to fall into disuse. 

The need. for an open organization does not have to be emphasized. It is by 
this time definitely established that without such an organization we can not 
hope to draw the broad masses to us. On the other hand, the need for main- 
taining a virile #1 machinery to assure the uninterrupted activity of the 
Party as well as to insure, the necessary illegal work, should require nw 
argument—certainly not for Communists who are acquainted with the condi- 
tions under which they work, and with the general policy of the Thesis of the 
International. The Thesis declares: “The Party must perfect its preliminary 
revolutionary work on the basis of preparedness, for it is frequently next tv 
impossible to foresee the changeable ways of stormy and calm periods; and even 
in cases where it might be possible, this foresight can not in many cases be 
made use of for reorganization, because the change frequently comes quite sud- 
denly.” La ttn | 

Granting these two. conditions, the problem consists of adjusting. one to the 
other... This problem will, be definitely solved at the next Party Convention, 
which will take place within a few months. Actual experience will tell us 
what rearrangements, if any, are necessary. The membership must_ give 
their earnest consideration to this problem and solve it in a realistic fashion 
on the basis of the needs. of the Party. tail ; 


ea! 


cf 


or 


:- RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 271 


For the present we may be guided by the following rules: 
1. General policy : 
We, the C. P. of A. Section of the C. I. are to have undisputed control of 


the open organization. It is our legal expression. It must be, however, not a 
“mechanical control. Such would only be harmful to the organization. It 


must control through numbers, through better organization, through activity, 
through fusion with the open organization. This control must not be used for 
particular sect interest, but for the development of a mass organization. 

There must be no talking of liquidation. Instead we must strengthen our 
machinery #1 and recruit every active member into its ranks, making him 
(her) part of the, Amer. section of C. I. and so making easier and with little 
conflict the control of the open organization. If as Communists we can not 


win over the most active members of #2 then we are not worthy of the yame. 


We must act as a UNIT within the open organization. This must not be the 


“machine rule. The control must be more real than apparent. The actual 


carrying out of this instruction must be left to the intelligence of the member- 
ship. No minute laws can be laid down. 

2. District Committees: 

District Committee of. #1 will function as Dis. Com. of #2 except where it 
is advisable or necessary to have other. 

Where D. 8. C. of #1 and #2 are the same, there are no difficulties. Where 
D. BE. C. of #2 consists of a majority of all of D. BE. C. #1 and additional 
members not members of D. E. C. #1, the other members of #1 should be 
present at D. BH. C. #1 meeting and upon all matter of #2 they shall have voice 
and vote. These joint meetings amount to a caucus within #2. 

#1 D. E. C. shall not discontinue their own meetings. They shall be ‘held 


regularly. The other numbers of #1 members of #2 D. EB. C. but not of 
dD. BE. C. #1, may be invited to such meetings as fraternal members with 


voice but no vote, having the same status and educational and industrial 
organizers were on the D. E. C. #1 previously. (7?) 

_ Where the D. E. C. #2 consists of D. E. C. #1 members and in addition 
members of #2 who are members of #1, the D. E. C. shall act as caucus in 
their D. E. C. #2 meetings. 

This general rule shall hold also for subordinate units. 

Where the Dos of #1 and #2 are the same, Do #1 shall make arrange- 
ments. to take care of the #1. Special attention must be given to the matter 
of files, records, literature, and connections so as not to expose the connections 
between the #1 and #2.in writing. Connections of #1 must be made doubly 
secure now. Copies of them shall be deposited with the comrades. One with 
the assistant to the Do and the other with one of the most trustworthy 
members of the D. BE. C. #1. 

Where because of inability of the DO #1 to serve as DO #2 or whether be- 
cause of personal reasons or because other groups in the Party must be given 
representation, the DO of #1 shall continue to serve in his present capacity. 

Where DOs of other groups come into office the D. BE. C. #1 must cooperate 


‘with him and must direct his activities so that he carries out the policies and 


principles of the Comintern and does not limit the District activities to Par- 
fiamentary campaigns. 
Dues: 

The dues in the #1 shall be reduced to 25¢, taking effect Jan. 1. 

Press: 

The press of the #2 shall devote itself to the following tasks: 
1. To continue the fight against Leftism with the object of winning over, the 
Leftists to our policies. 
» 2. To discuss matters and documents, which for obvious reasons can not be 
printed in the press of #2. 

3. To clarify issues.. ‘The problem of legal and illegal work; the nature of the 
state, the role of the forces in the proletarian revolution and similar problems. 

4. To discuss the problems of the Party in all its phases. The members are 
requested to. make contributions, and especially for, the next few issues which 


will be concerned with problems that are to, come before the Party Convention. 


_, Meetings: 

, The meetings of the. #1,and,#2 shall be held in, accordance with previous 
instructions—alternately each week. However, if further adjustment) shall be 
necessary, such; adjustment shall be guided. by) the, following: #1; shall: be 
regular and shall, be held prior to #2... These meetings may be long, or, short, 
according to necessity, but the DO’s are instructed not to permit meetings to be 
discontinued. 


272 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Conclusion : | 

The C. E. C. expects the membership to use its intelligence: and adjustments 
may be necessary, and we shall make. them. 

This proper form for the building up of a mass movement vider eommunist 
influence is in general outline now established. 

We are trying to build: up a Communist mass movement ‘in this country, 
whether we shall achieve this end depends entirely upon earnestness and dis- 
cipline of the membership. Discipline is the cornerstone upon which we will 
achieve our aim. Anyone who attempts to break down the discipline will de- 
moralize our organization and has no place in our ranks, 

G. Lewis, Hxec. Sec. 


Nore.—The #1 referred to in these instructions is the Communist Party of 
America; the #2 is. the Workers’ Party of America;..the C. P. of A. is the 
Communist Party of America; the C. I. is the Communist International; the 
Dis. Com. is the District Committee : the D. E. C. is the District Executive 
Committee; the D. O. is the District Organizer. 


The following is quoted from an official bulletin of the Communist 
Party of America received March 9, 1922: 


No. 2 must be firmly controlled and directed by No. 1. All members of No. 1 
- Iuust join No. 2.. No. 1 must be strengthened by all possible means.’ Every 
member of No. 1 must submit to an iron discipline in both Nos; 1 and 2. 
All connections of No. 1 must be kept safe. All’ addresses of connections in 
No. 1 must be kept in code, and all:incriminating material is to be kept abso- 
lutely safe, if possible, outside of the place where you live. All records of No. 1 
must be held safely and the identity of the No. 2 members of No. 1 working 
in offices or upon committees or in units of 2, as: well as the relation to No. 1, 
must not be exposed. We must endeavor to have a majority of our: members on 
all important committees, and all our members are to fill all the offices of No. 2. 
in our activities of No. 1 we must assimilate all its members, get them close 
to us, teach them our. understanding, their further development, and; when 
ripe, propose them for No. 1 in the regular manner. Use nothing but” real 
names in No. 2. Get accustomed to speak in terms that will not in*’any way 
‘reveal connections with No. 1.. Remember that your units of No: 2 are to 
function at all times as iron-bound caucuses, where all ier ani are made 
kefore they are carried into action in No. 2. 


Official bulletin, issued. by C. P. of A., entitled “Legal, nS 
Activities,” received on April 9, 1922, reads in part as follows: 


The legal political organ is to be the means enabling the Communist ‘Party 
to function in the open contact with the masses, 


There 1s also an official mimeographed sheet entitled “A Report 0 on 
the Third Congress,” reading in part: 


The distinct slogan of the Third Congresses is “To the Masses,’ meweird 
the C. P. of A. the Congress took a very definite attitude: Bluntly,' we were 
told that we were still before the first and simplest task of creating a ©Oom- 
munist nucleus and connecting it with the working masses. The Congress as a 
whole and without dissenting voice ordered the American party to try all 
means and ways to get out of the illegalized condition into the open. 


There is also a mimeographed official letter of the Communist 
Party of America entitled “Legal Political Activities,” in which: it 
directs the entire membership of the underground party to join the 
open party, hold the position of leadership, and become active. 

Official mimeographed bulletin, April 4, 1922: 


It follows from the above that the leadership and control of the tebe polit 
cal organ must be retained by the C. P. of A.; also’ that’ the seat of party 
authority and leadership for the membership of the C. P. of A. continues to 
reside within its organization which is the American section of the Communist 
International. . 

Hence the party membership must function in the legal political organ as a 
unit subject and responsible to the respective units of the Communist bites 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 273 


~ Official bulletin received March 9, 1922: 


#2 must be firmly controlled. and directed by, #1. All policies as to 
Binaiptes and tactics of #2,as well as activities of the everyday struggle 
must be discussed and decided upon by #1 before carried into action. This 
is aS important for the lower units as it is for the higher committees. In 
order to establish a practical combination the following rules are to be ob- 
served and carried out without delay: 

Ail members of #1 must join #2 and activities of the latter are to be 
broadened as extensively as possible. * * * 

Every member of #1 must submit to iron discipline in both #1 and#2. 


In a special bulletin issued by the Central Executive Committee of 
he Communist Party of America, New York, May, 1922, appears 
in article entitled “ The Issue Between the Minority and the Party.” 
ft sets forth that the minority faction of the C. P. of A. has voted 
aot to obey the instructions of the Executive Committee of the Com- 
uunist International. The second paragraph sets forth that the 
Executive Committee of the Communist International has SLE 
ts final decision, and that every member must obey within. the 
ime limit or be expelled from the C. P. of A. and the Third Inter- 
zational. 

There is embodied in the Bulletin an article entitled “ Concerning 
he Next. Tasks of the C. P. of A. (A. Thesis of the FE. C. of the C. I. ), 
which,was adopted by the Executive Committee when it learned of 
he, opposition within the C. P. of A. to the formation of a legal 
party, and it not only gives instructions for the guidance of the 
American movement but “explains the reasons for these instructions: 

Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist Party in 
the U. S. to be a legal party. 
it must launch also such a legal party with the purpose that, the Communists 
“an openly enter. its ranks * * * but the underground organization whose 
nembership consists entirely of Communists must not be liquidated. 

It must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its mem- 
sers. Hyvery Communist, that is, every member of the underground party, 
must submit to an iron discipline and must act in accordance with the direc- 
ions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as well as 
llegal activities. 

The development of the underground organization can best be furthered 
rough these very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal party. 

In section 3, paragraph 10, entitled “ Party Organization” the 
‘ollowing is quoted: 

It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary party—the Ameri- 
Xs j y of America, 
ind that the legal party is but an instrument which it uses to better carry 
m its work among the masses. Only thru membership in the American Seec- 
‘ion, the C. P. of A., can American workers become members of the Communist 
nternational. 

The above quotation appears over the names of Bucharin, Radek, 
ind Kusines, Secretary, who represented at that time the Executive 
Jommittee of the Communist International. 

The Workers’ Party of America convened -its Second Convention 
it New York City in December, 1922, at which a program, pre- 
riously drawn up by Ruthenberg, was adopted for the guidance of 
he Party during the year 1923. 








: 


274 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


PROGRAM ADOPTED AT WORKERS’ PARTY CONVENTION HELD IN 
NEW YORK CITY, DECEMBER, 1922, WHICH WAS IN THE POSSES- 
SION OF CHARLES E. RUTHENBERG WHILE ATTENDING THE 
ILLEGAL COMMUNIST PARTY CONVENTION AT BRIDGMAN, MICH. 


This program of the Workers’ Party was prepared by Charles E. 
Kuthenberg for the Workers’ Party Convention, originally set for 
August 28, 1922, at Chicago, Illinois, and postponed to December, 
1922, and held in New York City. This program conformed to in- 
structions received from the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International for the formation and conduct of the legal branch or 
party of the Communist Party of America. Charles EK. Ruthenberg, 
in his own defense, while being tried for criminal syndicalism in the 
Berrien County Circuit Court at St. J oseph, Michigan, testified that 
this program had been adopted by the Central Executive Committee 
of the Communist Party of America as the program of the Com- 
munist Party. The title of this program was, “ Program of the 
Workers’ Party of America,” and the program shows on its face that 
it was not intended for the Communist Party of America. Testi- 
mony also showed that the aforesaid resolutions of the Adjustment 
Committee were in fact the program adopted at the Communist 
Party Convention, and that the program entitled “ Workers’ Party 
Program of America” had not been considered. A program for the 
Workers’ Party was subsequently adopted at the Workers’ Party 
Convention held i in New York City during the month of December, 
1922, which was, in substance, the same program as the draft which 
Charles E. Ruthenberg, the Executive Secretary of the Workers’ 
Party of America, and also a member of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of America, had in his possession 
while attending the Bridgman Convention, excerpts of which are as 
follows: 

The conflict “can only be ended by abolishing the capitalist system. It is 


the aim of the Workers’ Party of America to.organize and unite the workers 
for the attainment of this goal.” 


THE GOVERNMENT 


beste sch pot nada State—that is, the existing Government, municipal, state, and 
‘apitalist class for suppression of the 
demand of the EUR TAtiea and niendean workers. 

The workers can not wage a successful struggle against capitalist exploitation 
and oppression while the state power remains in control of the capitalists. 
The Workers’ Party therefore declares that the class struggle must take the 
form of a political struggle, a struggle for control of the government. 





IMPERIALISM 


Imperialism with all its horrible consequences in the crippling and maiming 
and killing of workers can only be ended through the workers. wresting the 
power of the government from the hands of the capitalists. ° 


ELECTION AND ELECTION CAMPAIGNS 


The Workers’ Party will not foster the illusion, as is done by the Yellow 
Socialists and Reformists, that the workers can achieve their emancipation 
from the oppression and exploitation of capitalism through the elevation of 
a majority of the members of the legislative bodies of the capitalist govern- 
ment and executive officials of that government. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 275 


The Constitution of the United States was so drafted as to protect the 
interests of the exploiters of the workers. The merchants, the bankers, and 
the landowners: of 1787 wrote into the Constitution provisions which they 
hoped would forever protect the interest of their class. 

_ The Workers’ Party will also nominate its candidates and enter into the 
election campaigns to expose the fraudulent character of capitalist democracy 
and carry on the propaganda for the Soviets. It will use the election campaigns 
to rally the workers for mass political demands upon the capitalist state. Its 
candidates when elected to office will use the forums of the legislative bodies 
for the same purpose. 

LABOR UNIONS 


The Workers’ Party declares one of its chief immediate tasks to be to inspire 
in the Labor Unions a revolutionary purpose and to unite them in a mass 
movement of uncompromising struggle against capitalism. 

The Workers’ Party declares its support of the Red Labor International 
and adopts as its program for the struggle within the unions the program 
of the Red Labor International on the American Labor Unions. 


THE NEGRO WORKER 


The negro workers of this country are exploited and oppressed more ruth- 
lessly than any other group. The history of the Southern Negro is the history 
of brutal terrorism, of persecution and murder. 

The Workers’ Party will support the Negroes in their struggle for liberation | 
and will help them in their fight for economic, political, and social equality. 


MASS ACTION 


The aim of the Workers’ Party in participating in the elections, in revolu-. 
tionizing the unions and its work to unite the industrial workers, farm laborer, 
working farmer, and Negro is to build a United Front of the whole exploited 
class and to make its direct mass power a factor in the class struggle. 

The Workers’ Party will enter every struggle involving the interests of the 
exploited class and through its slogans and programs of action will endeavor to, 
develop the use of the mass power of workers. 


SOVIETS, OR WORKERS’ COUNCILS 


The experiences of the workers in the struggle against capitalism have 
proven that the workers can not take over the ready-made machinery of the 
capitalist state as it exists in the capitalist governments and use this machinery 
to build a Communist society. ‘The form of organization of the existing govern- 
ment, its constitutional basis, its laws, the bureaucracy which has been built 
up over a century can not be used by the workers. They are all of a character 
to aid the capitalists in the struggle against the workers and can not be. 
transformed into instruments of struggle of the workers against the capi- 
talists. 

The Workers’ Party will carry on propaganda to bring to the workers an 
understanding of the necessity of supplanting the existing capitalist govern- 
ment with a Soviet Government. 


THE GOAL OF THE PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP 


It will be the task of the government of the thirty million workers of this. 
country to take from the capitalists. the control and ownership of the raw 
materials and machinery of production upon which the workers are dependent 
for their life, liberty, and happiness, and to establish Communist ownership. 


THE INTERNATIONAL 


The Workers’ Party accepts the principle that the class struggle for the 
emancipation of the working class iS an international struggle. The workers 
of Russia have been obliged to fight against the whole capitalist world in 
order to maintain their Soviet Government and to win the opportunity of 
rebuilding their system of production on a Communist basis. In this struggle - 
they have had the support of the enlightened workers in every country. 


276 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The Workers’ Party declares itself in sympathy with the principles of the | 


Communist International and enters the struggles against American ¢api- 
talist and the most powerful of the national groups under the leadership of 
the Communist International. | fOr 

The Program of the Workers’ Party, ecerpts of which are quoted 
above, was taken from the original draft of C. E. Ruthenberg. The 
program published and distributed by the Workers’ Party of Amer- 
ica as their program adopted by their Second National Convention 
December, 1923, shows a slight change in phraseology, but in sub- 
stance it is the same as the original draft by C. E. Ruthenberg. 

From the above ‘quotations we learn what the Communists or 
members of the Workers’ Party of America consider to be the “ ¢api- 
talist state,” a phrase that is so frequently used. From their own 
words, it is stated to be the existing government, municipal, state, 
and national. ‘The Workers’ Party of America very frankly states 
that the reform urged by them can never be accomplished through 
the existing government, but that the present political machinery 
will be used for propaganda and agitation to develop the political 
class consciousness of the workers. This is directly in line with the 
oft-repeated phrases of the Communist International 4nd the Com- 
munist Party of America, and now the Workers’ Party of America; 
that the ballot box is to be used merely as a means for agitation and 
not as the means for,accomplishing the revolution. The above quo- 
tations also indicate the extent of the attention to be given to the 
labor unions, and that. the policy of “ boring from within ” will be 
strictly adhered to. The necessity for the formation of Soviets in 
the United States in order that a Soviet Government may ultimately 
take the place of our present form of government is alleged, and 
the Workers’ Party declares its sympathy with the principles of the 
Communist International and states that it enters the struggle 
against American capitalism which, according to their own state- 
ment, is our present form of government, under the inspiration and 
leadership of the Communist International. | 3 

In the “Uj Elore,” an. official foreign-language organ of. the 
Workers’ Party, the issue of February 23-24, 1922, there was carried 


an editorial upon the formation of the Workers’ Party and its pur- 
pose as regards the American working class. The following quota- 


tions are taken from this article: 


The Workers’ Party organizes to-day the forces of revolution. It gives drill 
training for the fight, and speeds on and animates the tempo of class struggle. 


It expects a solution from nowhere but from the growing revolutionary forces _ 


of the international proletariat. 
* * wh Ee x % % 


The Workers’ Party takes the stand at the head of the unemployed proleta- 
rians and demands for them work, or a support equal to those who work, from 


| 


the bourgeoisie. It demands that the mountains of gold raised by profit should — 


not remain untouched now in this time of terrible misery of the workers; if 


demands that the unemployed masses be supported from this gold, the unem- 
ployed masses who have to freeze and starve for the sun (crime) of capitalism. 

The Workers’ Party, the revolutionary organization of the American pro- 
letariat, in fulfilling the longings of the workers, is looking toward the Com- 
munist society. ’ 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA Q7F 


. CONTINUED EXISTENCE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA 
(UNDERGROUND AND ILLEGAL) 


Members of the Communist Party of Amercia retained member- 
ship in both the Communist Party of America and the Workers’ 
Party. After the Workers’ Party was organized, the Communist 
Party of America still conducted and maintained its illegal activity 
and oflices, and its official organ was entitled “ The Communist.” 
This was thoroughly in accord with the plan of the Communist In- 
ternational, that the underground or illegal party remain and that 
it direct the organization and operations of the legal party (See 
“The Communist,” Vol. 1, No. 6, dated January 1922; No. 6 and 7, 
dated February and March, 1922; No, 8, dated April, 1922; No. 9, 
dated July, 1922; and No. 10, dated August and September, 1922.) 

After the organization of the Workers’ Party of America, the Com- 
munist Party received correspondence from officials of the Commun- 
ist International, who were also officials in the Russian Socialist 
Federated Soviet Republic. (See correspondence above referred to; 
also letter in ‘The Communist,” under date of April, 1922, signed 
©. W. Kuusinen, Secretary, Executive Committee Communist. Inter- 
national, reading as follows: 


[The Communist, April, 1922, page 3] 


PXecutive ComMITTEE oF THE C.'I. To C. P. A. TO THE C. E. ©. or THE C. P. oF A. 


ComRADES: The appeal of a minority of Your Committee against your deci- 
sions regarding the organization of a legal political Party and Your answer to 
the appeal have been received. Your reply is in perfect harmony with the 
Theses recently adopted on this subject by the E. C. of the C. I. and which 
You have undoubted already received. 

There is no oceasion to reopen the question here, since the Theses fully cover 
the subject. You must, work out the details of the problem in accord with the 
provisions of the Theses and all Party members must, work in agreement with 
them. 

The action of the minority in refusing to submit to the decisions: of the Party 
Pxecutive, pending their appeal constitutes a serious and intolerable breach, of 
discipline, and it was proper for you to suspend those that interfered with the 
work. However, we should endeavor to enforce this necessary Party discipline 
in such a manner as to leave as little permanent disorganization as possible. 
We advise that when you inform the minority membership of this decision you 
also convey to them your desire to reinstate at once with full membership 
rights suspended Comrades willing to conform to the Theses on Legal Activities 
sent to you by the E.,C. of the C. I. and to the decisions of your C. E. C. in 
harmony therewith. 

With communist: greetings, 


THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
(Sgd.) O. W. KuvusInen, Sec. of H. C. C. I. 


Also cablegram dated Moscow, July 23, 1922, reading as follows: 


[Code Western Union cablegram] 


26FY FHA 40 ' 
rat Moscow, July 23, 1922. 
Both salesmen returning home with full instructions from board directors. 
Postpone stock holders meeting until they arrive. Acknowledge receipt. 
Biock & Co. 
i tist- TA. 
RB OK FHA .FMN 


This message is decoded below. 


? 


278 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


| 


Also cablegram received at' New York on April 6, 1922, from 


Moscow, reading as follows. 


[Code cablegram | 
NEW \ York, Apru 6,.1922. 

Henry Curtis Dow Company instructed quit using our firm name and trade. 
They must dissolve and rejoin our company immediately or lose the stock. 
John is writing them to quit competing and attacking our business. You must 
accept them without prejudice and postpone shareholders conference so they 
can participate. 

The first cablegram above, dated July 23, 1922, decoded, reads 
as follows 

Com. Cook your representative on the Exec. Com., of the Communist Inter- 
national and Com. Raphael are returning home with full instructions from 
the Exec. Com. of the ©. I. Postpone your convention until they arrive. 
Acknowledge receipt of this communication. 


The second cablegram, received in New York City on December 
6, 1922, decoded reads as follows: 

Henry Curtis Dow faction is instructed to stop using our Party name and 
seal. They must dissolve and rejoin our Party immediately or lose their 
membership in the Communist International. Moore is wiring them to stop 
competing and attacking our party. You must permit them to return to the 
Party without prejudice and postpone your convention so that they may be 
able to participate. p 
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIStT INTERNATIONAL. 

The second message decoded appears in the “ Communist” for 
Apr il, 1922. It was also decoded by J ay Lovestone while testifying 
in the Berrien County syndicalist cases. 

(See minutes of meeting held by the C. KE. C. of the Communist 
Party of America, held’ on July 26, 1922, in New York City.) 
Both the foregoing messages were among the official documents 
of Jay Lovestone (Executive Secretary of the Communist Party 
of America) found at Bridgman, Michigan, on. August 22, 1922, 
and were authenticated to be genuine and bona fide messages. re- 
ceived by the Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of 
America. | 

The Communist International further communicated with the 
Communist Party of America by means of special messengers, dele- 
gates, or other representatives. (See communication issued from 
the national office of the Communist Party of America, Section of 
the Communist International, entitled “ News Letter Service,” bear- 
ing date of August 4, 1922, excerpts of which reads as follows: 


INTERNATIONAL 


The Executive Committee of the Communist International has informed 
us that Com. Cook, member of the Praesidium of the Comintern and the 
Praesidium of the Red Trade Union International has been ordered to return 
home immediately with full instructions from the Communist International 
Regarding the various problems confronting the American Party. ~All dis- 


tricts are strongly urged to hold themselves in complete readiness for im- 


mediate arrangement of meetings to listen to the report from the Comintern. 
The Special: Representative of the Comintern Com. Brooks, is now working 
actively with the Central Executive Committee and is » Brot of stew aid 
to us 
. . aik 


“Comrade Cook” was the party name of James BE, ‘Cannot | 


T he Executive Committee of the Communist International issued 


instructions to the Communist Party of America to postpone the 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 279 


holding of the Convention of the Communist Party of America until 
the arrival of a representative of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist. International, with further, instructions. . (See, com- 
munication entitled “ News Letter Service,” referred to, above.) 


CONVENTION 


The Executive Committee of the Communist International has instructed us 
to postpone holding the convention until the arriyal of Com. Cook with its 
instructions. All efforts are being exerted to have Com, Cook arrive here on 
time so that at least the delegates may have an opportunity to listen to the 
report. and instructions from, the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International. ; 


~The activity of the Communist Party of America and its close 
cooperation with the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national, is further shown by the conduct of meetings of its C. E. C., 
at which meeting several delegates representing the Communist, In- 
ternational participated. (See Minutes of O. KE. C. Meeting of July 
26, 1922, as follows:) | 


Present: Marshall, Paul, Ward, Low, Damon, Lansing, Ballister, Carr, Ray, 
and Wheat, Davidson, Brooks, Lang, Green, Canly, Sascha, Ford. Ward elected 
chairman. 

(Marshall ” was Max Bedacht, “ Paul.” was A. Wilinkin, * Low ” 
wwas Benjamin Gitlow, “ Damon ” was C. EK. Ruthenburg, * Lansing” 
was Arne Swabeck, “Ward” was Earl Browder, “ Ballister ”) was 
Robert Minor, “ Carr” was L. BE. Katterfeld, “ Ray ” was A. Bittel- 
man, “ Wheat” was Jay Lovestone, “ Davidson ” was Boris Reinstein 
(Int. Delegate), “ Brooks” was A. S. Losovsky. (Int. Delegate), 
“Tang” was Pepper or Pogany, “ Green” was Benj. Grefenson, 
“ Ganly ” was Thos. O’Flaherty, “ Sasha” was Rose Pastor Stokes, 
“ Ford ” was Israel Amter.) 


Com. Brooks, representative of the Communist Internation, reported on 
the purpose of his mission to America and the task at hand in reference to 
the opposition membership. * .* * 

Motion by Ballister that the Communist International Representative be 
requested to use all his strength to bring the opposition back into the Party on 
the basis of the principles and tactical policies of the Theses on Legal Activi- 
ties received from the Communist International, and in doing so to overlook 
technicalities where no harm, would result therefrom. 

* % * + % % % 

Motion by Ballister that we accept the recommendation of Com. Brooks 
regarding appointment of new commission on theses of relations between #1 
and #2 and that committee be five members, | 

% 7 ae * oS * * * 


(SECOND SESSION) 


Report by Wheat on this situation, and his communications with Com. §, 
J. R. of Moscow on the same. 

Report of Com Davidson. 

Motion by Ballister that Davidson and Liang work out plan on, this affair, 
and submit same to the C. ky C,, | 

Amend. by Marshall that C. BE. C. wire Soviet Govt. for permission to in- 
vestigate whole affair and that Davidson and Brooks be members of this In- 
vestigating Committee. Carried. Lt] 

Report by Exec. Secy. Wheat. (Section A) Communications. . 

Secretary read cable from Executive Committee of the Communist Tnterna- 
tional bearing following instructions from our Party: 

Com. Cook your representative on the Exec. Com., of the Communist Inter- 
national and Com. Raphael are returning home with full instructions from the 
Exec. Comm. of the CG. I. Postpone your convention until arrive. Acknowl- 
edge receipt of this, communication. 


280 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


1922.) 


Recommendation of Brooks that first two days be’ taken up with technical 
matters. Unanimously accepted. 

After listening to the discussion on the postponement of the convention. Com. 
Brooks proposed the following declaration of the C. E. C.: 

“The Theses adopted by the Third World Congress on the subject of organiza- 
tion, explicitly prohibited the formation of closed factions within communist 
parties. I have ascertained here in America that two existing tendencies in 
the Communist party have already crystallized into definite factional structures 
which are waging against each other war to the knife on questions big or Small. 
I am convinced that the actually existing differences of opinion do not by any 
means justify such factional formations and merely represent the continuation 
of the worst traditions within the ranks of the American comrades, traditions 
which were repeatedly condemned by the Communist International. I am con- 
vinced that this situation can lead to complete paralysis of the party’s activities 
and to new splits, fatal to American Communism.” 

Basing myself on the above mentioned Theses of the Third Congress and 
acting in the spirit of all the decisions of the Communist International bearing 
on the American question, I call upon the comrades of both factions immediately 
to take proper steps for the liquidation of the factional régime and to create 
real. guarantees for party unity which is so extremely endangered. For. this 
work I am entirely at your disposal. 


The minutes of the Central Executive Committee also disclose 
that this committee discussed relations between the Communist Party 
of America and the Workers Party of America and what the main 
points of the program of the Workers’ Party should be, the Com- 
munist Party of America being known as +1, and the Workers’ 
Party of America as #2. (See Minutes of Committee, above referred 
to, under date of July 27, 1922. :) 

Motion by Ballister that the Committee on Relations between #1 and #2 
consider main points of #2 program. Carried. 

The secret control of the Workers’ Party of America by the Com- 
munist Party of America, and the influence exercised by the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist International, is further shown by 
the procedure, conduct, and control ‘of meetings of the so-called 
Disarmament Committee, also known as the Adjustment Committee, 


(This is the translation of the coded cablegram dated July 23, 


being a subcommittee of the OC. E. C. of the Communist Party of | 


America, three members representing the Communist International 
and the Red Trade-Union International, being members of the so- 
called subcommittee, the meetings commencing on August Ist, 1922, 
the duty of the subcommittee being to prepare a program for the 
future policy and conduct of the Communist Party of America and a 
clear-cut program for the control which the Communist Party of 
America was to exercise over the Workers’ Party of America in con- 
formity with the instruction received from the Communist Interna- 
tional at Moscow, as set forth in the foregoing instructions entitled 
“ Concerning the Next Tasks of the C. P. of A., a Thesis by the C. E. 
of C. I.,” which program was to be submitted to the secret convention 
of the Communist Party of America to be held at Bridgman, Michi- 
gan under dates of August 17th to 21st, inclusive. Excerpts from 
the meetings of said subcommittee, under date of August Ist, are 
as follows: . 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 281 


FIRST MEETING OF ADJUSTMENT COMMITTEE ON AUGUST 1ST 


Present: Brooks, Davison, Lang, Ford, Carr, Ballister, Driscoll, Marshall. 
Com. Davidson submits the following draft of a decision of the committee: 
The Committee holds that the maintenance of an illegal party is in the 
~U. 8S. absolutely necessary. It holds this view not only for formal reasons, 
because the C. I. insists on maintaining such party in all countries along a legal 
party—but for the reason that neither during the present comparatively more 
liberal political regimé of the country, nor under an even more liberal regimé 
which may or may not come in the future, is it, or will it likely to be possible to 
do legally all the important work for the Communist movement. 

7K * * *K * * * 


The Committee holds also that under the prevailing conditions in America 
it is vitally necessary to maintain a legal party working for the cause of, com- 
munism under whatever camouflage may be dictated by circumstances and to 
transfer to such legal party as much of the communist work, as in the light 
of experience, may be safely done. 

The Committee holds, however, that the present and the likely conditions in 
this country do not warrant the reduction of the illegal party to a. special 
apparatus for illegal work, but on the contrary, it sees in the party number one 
the center of gravity and emphasizes the fact that the proper functioning and 
service of party number two is conditioned by the party number one retaining 
under all circumstances complete control and the possibility to steer the party 
number two in proper directions. 

Comrade Carr declared that he accepts in the main comrade Davidson’s 
formulation and submits the following additional points. 

* % % % * % * 

1. Under the conditions existing this year in the United States an open C. P. 
is impossible. 

2. The provisions of the Theses on the Next Tasks of the C. P. of A. sent to 
us last winter by the C. I. regarding the building up of #1 and 2 and the rela- 
tions between 1 and 2, must be carried out. The declarations of the Convention 
shall be in harmony with them. 

8. The new C. E. C. is specifically instructed to follow these directions until 
the next party convention without any essential change, fundamentally as to 
make a change in the relationships between 1 and 2 advisable. The C. E. C. 
shall call a party convention on this question before inaugurating such change. 


Excerpts from the meeting of August 2nd, are as follows: 
MINUTES OF SECOND SESSION OF ADJUSTMENT COMMITTEE, AUGUST 2ND 


Chairman rises. 

Present: Brooks, Lang, Davidson, Ford, Carr, Ballister, Driscoll, Marshall. 

Marshall proposes to adopt in addition to the formulation of Comrade Brook’s 
at this moment, before the committee, the following: 

To accomplish this purpose the committee proposes : 

1. The number one, as now constituted, must be retained for the present as 
necessary. 

2. The immediate major task of the Communist Party of America is to be- 
come a force in the class struggle. This can be accomplished only by the 
fullest participation in the open struggles of the workers through the mediums 
of the W. P., the X, and other. open agencies of the Party. The steps already 
taken are not sufficient. There must be a continued increase and expansion of 
the open work through all these agencies. 

8. Aside from its necessary and varying illegal functions the C. P. A. (#1) 
must coordinate its energies and its forces for the directing and steering of 
the activities of the number two and its other open instruments. 

Comrade Brooks then proposes to bring to a vote four fundamental points 
and then leave the formulation around these points to a subcommittee, The 
four points are as follows: 

1. The illegal party must continue to exist and must direct ‘all communist 
work. ‘ 

2. The open work in all forms and especially in number 2 is the main task 
of the party. 

3. A legal C. P. is now impossible. Should conditions change then only a 
convention can change the party’s policy. 

x % * * * * * 


282 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


To multiply tenfold the activities of the whole membership in the trades- 
unons is not only a question of life and death of the party, but alongside of 
other forms of work among the masses the best counterbalance against con- 
troversies that tear the party to pieces. 


To show further the continued existence of the Communist Party 
of America during the year 1923, a copy of “ The Communist,” Vol- 
ume XIII for 1923, is submitted. This copy, in an article entitled, 
“To the Communist Party from the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International ” sets forth instructions which the Com- 
munist Party received from the Communist International regarding 
the activity o fthe Workers Party of America as the legal branch of 
the Communist Party, indicating that the Workers Party was to be 
the open Communist Party, and that for this reason “the Central 
Executive Committees of the Workers Party of America and the 
Communist Party of America were to unite.” 

A second article entitled, “To the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International from the Central Executive Committee of 
the Communist Party of America” purported to be an answer from 
the Communist Party of America to the Communist International to 
the effect that the instructions issued by the Communist Interna- 
tional to the American Communist Party had already been com- 
plied with. These articles are quoted below: 


To the Communist Party of America from the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International: 


For two years already the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national has been dealing with the situation in the American sister party. 
On this question we have heard a number of your delegates and complete 
delegations from your Party. A number of special Commissions appointed 
by the Executive have dealt exhaustively with this question. 

We succeeded in sending a special representative to America who has now 
submitted his report to us. Finally, at the Fourth Congress a large commis- 
sion, once again, dealt with the American question. We are of the opinion 
that the Executive Committee of the Communist International is now in posses- 
sion of sufficient material to give its definite judgment on the matter. 

What we witness in America are the birth pangs of a Communist Party. 
This birth is taking place amidst internal struggles and conflicts. 

Is a LEGAL Communist Party in’ America possible now or not? This 
is the question which has to be decided. The Executive is of the opinion, 
unless all signs are misleading, that a legal Party in America is now possible. 
The Communist Party existing in America now was born during the period 
of the war, the period when in all the belligerent countries martial law pre- 
vailed, which in America assumed the most stringent forms. During this 
period a legal Communist Party was certainly not possible in America, and 
under the conditions then prevailing the Party had to work ILLEGALLY. 
The psychology that prevailed in the Communist Party during the period of 
martial law can not remain. It is true that so-called American “ democracy ” 
is not a paradise for the working class. And yet even this notorious “ democ- 
racy” is in a position in which it can and must do what the most reactionary 
government, that of the imperialist France, for example, is obliged to do. _ 

We have a year’s experience of a legal party, the L. P. P. This, if brief 
experience, indicates that even in present day America, the existence of a legal 
Party is possible. The periodicals you pubish are in the main Communistic. 
The things published by your illegal press are not much more revolutionary 
than those published by the LEGAL press, and yet the publications of the 
legal press circulate freely. ‘ 

The present ‘legal party is not by far satisfactory to us. The numerical pro- 
portion of the membership of the illegal Partyéto that of the L. P. P. is as one 
to two. This is not’ sufficient. We must establish a wider legal movement 
in which the proportion of the Communists as compared to the rest of the 
organized workers’ masses must be as one to fifty or as one to a hundred. 
In this connection the idea now prevailing of the establishment of a labor 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 283 


party in America has enormous political importance. The basis of our activ- 
ity must be the Left Wing of the Trade Union Movement. All attention and 
energy must be devoted to our activity among the masses of the Left Wing 
in the Trade Union movement. If we succeed in building a large Labor Party— 
at first only with a moderate political program—it will be an event of historical 
importance, not only for the American Labor movement, but for the Labor 
movement of the whole world. It will be the business of the Communists to 
get a strong footing in this Labor Party to build Communist nuclei in all Labor 
Party organizations, and to influence the Party. 

The Fourth Congress and the new Executive of the Communist International 
are of the opinion that the American communists must commence a new chapter 
in their work. Illegality for the sake of illegality must cease. The main 
efforts must be devoted to work on the legal field. This is what the Com- 
munist International now categorically demands, 

The relations between an illegal Party and a legal Party in America can not 
be the same as those existing in Russia, for instance, after the first revolution, 
or now in Finland or Poland. The Communist Parties in those countries have 
existed for many years. The leaders of those parties have led the working 
class to revolution. The masses of the workers have seen these parties and 
their leaders on the battlefield, and have learnt to regard them as reliable 
leaders. When these parties were forced into a state of illegality, they can 
claim that the legal movement, as a whole, subordinates itself to them and 
that they are its leaders. 

The situation in America is altogether different. The Communist Party 
there is still young and has not yet had the opportunity of leading the masses 
of the workers into decisive battles. Its leaders, hitherto, have not been able 
to come before the working classes, and win the confidence of the masses. 
When, under such conditions, the small illegal party claims that all other 
forms of the movement must subordinate itself to it, and must be led by the 
illegal organization, it can only lead ‘to great difficulties and through tactless- 
ness may hinder the development of a broad legal labor movement. That being 
the case, the illegal Party must set itself more modest tasks. It must regard 
itself as an auxiliary organization to the broad legal mass movement. 

We do not believe that at. this moment the illegal Communist Party must 
be demobilized. In view of our experience of the period of the ‘‘ democratic ” 
martial law, we must by all means have in reserve an illegal apparatus, but 
the relations between the illegal Party and the legal mass movement must be 
established on the basis outlined above. Perhaps it will be possible within a 
year almost totally to abolish the apparatus of the illegal party, but to do this 
now would be premature. 

The Executive does not propose that you immediately carry out such a com- 
plete reorganization. We think, rather, that we can, for the time being, be 
satisfied if the illegal Central Committee and the Central Committee of the 
legal Party unite, and that this enlarged Executive Committee take over the 
leadership of the movement. The rest will follow. 

The immigrants, including Communists, who have migrated to America 
from Europe, play an important part in the American Labor movement. But 
it must not be for the moment forgotten that the most important task is to 
arouse the American born workers out of their lethargy. The Party must 
systematically and willingly assist American born workers, whenever the op- 
portunity offers, to play a leading part in the movement. The Communist 
immigrants have brought many virtues with them to America, self-sacrifice, 
revolutionary courage, etc.. At the same time,, however, their greatest weak- 
ness lies in the fact that they desire to apply the experience they have ac- 
quired in the various countries of Europe, mechanically to American con- 
ditions. 

In summarising our position, we say: 

1. The main efforts must be devoted to work on legal field. 

2. All energy must be directed toward building up a Labor Party. 

8. The greatest attention must be paid to the Left Wing in the Labor move- 
ment. ‘ 

4, The illegal Party shall continue to exist only aS an auxiliary organization. 

5. The merging of the Central Committees of the illegal and the legal parties 
must be brought about as soon as possible. 

These are the instructions given you by the Executive. All this, however, 
can be carried out only on the condition that the factional struggle, the struggle 


82325—24— PT 2 9 





984. RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


between the various groups, be brought to an end. We have now to carry out a 
most important political measure. The party will be able to carry out this task 
only when it is properly disciplined, and when it marches along the path indi- 
cated, like one man. The tasks that now confront the American Party are 
so important that we frankly declare: He who refuses to adopt these tactics 
let him leave the Party! 

The Communist International demands discipline. On the basis of its 
experience the Communist International assures the American comrades that, if 
they raise no difficulty with regard to the policy indicated above, the Com- 
munist Party of America, with the help of the Communist International, will 
in a short time achieve great success. The situation is so serious and the 
injury caused by factional struggle so great that the Executive Committee 
has resolved to take the most energetic measures against all those who will 
hamper the carrying out of the above decisions. Unity and discipline, on the 
basis of the decisions of the Communist International, arrived at after mature 
thought—this is what the Executive Committee demands from all American 
commrades without exception. 

With Communist Greetings, 


EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
a om; r Z, 


TO THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL FROM THE 
CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE ©. (Pg; OFF Agee 


1. The Central Executive Committee agrees with the statment that the G. I. 
has sent to the American Party for its guidance in transforming the Party into 
an open party. The C. E. C. has decided unanimously to carry out without 
reservation the instructions embodied in the Statement. In fact, as the GC. I. 
has already been informed, some time before the arrival of the statement, the 
C. E. C. decided in favor of converting the Party into an open Party. The 
political development of the past five months, together with the experience ac- 
quired in the activities of the LEGAL POLITICAL PARTY, have convinced the 
C. E. C. that an open existence of the Party is possible. The GC. E. CG. is pleased, 
therefore, that its decision has been confirmed by the instructions of the C. I. 

2. We believe that the C. IL. has again demonstrated its understanding of the 
American situation and its ability to give concrete directions for the activites 
of the American Party. In the past year there have been three manifestations 
of this clear perception of the needs of the American movement: (a) The 
formation of the L. P. P.; (6) The unity effected at the last convention; and 
later (c) the open party. 

3. The representative of the GC. I. did work that proved to be not only good 
but of tremendous value for the future of the Party. The unity achieved has 
been real, for the three factions have changed during the following months and 
disappeared as factions. The Theses of the Convention have destroyed the 
dogma that the C. P. of A. can exist only as an underground Party. 

4. We must inform the ©. I. that, since the Convention, the entire Party and 
especially the C. E. C. of the Party has worked in fullest harmony, without any 
factionalism. During these months there has been no factional voting in the 
C. E. C. For that reason, we ean not agree with some statements made by the 
American delegates at the Fourth Congress, who were not aware of the 
changed situation in the party. This disagreement applies to all the delegates, 
We must state that these statements were not the opinions of the GC. B. ©.; 
but were a reflection of a factional Spirit of factions that no longer exist. 
The majority at the Convention is to-day a convinced supporter not only of the 
Labor Party but also of the open party. The Convention minority is to-day 
the protagonist in the campaign for the protection of foreign-born workers. 

The former opposition comrades are most active party workers in the L. P. P. 
and are doing excellent pioneer work toward an open party. 

5. We wish to inform the ©. I. of the important reasons that have impelled 
the C. E. C. to work in the direction of an open party consistently and with 
energy. We state openly that the reasons are not organizational reasons. 
Dualism between the Party and the L. P. P. has been inconvenient, but it has 
been historically necessary for a long time. It also is not of significance to us 
that some centrists have refused to join the underground party. Political — 
reasons have determined our stand: (1) The class struggle within the bour- 
geoisie, in which the petty bourgeoisie and the farmers are conducting an ever 
Sharper struggle against the big bourgeoisie. The two sections of the bour- 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 285 


geoise are in bitter conflict over the treatment to be accorded the labor move- 
ment. The cleft makes it impossible to persecute the Communists with united 
force und with a solid bourgeois public opinion behind it, as has been done in 
the past. (2) The growing solidarity of the working class. The signs of this 
solidarity are: (@) the tremendous labor struggles; (0) the idea of a general 
strike in the minds of the workers; (¢) the rapid development of the amalga- 
mation movement; (d) the growing Labor Party movement; (é) greater influ- 
ence of the Communists in the Labor Unions; (7) greater sympathy for the 
Communist and the L. P. P. in the labor movement, as, for example, in the de- 
fense and the L. P. Conference; (g) the common persecution of both Commu- 
nists and militant workers: (ft) the L. P. P. functioning more and more as a 
Communist Party. 

The economic foundation of the political situation rests upon: (a)The offen- 
sive of the capitalists; (Ub) the crisis among the farmers. 

Politically, the resistance of the working masses and the rebellion among 
the farmers were manifested in the following important events: 

1. The formation of the agricultural block in Congress. 

2. The Daugherty injunction giving political aspects to the strike of a mil- 
lion workers. 

3. The November 7th elections. 

4. The formation of the La Follette group. 

5. The Labor Party conference in Cleveland. 

6 The Railroad Workers Amalgamation Conference in Chicago. 

7. The raid on the Communists in Michigan and the reaction thereto 
During the war, centralization of state power took place to a degree unknown 
in American History, but this fact came into the consciousness of the workers 
only through the Daugherty injunction. 

All of these facts and events were in the process of formation before the 
Party convention, but crystallized themselves definitely after the Convention. 
Hence, just as we believe that in 1919 it was absolutely necessary for the 
Party to become an underground organization we believe that to-day the time is 
ripe for the open party. 

6. We trust that we will be able to carry out the reorganization of the 
Party without a crisis. It is possible that a few sectarian elements will leave 
the Party. But we are convinced that no organized faction will fight against 
the policy of the C. KH. ©. and the ©. I., and that we will be able to lead the 
Party into the open without a split. For that reason, the C. E. C. decided 
unanimously that within a short time we shall hold a Convention of the Party 
and place the question before it. The C. E. C. will go to that convention with 
a clear and definite resolution on the open party and will demand for the 
G. BE. CG. a mandate from the convention to declare the L. P. P. the open party, 
and at the same time, for the safety of this Party, to transform the under- 
ground Party into an underground apparatus. Up to the convention, by means 
of systematic education of the membership, we wish to convince them of the 
necessity of this policy. 

7. The ©. EB. C. will carry out the decisions of the ©. I. not only out of 
discipline but because of full conviction of their correctness. All of our 
policies since the Party convention, have been in the direction of open work. 
We wish to mention only a few facts: (a) Defense campaign; (b) L. P. 
campaign; (c) Protection of foreign-born workers’ campaign ; (d) Amalga- 
mation campaign; (e) Communist program for the L. P. P.; (f/f) fraternal 
affiliation of the L. P. P. to the C. IL; (g) the Q..R. has been made the 
industrial department of the Party; Q. R. discipline has been declared Party 
discipline; () organizational form of C. P. made to correspond to that of 
L. P. P., by creating the same units in the Party as in the L. P, P., and 
eliminating all other units; (i) elimination of dualism in the two parties, 
by combining all directing committees of the Party; (j) the C,, Ei. C.» took 
the queston of the reorganization of the Party and of the open party to the 
Party Council and discassed it there on its merits, and obtained a nearly 
unanimous decision in support. 

All of these steps were taken by the C. E. ©. before the decision of the C. I. 
reached us and were based on the political development of the country. 

8. We believe it our duty to inform the © L. that if opposition to the policies 
of the CG. E. C. and the C. I. has arisen in the past and should arise in the 
future, it is not due only to the foreign-born elements in the Party. We be- 
lieve that it is necessary for us at this point to touch upon the question of the 
foreign-born in the Party. We agree with the C. I. that the foreign-born ele- 


286 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 2 


ments are good elements and ready to make great sacrifice. We believe that 
not only this fact gives them great importance, but rather the fact that the 
overwhelming majority of the workers in the basic industries in America are 
foreign-born workers. The foreign-born workers are the unskilled elements 
in all sections of the country. They are the most oppressed and most exploited 
workers. These most exploited elements of Europe are natural recruiting 
grounds for Communism. Very large portions of the organized workers also 
are foreign born. For instance, the majority of the 400,000 United Mine 
Workers, the overwhelming majority of the unions of the needle trades, 
which comprise about 400,000 workers, are foreign born. 

it is of great importance to the Party to get into its ranks not only the mass 
of the American workers, but also the mass of the foreign-born workers as 
well. This is imperative so as to give no opportunity for another revolu- 
tionary party to be formed outside our ranks and consisting chiefly of the 
foreign born. We wish to state that the foreign-born workers are just as 
good fighters as American workers. _We need only quote W. Z. Foster, an 
authority on the American Labor movement, who says: ‘‘ When the historic 
struggle with the steel trust came, the foreign workers covered themselves 
with undying glory. They displayed the very highest type of labor-union 
qualities.” 

9. Despite the importance of the foreign born for our Party, we are firmly 
convinced that the leadership of the movement in America must be in the 
hands of the American comrades, We are convinced of this for the reason 
that (@) only a C. P. dominated by American elements will, bring about the 
amalgamation of a movement composed of American and foreign-born ele- 
ments; (0) only American leaders can eliminate the prejudices of the Ameri- 
can-born workers; (¢€) only American leadership can make the C. P. a mass 
movement and factor in the political life of the country, and can fight on 
equal terms against. the conservative leaders of the bourgeoisie and of. the 
trade unions, by their command of the language and by a knowledge of the 
conditions in the country. . . 

For that reason the C. E. C. is making the greatest efforts to draw into the 
Party the best elements in the left wing of the trade-union movement, 

We wish to point out that at the, present time our Party is no longer domi- 
nated by the foreign-born Janguage federations, but the federations are an 
integral part of the Party and are supporting it in every way. . The composition 
of the C. BH. C. is not determined by the demands of the federations for control: 
and we hope that, in the future, the language federations will serve eventually 
as propaganda sections for the Party as a whole. 

We are also combatting a Kuropean psychology that persists to a degree in 
our foreign-born comrades, which makes them lock to Europe and their native 
countries for inspiration. We are drawing them deeply into the trade-union 
work and using them for binding the foreign-born workers closely to the Party. 

10. The organization of the L. P. P. gave the Party an opportunity te do 
open work as never before. The unification of the movement in America’ during 
the past few months and the imparting of a more and more Communist char- 
acter to the L. P. P. have widened the field of activity and increased Communist 
influence in this country.. We are convinced that the inauguration of an open 
C. P., with its obvious simplification. and directness, will broaden and extend 
Communist activities manyfold and make the open party a powerful factor in 
the labor movement and political life of the United States aad the revolutionary 
proletarian movement of the world. . 

CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE C. P. or A. 
J. Minter, Secretary. 


SECRET CONVENTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA AT 
BRIDGMAN, MICH., AUGUST 17 TO AUGUST 21, INCLUSIVE, 1922 


Under the instruction of the Communist International, the Com- 
munist Party of America issued a call for its second national conven- 
tion, at which convention the relation between the Communist Party 
of America and the Workers’ Party of America and the Trade 
Union Educational League, also known as the “ X,” was to be estab- 


a 
s 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 287 


: 
; 
| 


lished. (See Call for Second National Convention, excerpts of 


which are as follows:) 


Many and far-reaching changes have occurred in our movement within this 


comparatively short interval of time. Under the guidance of the Communist 
International the Central Executive Committee of our, party has taken a 


number of important steps towards bringing us in close and effective contact 
with the Working Class and its mass-organizations. For the first time since 
the inception of our movement the G. P. of A. has made a determined advance 


toward becoming a living factor in the class-struggle. This fact is reflected 


in the Agenda for our coming convention. 

The Communist Party working under illegal conditions can not have recourse 
to a democratic referendum among all the members of the party, but, on the 
contrary, it empowers its leading central organ, the C. E. C.,, to make important 


‘decisions in emergencies on behalf of all members of the party. During the 
past year such a necessity arose. In the coming National Convention. the 
rank-and-file, through its delegates, will pass finally upon the manner and form 
in which the C. E. C. has carried out certain extremely important mandates 


of the Third Congress and the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 


national. 


The delegates to this convention were not permitted to use their 
right names, to leave the grounds on which the convention was held 
without special permission, to mingle with strangers, to send messages 
or mail, to discuss party business at tables, or to keep any incriumi- 


nating literature or documents in their lockers or cabin rooms. 


(See Regulations of Grounds Committee and Duties of Stewards) : 

The business transacted. at this convention was the consideration of 
» report made by the representative of the Communist International ; 
a report by the same delegate on the work performed by the so-called 
Disarmament or Adjustment Committee; a report by the industrial 
organizer, William Z. Foster, for and on behalf of the Trade Union 
Educational League; a report of the Trade Union Committee by 
Earl Browder, the business manager of ‘the “ Labor Herald,” which 
is the official organ of the Trade Union Educational League; a 
report by the Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of 
America, Jay Lovestone, covering the activity of the Communist 
Party of America from May, 1921, to and inclusive of August 17, 
1922. in the organization of the Workers’ Party of America, the 
Trade Union Educational League, Friends of Soviet Russia, Rus- 
sian Famine Relief, activity in the African Blood Brotherhood and 
the Woman’s Auxiliary to the Communist Party of America. ‘The 
convention unanimously adopted the resolutions of the Disarmament 
Committee, also known as the Adjustment Committee, the resolu- 
tions appearing under the headings, first, Trade Union Work; sec- 
ond, Liquidation; third, Relations of No. 1 and No. 2) (Communist 
Party of America and Workers’ Party of America); No, 2 Program 
(Workers’ Party Program) ; and other kindred matters. [Excerpts 
under the heading “ Trade Union Work.” are as follows: 

2 The road to revolution in America leads over the destruction of the power 
of the yellow leadership of the A. F. of L. This aim can be accomplished only 


through work within the A. F. of L. for the conquest of this organization. 


Therefore it is the main task of the Communists to work in the A. F. of L. 
(American Iederation of Labor). 

2° The main goal of the Communists ‘n their trades-union work is the unifi- 
eation of all organized labor into one federation. 

4. The work in the independent unions must be carried on in the above spirit. 
The necessary and ripe amalgamations (not artificial ones) of independent 


- unions within a certain’ industry or in local councils should be influenced by 
_ the Communists, so that they are not carried through in a separatist spirit 





988 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


against the A. F. of L., but as a step toward, the general unification of labor | 


and in support of the work within the A. F. of L. 5 
Under “ Liquidation” the following appears: 


1. The illegal communist party must continue to exist and must continue to 
direct the whole Communist work. 

2. The open work in all forms, and especially in Number Two, is the main 
task of the party. ; 

3. A legal Communist Party is now impossible. | Should conditions change, 
only a convention can change’ the Party’s policy. 


Under the heading “ Relations of Number One and Number Two ” 
the following is quoted: 


1. According to the thesis of the second world congress of the Communist 


International the role of the C. P. in the Proletarian Revolution is: 

“The C. P. is the organized political lever by means of which the more ad- 
vanced part of the working class leads all the proletarian and semiproletarian 
mass.” 

4. BE OSB, Mmzits revolutionary outlook does in no country feel itself bound 
by the existing laws forced upon it by the bourgeois class state; not only in 
the historic revolution which it strives to bring about, and which naturally 
can not be carried out legally, but also in its activity in the period of prepara- 
tion does the C. P. and the fighting proletariat come in open conflict with 
bourgeois justice and the organs of bourgeois State apparatus, Whether in 
spite of these facts the C. P. can exist as an open party tolerated by the enemy 
as a so-called legal party or whether it must exist as an illegal party depends 
upon a number of circumstances, which differ in various countries and from 
time to time. * * * ‘The present situation in America makes the existence 
vf a legal C. P., as it exists in Germany, France, Italy, ete., impossible. * * # 
illegal C. P., therefore, is and remains THE C. P., the only section of the @C. T. 
in this country. 

* * * Tf in the future #2 should become a revolutionary mass party, 
which can openly and unrestrictedly operate as and eall itself a communist 
party, then the present underground organization will become an illegal appa- 
ratus within that party and must adapt to the new situation and new func- 
tions... For the practical carrying out of these policies the following rules 
must be observed: . 

A. In all their activities the Communists are subject to the directions and 
discipline of the party. 

B. Every member of the G. P. is in duty bound to be active in No. 2. 

C. The C EC will see to it that: the directing body of the #2 will be sub- 
ject to its guidance in. the composition of its membership as well as in the 
execution of the political directions of the GEC. All meetings. of. the #2 
must be prepared for by the #1. This is especially important for the conven- 
tions of #2, which under present conditions must be preceeded by a conven- 
tion of No. 1. 


Under the heading “ No. 2 Program ” the following appears: 


1. The program of the #2 must be short: A manifesto which in short, concise 
Sentences, not in the form of a narrative or syllogism, contains the declara- 
tion of principles. 

2. The red thread of the program is the idea and the practice of the class 
struggle, In this connection mass actions should be dealt with. This part must 
be American; it must deal with partial struggles of the American masses 
as well as with the general struggle of the thirty million Ameriean workers. 
I this portion must be stated the basic elements out of which our trade-union 
tactics is developed. The fundamentals of the United Front should be here 
expressed. 

3. The political part must lead up to the climax of the proletarian dictator- 
ship. This formula appears in contradistinction to the dictatorship of the 
capitalists. American democracy must be analyzed. Rule of the thirty million 
for the overthrow of capitalism as against rule of Wall Street for the con- 
servation of exploitation. Soviet rule as the historic form of a proletarian 
régime in the transformation period. 

4. Imperialism and War. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 289 


ILLEGAL AND LEGAL APPARATUS 


_ The following are excerpts from the Minutes of the District Con- 
vention found in the possession of Abram Jakira at Bridgman, Mich- 
igan, on August 22, 1922: 


The District Convention therefore recommends the following to the national 
convention: That an organization of the nature of the “B” be organized at 
once aS a permanent institution to carry on relief, propaganda, and organiza- 
tion work among the workers during strikes. 

* % cS ik * * * 


NEGRO PROBLEM 


- The Negro Problem in its relation to the revolutionary movement is assum- 
ing even greater importance. The reaction of the negro masses in America, 
Africa, and elsewhere to oppression is increasing. As a result we witness the 
development of various organizations, both purely racial and militant, to 
combat the exploitation and oppression of the negro race. 

The C. I. has recognized the important role that the negro masses will play 
in the world revolution, and especially in the case of America, when it elected 
a subcommittee to study this problem. But owing to lack-of definite informa- 
tion on the existing conditions, both international and in the specific countries, 
relative to the negro and also as to the best ways and methods of propagandiz- 
ing and revolutionizing the negro masses, it did not accomplish anything con- 
crete. 

Recognizing the importance of this. matter District 2 in convention as- 
-sembled instructs its delegates to the National Convention of the C. P. of A. 
to delegate one or two negro comrades to the Fourth Congress of ‘the’ G.I, 
to present the various aspects of the negro problem and to cooperate in de- 
veloping the best ways and means for work among the negro masses. 

CS * af * * * * 

Resolved, That to give or to encourage the giving of information to a gov- 
ernment agency, such as Department of Justice, or to Post Office Inspectors, 
for use in criminal prosecution of any person whatsoever constitutes an of- 
fense calling for immediate expulsion from the C. P. of A., regardless of what 
the nature of the information or complaint may be. A Communist can give 
evidence favoring prosecution in a capitalist court only where it is an obvious 
case of the capitalist state attempting to exonerate one of its own tools of a 
erime on behalf of the capitalist class against the workers, such as the at- 
tempt in Germany to cover up the crime of the murder of Liebknecht. In 
any event, a Communist subpoenaed by the state can testify only with the 
authorization of the C. E. C. for the purpose generally of exposing the hypoc- 
risy of the State. 


In the portfolio of Ruthenberg taken at Bridgman, Michigan, in 
August, 1922, there was found a Thesis on the Communist Party of 
America prepared by himself, under the name of Damon, and by 
Max Bedacht, under the name of Marshall. The thesis is of suffi- 
cient importance to quote in full. 


THESES ON THE CoMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA STATEMENT, BY DAMON AND 
MARSHALL 


Role and task of the Communist Party of America. 

The C. P. A., its history. 

The policy of the Communist Party of America. 
Immediate program. b Movement toward an open ©. P. 
Relations between # 1 and # 2. 

. Organization of the Open Communist Party. 


op UR £2 po rt 


PROBLEM OF COMMUNIST ORGANIZATION IN THE UNITED STATES 


1. The Réle and Task of the C. P—The historic rol¢d of the Communist 
Party is through its leadership to marshall the working masses against the 
capitalist state, conquer and destroy that state power and establish the dictator- 


290 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


ship of the proletariat in the form of the Workers Councils and through the 
power of the Workers state transform capitalist production into communist 
production. 

In order that the C. P. may perform this historic task, there are two condi- 
tions which it must fulfill: 

(a) it must organize in the C. P. the class conscious revolutionary workers 
who have a clear understanding of the class struggle and the aims of the C. P. 
it must infuse these workers with an unshakeable loyalty and iron discipline. 

(>) through its program of action in the every-day struggles of the workers, 
through the activities of its members in these struggles the Party must win the 
confidence and leadership of the masses of the workers. Through the winning 
of this confidence and leadership in the every-day struggles the Party creates 
the conditions when it will be able to in time of revolutionary crisis array the 
mass power of the workers against the capitalist state and overthrow that 
state, 

2. The C. P. A., its history.—The Communist Parties organized in the United 
States in 1919 were made up of a membership of which at least 90% were 
from the language federations. With the open Party and open work these 
earnest, loyal revolutionary language groups which came into the Communist 
Party and the Communist Labor Party would have served as a basis of a 
movement that would soon have attracted to its ranks the best elements among 
the American workers. ¢ 

The attacks upon the Communist Parties four months after their organiza- 
tion resulted in reducing the membership of the two Communist Parties from 
50 to 60,000 to about 10,000 which resulted in cutting down the American ele- 
ment to a still smaller proportion than before. As a result of the various splits 
the membership has been still further reduced to about 5 to 6,000, among whom 
it would be difficult to find 500 American comrades. 

It is an almost impossible task for the Party as it exists to-day to fulfill 
the h’storic role as outlined above. How can we hope to interpenetrate the 
life of working masses of the country and have the members of our Party be- 
come the leaders in the everyday struggles when a large proportion of our 
membership is not able to speak the language of the workers and of it a very 
few indeed are not debarred from active public work because they are of non- 
American language groups. It is true that there are in the bas‘e industries 
of the country a large number of workers who are of the language groups 
represented in the Party and though these language groups are of great sery- 
ice to us, we can not hope to fulfill the rdle laid down in (b) above wile our 
party is made up completely of its present membership only, nor is there 
much hope for bringing into that membership the required new elements as 
long as we work under the organization conditions of the last two years. We 
need only to ask how many of our members can take an active public part in 
carrying out our program in the unions, how many of our members can assume 
positions of responsibility in a strike, to realize that we must achieve a revo- 
lutionary change in the character of our organization before we even make 
the beginning in becoming a force in the class struggle in the United States. 

No one will be able to challenge the statement that our party would have 
been far in advance of its present position if it had been permitted to develop 
aS an open Communist Party. We would by now have had the Party stronger 
than the SP ever was both in the character of the membership and its numbers. 
We would have had attracted a large American element. Under the guidance 
of the CI we would have established our organization for illegal] work as part 
of that Party. We would have created a machinery which could take the 
Party underground in time of crisis. Such normal development would have 
by now made our Party a powerful force in the struggle of the American 
workers. There has grown in the Party during these two years of illegal 
existence the belief that a Communist Party must of necessity exist as an 
underground organization. There is no revolutionary virtue in a Communist 
Party being an underground organization. It is at all times a bitter necessity 
against which the Party must fight with all its energies. When the capitalist 
State forces a Communist Party underground it gains a victory because it 
increases the difficulty of its tasks; when a Communist Party throws off its 
underground existence it wins an advantage in the struggle. The aim of the 
CP must, therefore, be to systematically work for its establishment as an 
open CP. 

The attacks of 1919 and 1920 which drove the Communist Parties under- 
ground arose out of the revolutionary crisis which existed at that time. The 





| RECOGNITION UF RUSSIA 291 
t 
| 
Russian workers and peasants had established their dictatorship; Europe was 
aflame with the spirit of revolution; the whole capitalist world felt insecure. 
When, therefore, the American capitalists found themselves face to face with 
a series of great strikes—the steel strike; the miners strike; the threatened 
strike of the railroads at the end of 1919—expressing the revolutionary ferment 
prevalent in the capitalist world, they struck out at the Communist Parties 
which were the leaders in the revolutionary agitation. 

These conditions do not exist now. True, there are great strikes and more 
strikes threatening, but the capitalists do not feel insecure. They feel that they 
have gained the whip hand; that they are safe. AS a consequence they have 
again assumed the hypocritical mask of “democracy” and tolerate revolu- 
tionary agitation which two years ago was put down with an iron hand. The 
Cc. P. A. must take advantage of this situation to again achieve existence as 
an open C. P. There is an element in the Party which holds that the Party 
‘can only come into the open when it can advocate as part of its program “ the 
‘principle of mass action and armed insurrection.” This view is a hangover 
from that “leftist nonsense” which felt it necessary to preach ‘armed. in- 
‘surrection ” to the workers when there was a Street car strike or some other 
struggle of the workers over wages and working conditions, There is nothing 
magic in the words “ armed insurrection ” which makes it necessary to a pro- 
gram in order that it can be a communist program. The test of a communist 
“program is whether it advocates mass action, the Soviet State and prole- 
‘tarian dictatorship, and includes affiliation with the ©. I. To make a test 
of the possibility of an open C. P. the advocacy of “armed insurrection” by 
the program is to say that there can be no open GC. P. until the time of revolu- 
tion, a condition which is given the lie by the greater number of existing 
“open Communist parties all over the world. 

3. The policy of the C. P. A—Based upon the foregoing discussion, we 
declare: 
| (a) That there is no revolutionary virtue in a Communist Party existing as 
an underground organization; on the contrary in order to fulfill its historic 
role, it must, if driven underground, carry out a consistent struggle to at- 
tain an open existence. 

(bo) That it is an established necessity for the C. P. A. to again attain 
an open existence so that it may draw new elements into its ranks on the basis 
of a full communist program; elements which are needed in order that it 
may attain leadership in the class struggle in the U. S. 

(c) The formation of the #2 must be considered as the first step toward the 
attainment of an open existence by the C. P. A. The C. P. A. must make use 
of the #2 to make a consistent drive to again work itself into the open. 

(d) This task is accomplished by extending the activities, enlarging the func- 
tions and clarifying the program of the #2 step by step; in the degree that the 
program and activities of the #2 take on a communist character the under- 
ground loses more and more its character as a separate political party. 

(e) Through this process the apparent duality of the #1 and the #2 ceases 
to exist and there is a transformation into an unquestioned entity. This is 
accomplished through the permeation of the #2 with communist understand- 
ing and spirit. 

4. Immediate Program.—The immediate steps to be taken hy the coming 
convention should be (@) to develop a clear communist progl«7n for the tes 

although retaining its present name. 

(L)) Do seek recognition as a sympathizing organization from the Communist 
International for the #2. 

5. Relations between the #1 and #2-—During the process of transformation 
the relationship between the #1 and #2 should be the following : 

(a) All duality of committees and officers should be eliminated as quickly as 
possible whenever possible. To achieve this end, the best elements of the #2 
who are not members of the #1 must be brought into the #1. 

(bv) The units of the organization of the #1 must act as a caucus within the 
#2. Have meetings and discuss questions of policy relations to the actions to 
be carried out by the #2 and act as a unit within the #2 committee so long as 
these are not made up completely of #1 members. In earrying on its political 
activities through the #2, the C. P. acts as the directing force of the #2. 
“The Executive Committee of the ©. P. then becomes the coordinating force of 

the directing caucus of the OC. P. within the #2. 
‘ 6. Organization of the Open Communist Party.—After the C. P. A. becomes 
an open party it will maintain an illegal apparatus for the conduct of such 


: 


292 - RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


work as can not be carried on openly. It will maintain machinery necessary : 


to carry the party underground in case of renewed attack upon the organiza- 
tion. 


ATTITUDE OF COMMUNIST PARTY TO WORKERS’ PARTY, 1922 


As indicative of the attitude of the Communist Party of America. 


to the Workers’ Party of America in 1922, reference is made to the 
issue of the “ Communist,” Volume 1, Nos. 6 and 7, for February 
March, 1922, from which the following quotation is taken: 


OUR ATTITUDE TOWARD THE WORKERS’ PARTY 


Our attitude toward the new political party launched in New York City 
during Christmas week under the name of “ The Workers’ Party of America,” 
must be determined by the following two considerations: 

First. The program of the Party. 

Second. The elements composing it. 

In speaking about the program of the W. P., the following seems to be its 
most characteristic feature, that it is a plan for immediate action rather than 
a Statement and exposition of principles. It starts out from the most im- 
mediate and pressing needs of the workers, such, for instance, as the drive for 
open shop and reduction of wages. It criticizes the old, traditional trade- 
union style of dealing with such problems as being inadequate and objectively 
reactionary. It then proceeds to outline a course of action which is based upon 
the organized struggles of the workers themselves, which, of course, iS a per- 
fectly correct and up-to-date method of dealing with the class-struggle as it 
manifests itself from day to day. 

For the curse of the American labor movement is this, that the working 
class does not defend itself against the attacks of capitalism. Here we have, 
in this country, millions of organized workers within potentially strong and 
powerful trade unions, but we have no class-struggle as far as workers are 
concerned. All the fighting is being done by the capitalists. The workers 
merely submit. The few sporadic attempts at resistence springing up here 
and there are usually of the “outlaw” type which are being mercilessly 
crushed by the combined efforts of the capitalists and the trade-union bu- 
reaucracy. 


What is wanted at this moment, what is being hoped and anxiously looked 


for by every honest worker is a fighting leadership, one that would take up 
the challenge thrown by capitalism inspiring and leading the workers to 
fight for and defend their interests. 

This is clearly the need of the hour and the program of the Workers’ Party 
unquestionable responds to this and moreover, responds in a manner that is 
revolutionary in its implications. When a political party such as the W. P. 
adopts a program of action that is based on the immediate needs and struggles 
of the workers, one of the following two things is bound to happen. Either the 


masses mistrust the party and don’t respond to its appeals, or, if they do, the. 


daily struggles of the masses take the course of political action rather than 
purely economic. We then witness a combination of industrial and parlia- 
mentary action that is revolutionary, not only because of its far-reaching im- 
plications but by reason of the fact that it is the capitalist state that the 
workers are fighting against and no isolated capitalist groups. 
Viewing the program of the W. P. from this angle we must conclude that 
it is a revolutionary, fighting program that needs only to be lived up to by 


a well organized and disciplined party to create the real beginning of an 


independent political movement of the American working class. The question 
that must be uppermost in our minds is whether the W. P. will in reality 


live up to its program. Which brings us to the second determining considera- 


tion, the elements composing it. 

The W. P. as is well known, was formed by two distinct groups, the Ameri- 
cin Labor Alliance and the Workers Council. Of the two, the American Labor 
Alliance, which, by the way, was the moving spirit and backbone of the whole 
affair, is by its antecedents the more revolutionary. The bulk of its mem- 


bership had split with the Socialist Party as early as the summer of 1919, 


undergoing since then a process of development that has tested their revolu- 
tionary understanding as well as integrity. They have emerged from this 


i 
i RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 293 
| 

process, most of them, wise, more cautious, but as determined, courageous, and 
versistent as they went into it. And inasmuch as this membership, formerly 
of the A. L. A., is the largest and practically leading part of the W. P., we have 
no doubt that its program will not remain a dead letter. 

' Unfortunately, the same can not be said about the Workers’ Council group, 
particularly its leadership. We shall abstain for the present from mentioning 
‘their old sins against the Communist Party of America, and the Communist 
International. We shall do so only when necessity will compel. However, we 
feel it our duty to point out the fact that their last public appearance before 
‘merging into the W. P. (see the last issues of the Workers’ Council Magazine 
and the “ Nuye Welt”) breathed the same fierce antagonism and hatred toward 
the American section of the Communist International as was manifested by 
them in those inglorious days when some of them were still working hand in 
hand with Hillquit, Stedman and Co. against the Revolutionary Left Wing. 
We point to this attitude with very serious misgivings as to the revolutionary 
sincerity of some of the leaders of the former Workers’ Council group. To us 
‘there is but one test of such sincerity, only one proof for genuine devotion to 
the cause of the social revolution: namely, one’s attitude to the American 
section of the Communist International. 

_ For the present it will suffice to adopt the policy of watchful waiting toward 
those elements of the former Workers’ Council group that are still violently 
‘antagonistic to our party. We shall follow their actions and frame our policies 
accordingly. We believe, however, that the rank and file of the Workers’ 
Council group are fundamentally sound. What they lack, perhaps, is a little 
more clearness of vision and tenacity of purpose both of which they are sure 
to acquire by coming into daily contact with the rest of the membership of 
‘the W. P. We say, therefore, that the quality of the predominant majority 
of the Workers’ Party is proof sufficient that its program of action will become 
a living reality. 

This decides our attitude toward the W. P. Being the revolutionary yvan- 
guard of the American Working class, the Communist Party of America is 
chiefly interested in the development of a political mass-movement of fighting 
workers. It sees its main duty at the present in promoting and influencing 
every sincere effort made in the above direction. The formation of the W. P. 
is the result of such an effort. The Communist Party of America can, there- 
fore, have but one attitude toward it, which is active support of its program 
and activities. 


_ The following quotation is taken from the issue of the * Com- 
munist,” volume 1, No. 9, for July, 1922: 


THESES ON RELATIONS OF THE C. P. ro an L. P. P. 


[By the Central Hxecutive Committee of the C. P. of A. section of the Communist Inter- 
national ] 


IV.—-A LEGAL PARTY. 


A truly revolutionary (i. e., Communist) party can never be “ legal” in the 
sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of the laws made by 
the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of capitalist law. 
Hence, to call 4 Communist Party “legal” means that its existence is toler- 
ated by the capitalist state because of circumstances which embarrass the 
capitalist state’s efforts to suppress it. The revolutionary party can avoid 
suppression into a completely secret existence only by one or both of. two 
means: 

(a) By taking advantage of the pretense of “ democratic forms ” which the 
capitalist state is obliged to maintain. By this means the communists can 
maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program while establishing 
themselves with mass support. 

(®) (Later stage.) By commanding such mass support among wide masses 
of workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their final object in the revo- 
lutionary struggle and maneuver openly to attain this object regardless of the 
desire of the capitalist stute to suppress it. 

It is necessary at the present time (and circumstances make it the most 
urgent immediate need) to resort to the first of the before-mentioned methods 
of open contact with the working masses; which means to maintain an open 


—, 


4 


294 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


political party with a modified name and a restricted program. The second of 
these two conditions must be reached by the Communist Party of America, — 
We seek to have an open Communist Party as soon as this can possibly be | 
attained. | 
As to whether a “legal” Communist Party is possible, the test is whether 
the full Communist program (including the principie of mass action and the 
violent overthrow ef the capitalist state), together with affiliation with the 


Communist International, can publicly be maintained without the Party being 
suppressed. 


Vere aes Pet be 


A legal political party with the before-mentioned restrictions ean not replace 
the Communist Party. ° It must Serve as an instrument in the complete control 
of the Communist Party, for getting public contact with the masses. It must 
mobilize the element of workers most sympathetic to the Communist ease 
With a program going as far toward the Communist program as possible while 
maintaining a legal existence. It must, with a course of action in daily par- . 
ticipation in the workers’ struggle, apply Communist tactics and principles 
and thus win the trust of the masses and prepare them for the leadership of 
the Communist Party. It must organize the sympathetic workers into a 
framework that will later become the framework of an open Communist Party, 
taking care Systematically to educate the workers in the “legal” party in 
principles, tactics, and discipline, so as to fit them to become members of the 
Communist Party. Thus the building of a legal political party with a modified 
hame and program will prepare the field for an open Communist Party strong 
enough to stand in the open and capable of leading in the revolutionary 
strugele. 

VI.—FUTURE SUPPRESSION 


The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the violent 
overthrow of the capitalist state. To accept this view is to aecept the cer- 
tainty that the capitalist state will find itself in violent conflict with the masses 
led by the Communist Party, and that the State will attempt to destroy the 
Communist Party. While the capitalist state retains the governmental ma- 
chinery, and as the struggle grows sharper in approaching the final struggle, 
the capitalist state will inevitably strike again and again at the revolutionary 
party in the effort to destroy it. After the Communist Party shall have estab- 
lished itself in the open it must be prepared for and must expect to be driven 
out of a “legai” existence from time to time. The Communist Party must 
at all times be so organized that such attacks ean not destroy it. It must per- 
form its functions of leadership in the class struggle no matter what tacties the 
ruling class adopts—open as far as possible, secretly as far as it must. 


VII.—UNDERGROUND 


The underground machinery of the Communist Party is not merely a tem- 
porary device to be liquidated as soon as the Communist Party with its full 
program can be announced in the open. The underground machinery is for 
permanent use. It is not a machinery to be used only on emergency occasions. 
It is for constant use. It must continue to operate not only while a legal 
party operates with restricted program, but also at all times, before and after 
the Communist Party with a full Communist program shall exist in the open, 
There is never a time, previous to the final overthrow of the Capitalist State, 
when a truly revolutionary party does not have to perform a considerable 
amount of work free from police knowledge and interference. The Communist 
Party will never cease to maintain its underground machinery until after the. 
establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of the Workers’ 
Soviet Republie. 


CONTINUED LEGAL AND ILLEGAL APPARATUS 


Tn January, 1923, there was issued by the Central Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party a statement setting forth the results 
of the Party Council which assembled in December, 1922. This state- 
ment gave a very clear story of the activities of the Communist Party 
along certain lines and dealt very frankly with the causes for the — 


tions. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 295 
Bee 

failure of the party in organization work. An outline of the future 
activities of the party was also given, particularly as regards its rela- 


tion to the Workers’ Party of America. The following are quotations 
taken from the original circular signed by the Executive Secretary 


of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party: 


The Defense campaign was a success politically, because we could win over 
a large number of trade-unions; but organizationally it was a failure because 
the party, aS an organization, participated in the campaign to but a small 
extent. 

The Labor Party campaign was politically a big success, for the L. P. P. 
won the cooperation of the Farmer-Labor Party, the Chicago Federation of 
Labor, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, and various farmer organiza- 


7 hy * * * #019 * we 


* * * the L. P. P. daily is functioning more and more completely as an 


open Communist Party. Evidences of this latter fact are: 
1. The entire political administration and the whole political work of the 
L. P. P. are Communistic. 2. The L. P. P. is now connected with the Com- 


~munist International through fraternal representation. 8. The lL. P. P. adopted 
a good Communist program at its convention.. 4. The L. P. P. is regarded not 
only by the authorities as a Communist Party, but by the workers as well. 5. 


Through the L. P. P. we have had full possibilities of propagating the Com- 
munist ideology. 
+ * ok 


a 
We not only consciously aimed at making the L. P. P. a Communist 


Party, but also determined that the industrial department of the party should 


be an open institution. Before the large masses of American workers we opgnly 
stated in our Labor Day Manifesto that the underground form of party organi- 
zation is not a dogma for us, but a bitter necessity. 

* * * * * * 7% 


4. We must convert the groups from mechanical units into working bodies, 
through a division of labor, by assigning specific tasks to various groups, such 
as trade union, protection of foreign-born workers, defense, relief, literature 
distribution, confidential work. 

5. We must combine the leading committees of the Party and the L. P. P., 
so as to make them identical wherever possible. 

6. At last we must seriously take up. the self protection of the Party. The 
present underground party is only an underground in name. We must organ- 
ize various confidential and secret departments of the Party for ensuring its 
safety and carrying on the Party’s underground work, in order to protect 
ourselves from future attacks. 

* * * * K * * 


We must not fail to mention some important facts which demonstrate that, 
since our last Party convention, better and broader possibilities for the open 
‘existence of the Party are developing. 

These new possibilities are as follows: 

1. The class struggle within the bourgeoisie. The November 7th elections 
and the formation of the La Follette group showed that the petty bourgeoisie 
and the farmers are conducting an ever sharper struggle against the big 
bourgeoisie. In the matter of the treatment of the labor movement, there are 
deep conflicts between the two sections of the bourgeoisie. This cleft in the 
bourgeoisie makes it impossible to persecute the Communists with united 
forces and with a solid bourgeois public opinion behind it, as was done in the 
past. 

* % * * * * * 

The L. P. P. is functioning more and more as a Communist Party, and is 
controlled more and more completely by the Communists. 

* * * k * * * 


The CG. BK. CG. declares: We adhere to the decisions of the last Party Con- 
vention. In the spirit of the Communist International, we make no more a 
principle of the underground form of organization than of the open form. We 
stand for a well equipped, large, politically mature, elastic C. P.,, which, 
according to circumstances, can function openly or underground. 


296 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


In June, 1923, at a convention of the Ukrainian Federation of the 
Communist Party of America, which was opened on the 18th of 
June, in New York City, Abram Jakira, representative of the 
Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America 
and head of all the federations, was one of the speakers. This is 
the same Jakira who was arrested in 1921 in New York with Amter 
and Lindgren. He pointed out that the legalization of the Party 
now makes it possible for the Communists to penetrate into the broad 
labor and liberal circles and conduct therein Communist propa- 
ganda. He stated that the main problem of the Party at the present 
time was to gain control of the American Labor unions, and said 
that there was not a spot in the United States where the Party had 
not its agitators among the labor unions. He further stated: 

On the seizure of the unions by the Party depends the social revolution in 
the stronghold of world capitalism—the United States. The general policy 
of the Party is to penetrate everywhere, prepare all the forces, and then in- 
flict a decisive blow to capital and government. ; 

It is clear from the frequent references that the underground ap- 
paratus has not been eliminated. Up until the early part of 1923 
there existed the two organizations; that is, two Party groups, one 
of which, the Communist Federation, was divided into districts, 
regions, subdistricts, and groups. Parallel with this was the Fed- 
eration of the Workers’ Party of America, which received its in- 
structions from the Communist Federation. There were double mem- 
bership dues for the Workers’ Party and the Communist Party. 
This was eliminated in the early part of 1923 but did not affect 
the underground work. It resulted, however, in the elimination of 
duplication of meetings, and of parallel group captains. There are, 
however, an illegal Communist apparatus, caucus meetings and sepa- 
rate trade union groups. The center; that is, the Central Executive 
Committee, remains the same as it was before: for instance, Abram 
Jakira, alias Miller, is Secretary of the underground apparatus just 
as formerly. Lore, Ruthenberg, Weinstone, and Robert Minor com- 
pose the same illegal political committee which directs the work 
of propaganda among soldiers and workers and administers all 
the political matters which may be utilized for the benefit of the 
Party. Outside of the center the work is distributed as follows: Each 
Federation of the Party has a Committee of Three which holds in its 
hands all the party strings, and at the necessary moment orders all 
the work underground again. Next come the Branches. Each 
Branch of the Workers’ Party of America has three persons who are 
appointed (not elected) by the Central Executive Committee. These 
persons, upon instructions from the Committee of the Federation, 
instantly break up the entire Branch into separate underground 
groups, and all the work again goes underground. If there are any 
important questions to be discussed, the whole branch of the Work- 
ers’ Party does not discuss them, but only those members who were 
previously in the underground movement of the Communist Party. 

Stationed in the United States as a representative of the Commun- 
ist International is one Pepper, a Hungarian, who receives copies 
of all documents and communications which are sent here from 
Russia and who acts in an advisory capacity concerning Com-— 
munist work here, gathers information, and prepares reports which | 


1) - RECCGNITION OF RUSSIA 297 


‘are sent to the Communist International at Moscow. At all meet- 
ings and conventions Pepper speaks in the name of the Communist 
‘International. His speeches are usually delivered in German and 
are translated to the rank and file. 


“THE COMMUNIST,” OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 
OF AMERICA, SECTION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, 
DATED AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1922, ISSUED AND CIRCULATED 
IN NOVEMBER, 1922 


“The Communist ” for August and September, 1922, was issued 
as an illegal, secret, and underground organ of the illegal Com- 
‘munist Party of America after its Second National Convention 
| pee at Bridgman, Michigan. This issue carried the following ar- 
ticles: , 

“The Convention Has Spoken,” p 1-2; “ Decisions of the Con- 
-yention,” p. 3-5; “ Report of the Convention,” p. 6-7; “ Statement 
‘to the Membership,” p. 7-9; “ A View of Our Party Conditions,” 
‘p. 10-14; “ For Communist Unity,” p. 15. 

In this organ the Communist Party emphatically declared that 
the Communist Party of America must continue to be an under- 
ground party. See excerpts from article entitled “ The Convention 
Has Spoken”: : 


Our Convention established by decision and otherwise that, under the condi- 
tions that exist at the present time and which will exist for some time to come, 
the Communist Party of America must continue to be an underground party. 
Further to build up this underground party, to strengthen it, to protect it, 
to make of it a more and more effective driving power of the proletarian 
revolution in Amerca, is the duty of every Communist in this country. To 
be a Communist means to be an engineer, or a fireman, or at least a cog in 
the machinery of the locomotive of the workers’ revolution. No one has a 
right to call himself a Communist, no one can protest his adherence to the 
Communist International. who refuses to be an active and loyal member of 
the Communist Party of America, the Section of the Communist International. 
(P. 1 “ The Communist,” Aug. and Sept., 1922.) 


INTO THE OPEN STRUGGLE 


Strong underground organization, but the center of gravity in the open 
work; that in a dozen words, is the formula laid down by the Second Con- 
vention of the Communist Party of America. It is the formula which every 
Communist in America must adhere to—or stand convicted of breaking faith 
with Communism and with the Communist International. 

To accomplish its task the Party must apply itself as a° unit. ‘Factions, 
though they may originate in conscientious efforts to serve the cause and the 
Party, develop inevitably into conspiracies against the Party and its best in- 
terests. ; 


ype GH yaa 


* * %* Comrades! The Convention has spoken. A strong underground 
Party! Extension of open work in the unions and L. P. P.! Absolute unity 
of the Party and its action! Discontinuance of factional strife and caucuses! 
Our duty is clear. Our task is tremendous. The time is favorable. (P. 2 
“The Communist,” Aug. and Sept., 1922.) 

The official organ also shows that the Convention, in accordance 
with the instructions from the Executive Committee of the Com- 

‘munist International at Moscow, established an absolute program 
for the control of the Workers’ Party of America as the direct agent 
of the Communist International. See Decisions of Second Annual 
Convention, appearing in this organ on pages 3 and 4: 


998 RECOGNITiGN OF RUSSIA : 


RELATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY TO LEGAL POLITICAL PARTY : 

The illegal Communist Party of America has no prospects in the near future 
of becoming a legal party and therefore the underground Party is and remains 
the only Section of the Communist International in the United States. Should 
conditions change and should the Communist Party of America become an 
open “legal” party, even then it will, like the other legal Communist Parties. 
need an underground apparatus for special purposes. 

But whether the Party is legal or illegal, the center of gravity of the activi- 
ties of the Communist Party of America is in the open work in connection with 
the broad masses and their struggles. For this purpose it must exploit all legal 
possibilities for propaganda and agitation to the fullest possible extent. Espe- 
cially does this apply te the activities within the the trades-unions and in the 
’ political field, the Legal Political Party. 

The whole work of the Legal Political Party must be directed by the Com- 
munist Party, to which purpose the following rules apply: 

(a) All members of the Communist Party must be members of the Legal 
Political Party. In their work in the Legal Political Party they are subject 
to the discipline of the Communist Party. 

(>) The Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party must direct 
the whole work of the Legal Political Party in accordance with the decisions 
of the conventions of the Communist Party, especially the work of the leading 
bodies of the Legal Political Party. All basie actions of the Legal Political 
Party must be prepared by the Central Executive Committee of the Gommunist 
Party. The Convention of the Legal Political Party must be preceded by a 
convention of the Communist Party. 

(c) The meetings of the organizations of the Communist Party must devote 
their time along with the routine work of the Party mainly to the considera- 
tion of the open work, especially that in the Legal Political Party. By this 
method these meetings must be made live actions. No duplication of work with 
the Legal Political Party must be done, but the best methods of carrying out 
the directions of the Party must be prepared. 

(d) he legal press must be exploited to the fullest extent for Communist 
propaganda and agitation. 

(e) The official Organ of the Communist Party, published regularly should 
be devoted to the discussion of tactical and organization questions of the 
Communist Party and of the Communist International. Its readers must be 
recruited from sympathizers, as well as comprising the entire membership 
of the Communist Party. 

(7) Illegal leaflets must be published only if all legal. possibilities are 
exhausted or if special reasons make advisable. 


PROGRAM OF THE LEGAL POLITICAL PARTY 


The program must be short. It must be a manifesto which in concise form— 
not in the form of narrative or syllogism—contains our program. The red 
thread of this document must be the class struggle leading up to the climax 
of the proletarian dictatorship. The document must be American. The prole- 
tarian dictatorship must be shown as the rule of the thirty-eight million wage 
workers as against the dictatorship of Wall Street. American democracy must 
be analyzed. 

The dictatorship of the working class through Soviets must be shown as the 
historic form in which the victory of the working class has up to the present 
time manifested itself. 

The necessity of an international organization of the advance guard of the 
working class of the world must be shown and the Communist International 
must be acknowledged to be the leader of this advance guard. (P. 3 and 4, 
“The Communist,” Aug. and Sept., 1922.) 


Also see an article appearing on page 5, subheading “ Liqnida- 
tion”: 

1. The Communist Party of America must continue to exist as an under- 
ground party. 

2. Its main task consists in the open work, especially through the Legal 
Political Party and the trade-unions. . 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 299 


3. Should conditions change and the possibility of an open Communist Party 
|.rise, then a convention of the Communist Party alone can decide. (P. 5 
rt . The Communist,” Aug. and Sept., 1922.) 


f The official organ clearly shows in the article entitled, “ A View 
ff Our Party Condition, ” the control exercised by the Executive 
‘Jommittee of the Communist International in an extract from the 
| eport of the Representative of the Communist International to the 
'?resident of the Communist International, reading as follows: 


1 


| 1 take this occasion to give you a report on the period of the Convention 
tself and on the present situation in the Party. 


When I arrived here about the middle of July, the situation was as follows: 
* * * of * ss * 






- On the basis of a cable from Moscow, one faction proposed to postpone the 
Jonvention. The other faction immediately declared that the cable was a 
manoeuvre and even suggested that it was a fake. I absolutely rejected these 
mplications or charges, but at the same time was just as decidedly against 
i postponment of the Convention, since I perceived quite clearly that this 
would merely aggravate the situation. Furthermore, it is was also clear to 
ne that no ostensibly new instructions coming from abroad could prevent a 
‘split, but that such a split could be obviated only by a great effort here on 
che spot. 

In a written declaration I reminded the comrades of the prohibition of cau- 
uses (see Theses of the Third Congress) ; I pointed out the danger of a split 
and demanded that the Central Executive Committee immediately elect a 
Jommission to discuss all the controversial questions and endeavor to find a 
20mmon ground on which to restore the Party unity. If there were any dis- 
jutes that could not be bridged over, they would become manifest in the work 
which was to be free from all caucus passion. This proposal was adopted 
(manimously by the Central Executive Committee, and a Commission of 8 
alected comprising the representatives of all tendencies and the three comrades 
from abroad. This Commission was called the ‘“ Disarmament Commission,” 
Mictally the “Adjustment Commission.” 

x * * In the midst of the debates on each question I endeavored to draft 
a resolution embodying the kernel of the question in concise form. The result 
was that the Commission adopted ten resolutions unanimously. Two or three 
points in a few resolutions, which could not be agreed on unanimously, were 
dropped without the whole result suffering in the least. The resolutions car- 
ried pertaining to the following matters: (1) Work in the unions; (2) 
“Liquidation”; (3) Relations of the Communist Party to the Legal Political 
Party ; (4) Composition of the coming Central Executive Committee; (5) Pro- 
hibition of Caucuses; (6) Discussion of the Party; (7) Formation of a Party 
Council; (8) Centrists in the Legal Political Party; (9) Relation to the 
Opposition; (10) Program of the Legal Political Party. 

The Commission adopted the following method of carrying on its work: 
None of the Theses already published (there were three; (1) by Ford and 
Dubner, (2) by Damon and Marshall, and (38) the so-called “‘ Central Executive 
Committee Thesis,” drafted by Ballister, see official organ)—-None of them was 
taken as a basis. I did not assume the role as a pacifier or arbiter, but, on 
the contrary, openly combatted everything that, in my ‘opinion, represented 
witch hunting or a political judgment or standpoint in the Theses published. 
On the one hand, I particularly attacked the ‘ optimistic” estimation of the 
possibilities of political development, as expressed by Marshall and Damon, 
which ignored the growing sharpness of the class struggle in the country and 
thereby gave rise to illusions that led to charges of “liquidation.” On the 
other hand, I pointed out the falsity of the “ illegalistic” conception of the 
role of the Party in the Thesis of Ford and Dubner, which was in opposition 
to facts as they are and also contradicted our Congress Theses on this 
subject. I must emphasize that the authors of these ideas were all in all 
convinced and did not persist in these views. 

Thus armed we arrived at the Convention with ten resolutions unanimorsly 
adopted by the ‘“‘ Disarmament” Commission and pertaining to all important 
controversial questions. Thus armed, the Party stood face to face with the 
Disarmed caucuses. As a matter of course, we obtained the main ideas for 


82325—24—pt 2——10 


Pat 


300 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


this work from the general arsenal of the Communist International, from its 
special decisions on the Tactics in America, from the experiences of other 
sections of the Communist International and from an analysis of the general 
situation in America. The “Disarmament” Commission instructed me to 
make the report in its name at the convention and to recommend to the 
Convention that it adopt the resolutions passed as the basis of its own decision. 

The following are the only matters that the Convention settled before it 
prematurely closed: (1) An address by me on the World situation and the 
Comintern; (2) a report by me in the name of the “ Disarmament” Com 
mission; (3) a report of the director of the Industrial Department, together 
With a debate on the report; (4) report of the Executive Secretary, followed 
by two short minority reports. The Convention voted on a few resolutions of 
the Trade Union Committee only, which were adopted unanimously in the 
committee and unanimously by the Convention. It also unanimously ap- 
proved the results of the work of the Disarmament Commission. When it 
was discovered that it would be necessary to end the Convention, a new 
Central Executive Committee was elected. (Pp. 10 and 14, “ The Communist,” 
Aug. and Sept., 1922.) 

SEc. 5. Three things have won a victory in the Convention: First, the will 
that the party should continue its existence as an illegal communist party ; 
Second, the will that the unity of the party should be restored and strengthened. 
Third, the conception that the raison d’etre of this united illegal party should 
be the open activity for the winning of the sympathies of the broad masses. ; 

The party is to continue as an illegal communist party. This resolution 
which was accepted unanimously without any mental reservation, and which 
at the same time corresponded to the passionate wish of the majority faction, 
is to dispel all fears and suspicions which in the course of the last months have 
done sg much harm to the party. All members of the party may be absolutely 
without fear in this respect: Nobody wants or is able to dissolve or substitute 
the present party, Section of the Communist International, for another party. 
* * * At the same time the illegality of the party—which is necessary at 
present—the underground character of the entire party organism has been de- 
prived of its mysterious and romantic halo; it has been declared as something 
that is conditioned by the circumstances, but by no means something inherent, 
permanent, absolute. Should the circumstances change—which in the near 
future is not to be expected in America—after sober estimation of the situation 
and class conditions in America, then only a fully empowered Convention of 
the Communist Party may decide that the party is to be constituted as a legal 
and open organization. 

The open activity of this underground party—this was the unanimous deci- 
sion of the convention, again without any mental reservation—shall not only be 
continued but it shall be continued in much higher degree than hitherto. This 
refers to the press; this refers to a strenuous activity in the trade-unions ; 
this refers to a participation in all daily struggles of the American proletariat; 
this refers to the building up of the Labor Political Party which from a topi¢ 
ef discussion in the limited party circles should develop to a powerful center 
of attraction for the advance guard of the American proletariat through the 
multiplied energy of all comrades. The illegal, underground party must pene- 
trate so deep into the entire life and into all struggles of the American prole- 
tariat that neither persecutions nor raids should be able to eradicate or ta 
destroy it. ; 

There are in America several thousand tried, conscientious, courageous Com- 
munists who have devoted their lives to the cause of Communism and the 
Communist Party. We have a party which through its own will has in a manly 
Way overcome a grave internal crisis and which is provided with a good 
Strategy and tactics that are based on all experiences of the International. We 
have in America a situation which, next to the situation in Germany, is per- 
haps the most favorable for Communist successes, decidedly more favorable 
than ever in the history of this country. We are entitled to hope and to 
require from our American party the best and greatest results in the near 
future. (The Communist, pp. 13 and 14, Aug. and Sept., 1922.) 


CONTROL OF WORKERS’ PARTY BY COMMUNIST PARTY UNDER 
INSTRUCTIONS FROM THIRD INTERNATIONAL 


ei 
One Francis A. Morrow, employee of the Department of Justice, 
was elected to the illegal convention of the Communist Party of 


- | 
-_ 


i RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 301 
‘America to be held at Bridgman, Michigan, in August, 1922, and 
‘attended that convention as a delegate from Philadelphia. Through 
his efforts much of the information concerning the Bridgman con- 
vention was obtained. This information was made use of by the 
state of Michigan, resulting in the conviction of Ruthenberg, Execu- 
‘tive Secretary of the Communist Party of America and now Execu- 
tive Secretary of the Workers’ Party of America, for violation of 
the Michigan Criminal Syndicalist Act. 

' Francis A. Morrow reported a meeting held in Philadelphia on 
‘February §, 1922, at which one James Ballister, whose real name is 
‘Robert Minor, appeared before a joint meeting of Sections 1 and 3 
of the Communist Party of America, held at 942 North Franklin 
‘Street, Philadelphia. At this meeting Minor stated that he had been 


‘instructed by Lenin to carry to the workers of America instruc- 


tions from Lenin that the legal party, or the Workers’ Party of 


America, must be supported and controlled by the Communist Party 


of America, for the purpose of carrying on Communist agitation 


‘among the masses and for the overthrow of the government of the 


United States and the establishment in its place of a dictatorship 
of the proletariat. 

_ At the district meeting of the Workers’ Party of America, hela 
‘in Boston on July, 12, 1923, the report of the delegate to the con- 
-yention of the Federated Farmer Labor Party at Chicago, was 
rendered. This delegate was one Robert Zelms. The meeting was 
presided over by one Williams. Zelms stated that the Central 
Executive Committee of the Workers’ Party of America was fre- 


‘sponsible, together with the Proletarian Party of Cleveland and the 


Trade Union Educational League, in bringing together the militant 
workers and radical farmers in the United States. He stated that the 


~ Communist International was in control of this movement as well as 
the Red Trade Union movement in this country, and that all mem- 


bers of the Workers’ Party should bear in mind the fact that the 
Party is controlled by the Communist International, as is also the 


Young Workers’ League. He stated further that the formation of 


the Workers’ Party in the United States was brought about through 


‘the Third International; that the Workers’ Party could show the 


‘capitalist world that the Communist International and _ the Soviet 


Government were ready to accept terms from the capitalists and 


that the capitalist governments, including that of the United States, 


t 


might therefore be brought to recognize Soviet Russia and to resume 


trade relations with that country; and that this would allow the 


’ 


: 
t 
h 





} 


Gntroduce the Communist movement and its program into the capl- 


as 


Workers’ Party of America and similar parties in other countries 
to have more opportunity to organze the workers into the ranks of 
the militants. He stated to the members of the Workers’ Party as- 
sembled at this meeting that if such recognition took place it would 
afford an excellent opportunity to the Communist International to 


talist countries, and would afford an opportunity to the Communist 
Party to agitate in favor of the Communist program openly, at the 
‘same time using the Communist nuclei effectively in the trade-unions 
“and in the American Federation of Labor. 

Zelms further stated that the formation of the Labor Party in 
this country by militant workers did not mean that the twenty-one 


points of the Communist International had been stricken from the 


302 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


program. He stated that the Workers’ Party is affiliated with the 
Communist International, and added that the militant workers of 
the world were directed by the Communist International to es- 
tablish a proletarian form of government in every country. 


ACTIVITIES OF THIRD INTERNATIONAL IN UNITY QUESTION AFFECT- 
ING COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA 


Prior and subsequent to the formation of the Workers’ Party of 
America in December, 1921, there arose within the Communist Party 
of America two factions, one opposed to the formation of a legal 
branch of the Communist Party of America and the other in favor 
thereof. After extensive discussion within the ranks of the Party, 
the Third International made its decision and ordered the faction 
opposing the formation of a legal Communist Party in the United 
States to discontinue its opposition and to reunite with the majority 
faction. 

The issue of the Communist, Volume 1, No. 10, for August—Sep- 
tember, 1922, contains the decisions respecting unity as reached by 
the Second Convention of the Communist Party of America. This 
publication contains the report of the representative of the Com- 
munist International, who came to the United States to take up the 
unity question. 7 

In instructions bearing the date of September 30, 1922, carried to 
the Communist forces in the United States, the following significant 
statement appears: 


The intervention of the Communist International promoted, hastened, and 
facilitated the work of uniting the Communist forces. Hyvery Communist was 
obliged to recognize that if he was cut off from the big, living body of the 
Communist International he would perish. 


The document containing this phrase ends with the usual appeal: 
Long live the Communist International! 
J. DAVIs, 
For the former Opposition. 
J. MILLER, 
Hxrec, Secy. Conmunist Party of Aemricu, 
Section of the Communist International. 
WILKE, 
Special Representative of the Communist International. 
(61-817-440 ) | 


At the same time another circular was issued, signed by J. Miller, 
Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of America, outlining 
the decision that had been reached by the Committee on Amalgama- 
tion. In this document there appear the resolutions of both the 
opposition faction within the Communist Party and the majority 
faction, relating to the decisions of the Third International, which 
clearly show the dominating control and direction of that revolu- 
tionary body: 

tesolved by the national convention of the C. P. of A. in session assembled 
that we accept the conditions for unity as proposed by the special representa- 
tive of the E. ©. of the C. I. We declare our whole-hearted desire to work 
within the Communist movement of this country on the basis of Communist 
discipline as demanded from us by the comintern. 

The C. E. C. declares that the terms agreed upon by the special representa- 
tive of the Communist International with the “ opposition” for the reuniting 


of the “ opposition” with the ©. P. of A. Section of the C. I. are in accord 
with the policy adopted on this subject by our recent convention. 


j RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 303 


The C. E. C. accepts the terms and declares in the name of the party that 
the ‘‘ opposition’ must immediately be reincorporated with the party. 

The above are cited as establishing that in 1922, in connection 

with the differences within the Communist forces in the United 
States, the decision of the Communist International was supreme 
and binding in these matters. 
- The controlling committee of the Communist International is 
headed by Zinoviev, who is the President. When the question of 
unity within the Communist Party of America arose in 1922, the 
controlling committee of the Third International decided to send one 
of its members to the United States personally to study the situation 
and issue the necessary orders. The member of the controlling com- 
mittee who came to the United States for this purpose was one Voy- 
kovsky, who is also known under the name of Michelson, author of 
“A political letter to the Party from the Special Representative Sent 
to America by the C. I.,” dated October 7, 1922, and published on 
page 6, Volume 1, No. 12, of the Communist. 


ACTIVITIES OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL IN THE CONTRO- 


VERSY IN THE JEWISH FEDERATION OF WORKERS’ PARTY OF 
AMERICA 


Under date of November, 1922, C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Sec- 
retary of the Workers’ Party of America, sent to the District 
Organizers a statement of the Administrative Council in regard to 
the controversy within the Jewish Federation. The following are 
quotations from the instructions to the Jewish Federation: 

The time for splits in the revolutionary movement in this country is past. 
The Workers’ Party from the beginning has been a movement for unification, 
for bringing together all those workers who are ready to work in harmony 
with the leadership of the Communist International, into one powerful cen- 
tralized, disciplined party. The Party has made great progress in achieving 
this end. At the outset it secured affiliation with the party of many of these 


- groups and it had added more. Only recently the Chechoslovak and Scandina- 


vian Federations and the United Toilers have joined the Party. The Party has 

grown in strength and power. It is on the road to become a powerful factor 

in the life of the American workers. 
* * * * * * * 


Yet this faction has not hesitated to create a situation which may dis- 
rupt the Federation and bring disorganization into this branch of the Party. 
Such is their loyalty to the revolutionary movement, such is their loyalty to 
the Communist International, that to achieve their own petty ends they do not 
hesitate to destroy the instruments which build the movement and support 
the Communist International. 

* * * * * * * 


The Central Executive Committee has shown that it had to deal with men 
who were Centrists and not Communists in this group, which is now try- 
ing to disrupt the Jewish Federation. They were permitted to become 
part of the Workers’ Party at the time of its formation for the sake of 
the following of Jewish workers who still supported them, to whom the 
Central Executive Committee desired to show by the actual developments 
of the workers struggle that they could not be trusted. 

* 3 * * * * * 


In June the C. E. C. of the Party was obliged to sharply call the editor 
of the “Freiheit” to account and lay down stringent instructions in regard 
to the attitude of the “Freiheit” toward the Communist International 
because of the scandalous condition which existed of a Workers’ Party paper 
which was sabotaging the policies of the Communist International. 

The Central Executive Committee is of the opinion that the Workers’ Party 
is now a communist party—that in its newly established fraternal relations 


304 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


with the Communist International, that by its tactics in the struggle in this 
country, by the new program which the C. E. C. has proposed to the coming 
convention of the Party, there is established beyond any challenge that our 
Party is fighting for and loyal to the principles of Communism as formulated 
by the Communist International. 

If the centrist disruptionists really desired an open communist party in 
place of paper declarations, they would direct their energies to creating the 
conditions which would enable the Communist Party of America, American 
Section of the Communist International, to live in the open and work in the 
open. That end can only be achieved through building a great mass move- 
ment of the workers, under the leadership of the Workers’ ‘Party, which, 
through its power, can prevent the government from using repressive measures 
to destroy the Communist Party of America. That is the task which the Cen- 
tral Executive Committee of the Workers’ Party has set for itself. The 
Workers’ Party is a communist party, but it can not become the Communist 
Party of America, the American Section of the Communist International, as 
long as the Communist Party is compelled to exist underground. It is the task 
of the Workers’ Party to create those conditions which will enable the Com- 
munist Party of America to exist openly, to fight and work openly. In achiey- 
ing that end the C. E. ©. asks the loyal cooperation of every Party member. 


In the issue of the “ Worker” for Saturday, December 16, 1922, 
page 1, columns 1 and 2, there is published a cablegram addressed 
to C. E. Ruthenberg as secretary of the Workers’ Party, signed by 
Zinoviev and sent upon behalf of the Third International. This 
cablegram informs the secretary of the Workers’ Party of America 
that the fraternal delegates of the Workers’ Party were received by 
the Fourth Congress of the Third International, and then proceeds 
to answer a cablegram sent by Ruthenberg requesting the opinion 
of the Third International as to the agitation being carried on within 
the Workers’ Party of America by the Jewish Federation. This 
cablegram is sufficiently important to quote in full. 


[Cablegram ] 
Moscow, Sovier Russtra. 
C. EH. RUTHENBERG, 
Secretary Workers’ Party, 
799 Broadway, New York City: 

Congress gladly received fraternal delegates Workers’ Party, destined earry 
communist ideas broad working masses. Answering cablegram—About rebel- 
lion part Jewish executive, we give opinion unreservedly, as we owe it to party 
Sympathizing with Conintern, and in agreement with representatives of all 
tendencies of Workers’ Party; we decisively condemn frivolous breach of dis- 
cipline against Central Committee of Workers’ Party perpetrated by group 
which did not even attempt inform its representatives in Moscow about object 
of conflict and did not await decision of court of last resort, as was their right 
as well as their duty. Situation the more serious because work of Jewish Fed- 
eration among masses is of utmost importance. Split would paralyze even 
present accomplishments in this work. We request all Jewish branches and 
members carry out decisions of Central Committee Workers’ Party to re- 
establish unity, otherwise Central Committee would have to. carry out ener- 
getically immediate disciplinary measures against leaders of revolt. 

ZINOVIEV. 


The above quotations are taken from the original documents, and 
are cited as being illustrative of the complete control exercised by 
the Third International over all factions of the Communist move- 
ment in the United States, as is evidenced by the fact that ultimately 
the decision of the Third International prevailed and the Jewish 
Federation followed the instructions as conveyed to them by 
Ruthenberg in his communication of the above-mentioned date. 


r RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 305 


RELATIONS “BETWEEN THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL, COMMUNIST 
: PARTY OF AMERICA, WORKERS’ PARTY OF AMERICA, ETC. 


; At a convention held in New York City in December, 1922, the 
Workers’ Party of America again indicated its support of, and ac- 
cepted, the leadership of the Third International. In the issue of 
the “Worker” for Saturday, December 23, 1922, page 5, column 3, 
appears the following resolution headed, “The Communist Inter- 
national”: 

f ‘Whereas the Workers’ Party accepts the principle that the class struggle for 
the emancipation of the working class is an international struggle; and 

~ Whereas the leadership in the International struggle which inspires hope in 
the hearts of the workers of the world and arouses fear in the capitalists of 
‘every country is the leadership of the Communist International: Therefore be it 
_ Resolved, That the city convention of Local Greater New York of the Work- 
ers’ Party of America, declares its sympathy with the principles of the Com- 
munist International and enters the struggle against American capitalism, the 
‘most powerful of national groups, under the inspiration and leadership of the 
Communist International and on the question of affiliation of the Workers’ 
‘Party of America with the Communist International, that we accept the ruling 
of the Communist International. 

Tn the issue of the “ Worker” for Saturday, January 6, 1923, ap- 
pears an article entitled ‘“ The Second Convention,” by C. E. Ruthen- 
berg, Executive Secretary of the Workers’ Party. After describing 
‘the enthusiasm of the delegates attending the Second National 
“Convention of the Workers’ Party of America, the article closes with 
the phrases, carried in capitals: 

Long live the Workers’ Party! Long live the Communist International! It 
_was with these cheers that the convention closed, and in them there was a new 
consecration to the work of the Communist movement, a new determination to 
go forward to victory. 

- In the early part of 1923 the Communist Party of America was 
diligently giving its attention to a reorganization In order that the 
legal political party—namely, the Workers’ Party of America— 
“might become more effective in the legal field. There was being 
experienced certain difficulty in convincing all factions of the Com- 
munist Party of America that the continuation of the legal work 
‘should be given more attention than the enlargement of the illegal 
work. As the Communist International had already issued its in- 
‘structions as to the action which should be taken by the Communist 
Party of America, instructions were issued to the various district 
cominittees of the Communist Party of America outlining the activ- 
ity to be followed. The following appears in orders issued to 
members in District No. 2 of the Communist Party of America in 
February, 1923. These orders were signed by John Richards, Dis- 
trict Organizer, District No. 2, C. P. of A.: 
It is, however, the supreme duty of all members as organized and disciplined 
Communists to carry on the Party work at all times. Whether our party is 
an open or an underground party, unity of action is the first condition for the 
success of our movement. There can be no sabotage of Party work by Com- 


 munists. 
* * * # * % # 





- Our Party is the vanguard—the out-post—of the proletarian army of revolu- 
tion. To refuse to carry out the tasks assigned to you is to desert in the face 
ot the enemy. 

4 * * * * * * * 

‘3 
i 


1 


306 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Within our Party we are bound together for common aims, with commo: 
hopes and aspirations. Our Party is a world party under the guidance an 
discipline of the Communist International—our international. The leaders o 
the Comintern have carried through the greatest revolution in all history an 
have maintained it for five years in the face of war, famine, and disease 
The leaders of the Russian Revolution are the acclaimed leaders of th 
World Revolution. They are masters of revolutionary strategy. The BE. C. o 
the C. I, has made a decision for our Section—the CG. P. of A.—Not one tru 
Communist will desert or lessen his activities—we shall unite to carry ou 
this decision. 

Now—during the transition period from an underground to an Open Party— 
the Party demands the greatest unity and activities from all members, 

With renewed hope and faith in the tried leaders of the World Reyvolutior 
we will perfect and adapt our form of organization to our needs and—Com. 
munists all—we shall be better prepared to march forward to victory. 


The above quotation is significant in that it states that the party 
is under the guidance and discipline of the Communist Interna. 
tional. 

Under date of February 23, 1923, the Central Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of America, over the signature of 
J. Miller, Executive Secretary, issued a call for the Third National 
Convention of the Communist Party of America. The following 
is taken from the call referred to: 


The Communist International specifically instructs the C. EB. G. to proceed 
with transforming the L. P. P. into an open, Communist Party, as soon as 
possible, preparing at the same time a strong apparatus to enable the Party 
to meet emergency situations and to carry on the necessary underground 
activities. 

*k * * * tk * * 


RESOLUTION OF THE C. E. C. ON THE OPEN PARTY 


The C. E. C. proposes for the consideration of the membership and for 
adoption at this coming Convention, the following resolution on the Open 
Party: : 

In view of the Statement of the GC. I. and the reply of the C. EB. CG, the 
convention declares: (1) That the L. P. P. become the American Section of 
the C. I. from now on; (2) That the L. P. P. must build a strong apparatus 
to serve as an emergency, safety measure for defense of the whole L. P. P. 
organization; (3) That the L. P. P. be so elastically organized that when the 
political situation in the country makes impossible the continuance of an 
open existence, it shall forthwith be prepared to function underground; 
(4) The underground apparatus shall be organized of the best elements of 
the C. P.; (5) The Convention fully empowers the GC. E. CG. to carry out 
these decisions in the spirit and letter of the ©. I. instructions. 

a * * co * * * 

The C. E. C. is positive that the policy of the Open Party is best suited to 
meet the present political conditions and is for the best interests of the Party 
and the Communist Movement. The C. E. C. calls upon the entire Party mem- 
bership to lend its full support to the resolution of the Central Executive 
Committee and to the Decision of the Communist International. 


The above quotations, taken from the original documents, are 
particularly significant in that they bear the date of F ebruary 23, 
1923, and prove that the so-called liquidation of the illegal work 
and the alleged amalgamation of the illegal with the legal work is 
not a fact. The illegal apparatus is still maintained for such func- 
tions of the communist movement as can not advantageously be con- 
ducted in the open, and is maintained upon the specific instructions 
and orders of the Communist International. 

On March 18, 1923, at 162 Madison Street, New York City, there 
assembled the City Converition of the Communist Party of America. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 307 


_ After the preliminary details incident to the seating of delegates 


: 
; 
: 
: 


were completed, the main point for discussion was whether the orders 
received from the Communist International should be followed in 
forming a legal party. Attending this convention as a representa- 


_ tive of the Central Executive Committee was one Pepper, who out- 


lined the plan of the Third International which had been approved 


_by the Central Executive Committee, and whose remarks, made in 


German, were later translated to the delegates by C. E. Ruthenberg. 
Ruthenberg stated that the reason why the Third International had 
issued orders to the Communist Party of America to emerge into 
the open was because political conditions in the United States had 
changed. He stated that the Third International had studied the 


_ changed political conditions’in this country and had finally decided 
that the Communist movement could very safely emerge into the 


open, and that since the Third International had issued these in- 
structions it was imperative that they should be followed, and that 
if any member did not agree with this view he was a traitor to the 
cause and had no place in the Communist Party of America. Ruth- 
enberg said that: 


The apparatus will consist of a very confidential committee which will 


- direct the illegal work, such as sending men to organizations such as the 


American Legion, the Ku-Klux Klan, the Army and Navy and, in case of an 
uprising, this committee will take care of getting arms and distributing them. 
Also to get people to take illegal literature into reactionary states and do the 


- general work of the Party. 


From the Workers’ Party Press Service for the week of Feb} 
ruary 17, 1923, there appeared, under the caption “ New Develop- 
ments in the Communist Movement,” an article of special interest 
with regard to a labor party and activities in the labor movement. 
The following are excerpts from this article: : 


The present legal party is not by far satisfactory to us. The numerical 
proportion of the membership of the illegal party to that of the L. P. P. is 
as one to two. ' This is not sufficient. We must establish a wider legal move- 
ment in which the proportion of the Communists as compared to the rest of 
the organized workers’ masses must be as one to fifty or as one to a hundred. 
In this connection the idea now prevailing of the establishment of a labor 
party in America has enormous political importance. The basis of our ac- 
tivity must be the Left Wing of the Trade Union Movement. All attention 
and energy must be devoted to our activity among the masses of the Left 
Wing in the Trade Union movement. If we succeed in building a large labor 
party—at first only with a moderate political program—it will be an event of 
historical importance, not only for the American Labor movement, but for 
the labor movement of the whole world. It will be the business of the Com- 
munists to get a strong footing in this labor party; to build Communist 
nuclei in all Labor Party organizations, and to influence the Party. 


Then follows what the Communist International categorically 


demands: 


The relations between an illegal Party and a legal Party in America can 
not be the same as those existing in Russia; for instance, after the first 
revolution, or now in Finland or Poland. The Communist Parties in those 


countries have existed for many years. The leaders of those parties have 





led the working class to revolution. The masses of the workers have seen 
these parties and their leaders on the battlefield and have learned to regard 
them as reliable leaders. When these parties were forced into a state of 


illegality, they can claim that the legal movement as a whole, subordinates 


itself to them and that they are its leaders. 
The situation in America is altogether different. The Communist Party 


- there is still young and has not yet had the opportunity of leading the masses 


308 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


of the workers into decisive battles. Its leaders hitherto have not been abk 
to come before the working classes and win the confidence of the massey 
When, under such conditions, the small illegal party claims that all other 
forms of the movement must subordinate itself to it, and must be led by the 
illegal organization it can only lead to great difficulties and through tactless- 
ness may hinder the development of a broad legal labor movement. That 
being the case, the illegal Party must set itself more modest tasks. It must 
regard itself as an auxiliary organization to the broad legal mass movement. 

We do not believe that at this moment the illegal Communist Party must be 
demobilized. In view of our experience of the period of the “ democratic ” 
martial law, we must by all means have in reserve an illegal apparatus, but 
the relations between the illegal Party and the legal mass movement must 
be established on the basis outlined above. Perhaps it will be possible 
within a year almost totally to abolish the apparatus of the illegal party, but 
to do this now would be premature. ; 

The Executive does not propose that you immediately carry out such a 
complete reorganization. We think rather that we can for the time being be. 
satisfied with the illegal Central Committee and the Central Committee of 
the legal Party unite, and that this enlarged Executive Committee take over 
the leadership of the movement. The rest will folow. 

The immigrants, including Communists, who have migrated to America 
from Europe, play an important part in the American Labor movement. But 
it must not be for the moment forgotten that the most important task is to 
arouse the American-born workers out of their lethargy. The Party must 
systematically and willingly assist American-born workers whenever the op- 
portunity offers, to play a leading part in the movement. The Communist 
immigrants have brought many virtues with them to Ameriea, self-sacrifice, 
revolutionary courage, etc. At the same time, however, their greatest weak- 
ness lies in the fact that they desire to apply the experience they have acquired 
in the various countries of Europe, mechanically to American conditions. 

In summarizing our position, we say: (1) The main efforts must be de- 
voted to work on legal field; (2) All energy must be directed toward build- 
ing up a labor Party; (3) The greatest attention must be paid to the Left 
Wing in the Labor movement; (4) The illegal Party shall continue to exist 
only as an auxiliary organization; (5) The merging of the Central Committees 
of the illegal and the legal parties must be brought about as soon as possible. 

These are the instructions given you by the Executive. All this, however, 
can be carried out only on the condition that the factional struggle, the 
struggle between the various groups be brought to an end. We have now to 
carry out a most important political measure. The party will be able to 
earry out this task only when it is properly disciplined and when it marches 
along the path indicated, like one man. The tasks that now confront the 
American Party are so important that we frankly declare: He, who refuses 
to adopt these tactics, let him leave the Party! - 

The Communist International demands discipline. On the basis of its ex- 
perience the Communist International assures the American comrades that 
if they raise no difficulty with regard to the policy indicated above, the Com- 
munist Party of America, with the help of the Communist International, will 
in a short time achieve great success. The situation is so serious and the injury 
caused by factional struggle so great that the Executive Committee has re- 
solved to take the most energetic measures against all those who will hamper 
the carrying out of the above decisions. Unity and discipline, on the basis of 
the decisions of the Communist International, arrived at after mature 
thought—this is what the Executive Committee demands from all American 
comrades without exception. : 

With Communist Greetings, Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national. 


From the above it will be noted that in February, 1923, the 
Communist International was issuing demands to the Workers’ 
Party and insisting upon discipline. Further, it ordered that the 
illegal organizations should continue to exist, but that both the legal 
and illegal organizations should become identical in executive per- 
sonnel. Of particular interest is the instruction of the Third Inter- 
national to the Workers’ Party of America in the matter of the 


i RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 309 


ttention that should be given to agitation among the immigrants 
arriving in this country. 
_ At the same time that these instructions appeared in the Work- 
ers’ Party Press Service, there also appeared in the various groups 
of the Communist Party of America similar instructions issued by 
the District Organizers. For example, over the signature of 

. Wall, Subdistrict Organizer No. 1 of District No. 2, the following 
instructions of the Communist International were carried: 


_ Comrades: These instructions and their interpretation by the C. E. @. and 
pre C. P. of A. must be carried out both to the letter and the spirit. As dis- 
ciplined Communists even those comrades who may be in disagreement with 
the ©. E. C. decision will accept that decision and the C. I.’s instructions. As 
disciplined Communists, the comrades will do all in their power to give life 
and vitality to the decision as outlined in the ‘ Party Statement’ and explained © 
by representatives of the C. E. C. in the section meetings recently held. Any 
inclination to apathy or passive sabotage must be resolutely and vigorously 
opposed. Whatever views any comrade may have, the Communist Movement 
in America must not be allowed to suffer. 

_ Unity and discipline, on the basis of the decisions of the Communist Inter- 
national, arrived at after mature thought—this is what the Executive Com- 
mittee (of the ©. I.) demands from all American comrades without exception. 


_ The above is cited as showing that the instructions were identic 
in both the legal and illegal groups and that for all practical pur- 
poses the two groups are identical. 


INVITATION FOR FOURTH CONGRESS 


iia eed 


' The Central Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national, under date of June 30th, issued a call for the Fourth 
Congress of the Communist International, held in Moscow, Novem- 
ber 7th, 1922. The call, which was in the form of an invitation 
and was delivered to the Communist Party Convention at Bridgman, 
Michigan, on or about August 17, 1922, reads as follows: 


5 INVITATION TO THE FOURTH WORLD CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN 
' The Fourth Congress of the Communist International will be held in Moscow 
on November 7th, 1922, the Fifth Anniversary of the Russian Revolution. 
» The Agenda for the Fourth Congress is as follows: (1) Reports of the 
‘Executive of the Comintern; (2) Tactics of the Comintern; (8) Progress of 
the Comintern and its most important sections (Italian, French, German, 
‘Czecho-Slovakian, Japanese, North American, Norwegian, and Bulgarian) ; 
(4) Agrarian Questions; (5) Trade-Union Questions; (6) Educational Work; 
(7) Young Communist International; (8) Eastern questions. 
_ The Communist Parties of the following countries are requested to send 
their representatives to Moscow for the 7th of November, 1922: Germany, 
France, Italy, Czecho-Slovakia, South Africa, United States of America, 
‘Argentina, Armenia, Azerbeidjan, Australia, Baku, Bashkiria, Bokhara, Bul- 
‘garia, China, Kheva, Denmark, Egypt, Great Britain, Esthonia, Finland, 
Far East, Georgia, Greece, Holland, India, Ireland, Java, Jugo-Slavia, Canada, 
‘Turkey, Corea, Latvia, Lithuania, Mexico, Turkesia, Norway, Austria, Persia, 
‘Poland, Rumania, Russia, Sweden, Switzerland, Spain, Tartar Republic, 
‘Turkestan, Ukraine, Hungary, White Russia, Portugal, Japan, Chili, Uruguay, 
Brazil, Iceland. 
; With Communist Greetings, 

THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


JUNE 30, 1922. 





8310 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 












The above invitation to the Fourth World Congress is copiec 
from a photostat of the original document which was among the 
papers of Thomas O’Flaherty, alias Ganley, Assistant Executive 
Secretary of the Communist Party of America. The original docu- 
ment was identified during the Criminal Syndicalist trials in Michi- 
gan, which were the result of arrests made at the Bridgeman, Mich. 
Convention in August, 1922. The original document bears the seal 
of the “ Kommunistische Internationale, Exekutiv Kommittee.” 

The following reference to the Communist Party and Workers 
Party delegates to the Fourth Congress is quoted from the Abridgec 
Report of the Congress: 


The American Communist Party stated its membership to be 8,000. Ter! 
delegates were invited; nine have arrived. ‘The Workers’ Party of America 
has also sent representatives. It has a membership of 20,000. Three delegates 
have arrived and were given deliberative vote. Two representatives of the 
Negro Organization, with a membership of about 500, have also arrived fro 
America, and were admitted to the Congress with a deliberative vote. (Page 
289, Fourth Congress of the Communist International, Nov. 7—Dec. 8, 1922.) 


WORKERS’ PARTY AFFILIATED WITH THIRD INTERNATIONAL 


In the issue of “ The Worker” for Saturday, November 18, 1922. 
page 1, columns 6 and 7, appears an article entitled, “ Workers’ 
Party Fraternal Delegates attend Fourth Congress of Communist 
International.” This article is of sufficient interest to quote in full: 


The Workers’ Party of America is represented at the Fourth Congress of 
the Communist International, which opened in Petrograd, Soviet Russia. 
Sunday, and is now under way in Moscow, by three fraternal delegates. These 
delegates are Alexander Trachtenberg, Max Bedacht, and James Cartwright. 

The Workers’ Party has from its organization carried on its work in har- 
mony with the principles of the Communist International, but up to this time’ 
has had no direct contact with the International. 

The sending of fraternal delegates to the Fourth Congress marks a step 
toward closer relations of the party with the leadership of the Communist 
International. Previous to the sending of these delegates the Workers’ Party 
was not definitely on record as to its international affiliation, although its 
sympathies were well known. 

The new relations established between the Communist International and the 
Workers’ Party will establish in the American Labor Movement an open 
political movement, giving fraternal support to the principles of the Communist 
International, something which has not existed in this country since the 
Communist Party was driven underground in 1919, 


The Abridged Report of the Fourth Congress contains the follow- 
ing statement by Eberlein of the Credentials Committee: 


Moreover, I should like also to draw your attention to the fact that the 
number of the invitations was based not merely on the actual membership 
of the parties. The distribution of credentials also took into account the 
political importance of the respective parties in the present stage of the revolu- 
tionary struggle, the special political and economic situation of the given 
country, and, finally, the degree of illegality of the Party and the extent of 
its oppression by the enemy. (Fourth Congress, Communist International, 


1922, p. 288.) 
In view of the above statement, and on the supposition that all 
delegates who attended the Congress were invited to do so, the 


following statistical table has been prepared from the figures given 
in the abridged report: 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 311 
































Membership 
Delegates 
| Party invited 
Claimed Paid up 

» . 
TS po EOE Pe OS Sy Bi ae ee en ee ile re oe or 3 WRT 7) LE ek OS 75 
DOT OS Se oper meee, eee ee Stans 226, 000 102, 400 23 
@rechoslovakian_.-..___.._--_.-_..---..------12-------------------- 170, 000 125, 000 3 

UOTE SS BP EEE § Bo BO CSS eee eee eee ae eee et eer ren BO; 000 )4 2 25sec. 52. 10 
hey obey See le ali in aie as” SR Sp eee SU SOU ise th se ae 6 
emi Sete edad steed. 3158-2262. JL ee 78, 828 (LEI LOe 20 
NE Win rd So ed a ch ead ne 60; 000>|f2.. 62 sae 6 

(TG EN Ss Gas 0 Sai Ss RR a A SR SE ye BU, OO ike ca veeqeces 6 
nricry wireeenne ne Pom Lens eS Le pu tees ee ae 25, 000 20, 000 6 
a tna chm sana geen A as ek 20 
sreorgian.. -... +. SIE 2k Soa) ite th oh be eh ee eS 18,/815-)-. Peto 2 
ERI SEES OS gh” 30 2 eee ee or are ey toy ee Oe Mer ee ao oe $6; OOO SACS Pie Blbe Fe esate Se 
(ge 8 AB th es glee Ail ae a ame aa ee ES 12, 143 7, 843 6 
NSS ESE 0h ES SSR ae bees nee « be ORE 933 BOL RS PE 10, 000 7, 000 10 
RE a tee enn ons 2m ie Sw nln nine een === dene EL ie enema 10 

OS va tn OS SG ee ee eae es ee ae eno ee ea HIZO aie ee eta 3 
REED SSE Re OT 2 SU SF nee eee pte ets 58 eee em reas pee oe 5, 116 | 2, 300 10 
en eae nape neert er i- “ter BOO0ie a fa 3 
STYaCintiai me eeceteete se iee cel) ES. oe toes et A Oe ot MOTO ees eee 1 
EE OOS SR I a Pe ee © eee eee aap Se 000 Wieteey 23 sia 2 
eat Otte See A oe ee ap ou tauee 2, 900 1, 700 1 
mat pnninnereertrs peeetoreeet bby ts ee hes ie a Tee echt ohh QBES00 MPO rs 2 
ong at be ve OT Se ee a ee es ele 2 OOO eee ee 3 1 
EE i ale § yy a) yeu SR RR ARDS eee A eae 25000 ek, Fae te? LE 4 
ad Ryne 2 ea Re a See Earner ies ame DEV Ug Boe Olaee wees 1 
= 


This completes the list of parties given as having 2,000 or more 
members. Under “ Miscellaneous” the following are listed: 























Bf 

| Member- | 

\ Party ship Delegates 
(claimed) | 

. 

)Women’s international_2..--2:.+...-2:/+-+---.2---b--0 22-42-20 e 22th neo tee ene |ee nese onan | 1 
ET CE OREO on i ie ln So set nwgs nen ndepaae---erirore| 760, 000 | 20 
Negro Organization (U.S. A.) _-.._----.---------------------------------------- 500 | 2 
‘Red Trade Union International ___.-..--.------------------------+------------++|-*9--3--77--) 20 
BY orkers’ Reity OF America. ee one aes- Vlelch, ATR kB Sehr Br ary orange 20, 000 | 3 


_ Now, reverting to the statement of Eberlein, quoted above, as to 
the basis on which the invitations and credentials were allotted, 
and further, assuming that all the delegates who attended and were 
‘seated were invited, either with a full vote or with a deliberative 
vote, it will be seen that the leading Parties are rated as follows: 
Russian, German, French, Italian, American, Ukrainian, Polish, | 
British. 

_ The American representation, according to the figures given in 
ee Abridged Report, was as follows: Communist Party, 10 dele- 
‘gates; Workers Party, 3 delegates; Negro Organization, 2 dele- 
gates; or # total of 15 delegates. 

- From the Abridged Report it appears that the following Ameri- 
‘can delegates spoke at various sessions of the Fourth Congress: 

_ “On the Report of the Executive Committee,” Carr (L. E. Katter- 
feld), Marshall (Max Bedacht), Sullivan. 

“ Capitalist Offensive,” Pullman. 

“Trade Union Question,” Lansing (Arne Swabeck), Kucher. 

“ Negro Question,” Billings, McKay. 


7 





312 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The article from “ The Worker” of November 18, 1922, previously 
quoted, gives the names of the Workers Party delegates as follows: 
Alexander Trachtenberg, Max Bedacht, James Cartwright. 

In placing the American Party fifth in the list of parties arranged 
according to Eberlein’s classification, figures were used as a basis, 
regardless of the identity of the delegates. 

At the Fourth Congress, according to the Abridged Report (1922), 
Carr was elected to the Executive Committee of the Communist In- 
ternational, and Damon (C. FE. Ruthenberg) was named as sub- 
stitute. 


| 
| 
| 
| 


INTRODUCTION TO THE ACTIVITIES OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY AND 
ALLIED BODIES 


In the preceding sections of this memorandum it has been clearly 
shown that the Communist International is an organization that ad- 
vocates the overthrow of all so-called capitalist governments by 
force and violence and the substitution of a dictatorship of the Pro- 
letariat which is to be retained until the moment arrives when the 
Communist State will come into being. In order to carry out this 
program, Communist parties were formed throughout the differ- 
ent countries of the world and in the United States a section of the 
Communist International was established in 1919, which adopted 
a revolutionary program, including as part of the tactics in carry- 
ing out such a program the use of force and violence. From 1919 
to date the Communist International has directed in the United 
States the work of the Communist Party which, in 1921, established 
what it referred to as a legal political party; namely, the Workers* 
Party of America, but which, from documentary evidence already 
submitted, is merely another name for the Communist Party of 
America and which advocates, as did. the Communist Party of 
America, the overthrow of the government of the United States, by 
force and violence. It has also been shown that there is in existence 
an iulegal apparatus which directs the legal apparatus or the Work- 
ers’ Party of America and that the activities of the entire movement 
are directed and controlled by the Third International at Moscow. 

In the following pages of the memorandum the activities of the 
Workers’ Party of America and of the organizations established by 
it for the purpose of carrying out its program and purposes will be 
dealt with. 

The first subject to which attention is given is that of the efforts 
of the Communists among the youth of the United States. Par- 
ticular attention has been directed by the Communist leaders to the 
youth movement and to aligning in the ranks of Comn¢unism the 
young children of the United States. 


THE YOUNG COMMUNIST MOVEMENT 
THE YOUNG COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


Its foundation was laid in November, 1919, when twenty delegates 
from various countries assembled. The fourteen unions which com- 
posed the Young Communist International supposedly represented 
140,000 members. 


- 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 313 


At the Second Congress of the Y. C. L., July, 1921, 43 nations 
were represented by 150 delegates. At that time the Y. C. I. in- 


eluded forty-nine organizations with a total membership of 800,000. 
In November, 1922, the membership was 760,000. 


The Y. C. I. is an organ of the Communist International and 


‘operates under its direction and inspiration. Membership is lim- 
ited to organizations which endorse the Third International. 


The Y. C. I. is directed by an International Congress, through 
an International Bureau and an Executive Committee. The In- 
ternational Congress or World Congress of the Y. C. I. meets an- 


“nually on call of the Executive Committee or upon request of one- 
third of the member organiaztions. The International Bureau of 


fifteen members directs affairs between Congresses, the Executive 
Committee of nine being in immediate charge. 
The following is taken from a speech made by an Austrian dele- 


gate (Schueller) at the Fourth Congress of the Communist Inter- 


national, 1922: 


* * * We hope that the Communist International and the Communist 


Youth will be able to penetrate the ranks of the working youth, to arouse 


them to action, and to replenish the Communist Movement with powerful 
fighting troops. And we hope that we will be able to prove to you at the 
next Congress that the Communist . Youth International, assisted by the 
Gomintern, has fought for the interests of the masses of the young workers, 


has drawn them into the struggles of the adult workers and won them over 


t) Communism. (Fourth Congress of the Communist International, pages 
252 to 257.) 


The following is taken from a resolution of the same Congress: 


The bourgeois world, whose efforts meet with stout resistance in the class 
consciousness of the adult workers, seeks particularly to poison the mind of 
the children’ of the working class. This makes the organization and mainte- 
nance of Communist children’s groups a matter of paramount importance. 
These should be put under the organization charge and guidance of the young 
workers, and the Party should aid this work by active participation in the 
central committee of the children’s groups. The party should give every as- 
sistance to the Communist Children’s Press, which has been started by the 


Young Communist organizations of the various countries. (Resolutions and 


Theses of the Fourth Congress, pages 68 to 71.) 
The official organ of the Young Communist League of America 


is “The Young Communist,” and in its first issue (1922), the fol- 
_ lowing appears: 


The “Young Communist” is your Official Organ. It is the mouthpiece of 
the Young Communist International. We contend that its purpose is to pre- 
sent to our membership, and to all young Communists, in a clear, concise 
fashion the problems that confront us, and the probable solutions to them. 


The “ Young Communist” is not intended to be a propaganda sheet for mass 


distribution. An underground paper does not and can not serve such a pur- 
pose except when conditions become so intolerable that such matter can be 


_ published and distributed openly. This is essentially an educational publica- 


tion and every article appearing therein, unless signed, is the expression of 
the National Executive Committee of the Young Communist League of 
America. 

The “ Young Communist” hopes to do its part in this work by pointing 
out the paths to be taken in order that we may achieve our common goal— 
Communism. 

(Signed) NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
YounGc COMMUNIST LEAGUE OF AMERICA. 


The Young Workers League (legal) and Young Communist 
League (underground) existed as parallel organizations as late as 


314 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


March, 1922, and a bulletin of the latter dated March 15, 1922, in 
the form of a convention call, contains the following: 


The Convention draws near and the attention of the Y. C. T.. should be 
concentrated on the making of the convention of both the Y and L a success 
in so far as constructive work is concerned. Material has been sent through 
regularly on the L and is about completed and should be discussed in the 
Y as well as in the L. Matters regarding L, of course, should be settled in 
the Y and then brought into the L where all members of the Y should, ad- 
vocate the policies decided upon in the Y. * * * 


a * * % % ¥ * 


The Y delegates should in all cases be elected as L delegates and in cities 
where there are to be more L delegates, to the L convention than there are 
to be Y delegates, other Y members should be elected as L delegates. 

* * * * * Bo * 


Because of lack of finances—due in a large measure to the laxness of tue 
subdistrict and city organizers, and to the smallness of our membership 
Scattered over a large territory—the N. E. C. finds it absolutely necessary to 
postpone both the Y and L conventions. Regarding L convention, this infor- 
mation should not go out (as to delay) to the L membership until official 
notice is received through regular L channels. The Y convention wiil be 
held before the L convention, and delegates to both must make arrangements 
to attend for full time of both. * * * 

Hach member should buy at least one convention assessment stamp, except 
those unemployed or on strike, ete. All who can should buy more. We also 
request S. D. O.’s to call for special contribution for Y convention. While 
delegates to the Y convention will in most cases also be delegates to the L 
convention and be paid by local L organizations for railroad fare, etc., the 
national office of the Y, nevertheless, has many burdensome expenses that 
must be met immediately if the organization is to function properly. 

The national committee for the L has issued convention stamps, and the Y 
membership are to see to it that all L members purchase these Stamps. Spe- 
cific information as to the financing of delegates has been given through 
L channels. (Bulletin No. 3, March 15, 1922.) 


The above will be clearer if it is explained that—, 


Y and Y. C. L. mean Young Communist League. 
Land Y. W. L. mean Young Worker’s League. . 
N. E. C.—National Executive Committee. 

S. D. O.—Subdistrict Organizer. 


During December, 1922, the Y. W. L. raised funds and sent an 
* observer ” to the Third Congress of the Y. C. I. at Moscow. “ The 
Worker” January 20, 1923, states: 

The name of the observer will be given out soon but it is deemed advisabie 
by the National Executive Committee of the Y. W. L. not to divulge it yet. 

“The Worker ” for February 24, 1923, reports the third semi- 
annual convention of the Y. W. L. Local, Greater New York, held 
at that time, when an address was made by John Edwards, 


one of the delegates from the Young Worker’s League to the Third Congress 
of the Young Communist International. 


The “literature” department of the Worker’s Party of America, 
Chicago, advertises the following, under the division “ Communist 
Youth Movement.” ; 

Child of the Worker. 

Children’s Bulletin, Y. C. I. 

Fundamental Problems of the Young Communist International. 

International of Youth. 

Letters of Rosa Luxemburg. 

Manifesto, Program and Constitution of the Young Worker’s League. 

Manual for Leaders of Children’s Groups. 


: 


| 
| 
) 
| 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 815 





My Flight from Siberia—Trotsky. 

Program of the Young Communist International. 

Theses and Resolutions, Third Congress Young Communist International. 

Theses and Resolutions, Second National Convention Young Worker’s 
League. 

Y. C. I. Review. 

Youth under Americanism, Gannes and Oswald. 


Harry Gannes, reporting to the Second Annual Convention of the 
Workers’ Party of America, for the Y. W. L., said: 


‘here are Leagues in over 45 cities in the United States. This does not 
include Canada, which has Leagues in 8 cities, and which was part of our 
national organization at our first convention, held in May. Neither did it 
include the I. Y. P. 8S. L. of New Jersey, which participated in our first 
national convention and promised to go with the majority decision of the 
convention. \ That the Canadian section had from 400 to 500 members. In 
cities like New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, we had city central committees. 
New York having 15 branches, Chicago 7, Philadelphia 4. Seven branches 
had been organized in the past month (December, 1922). Membership rapidly 
growing. 

We had taken active part in the coal and railway strike, distributing 40,000 
leaflets of our own as well as disposing of party literature; also had sent 
speakers to union meetings. San Francisco had collected several hundred 
dollars for striking shopmen; Superior aided in getting funds. Nationwide 
youth demonstrations held. Leagues in 36 cities participated. Preparing for 
mass demonstrations on Liebknecht day. (“The Young Worker,” February, 
1923. ) 


The following is taken from a resolution on “ Educational Activ- 
ities,” adopted at the 1923 Convention of the Y. W. L.: 


Our aim and slogan is: The attainment of a mass organization of the 
young workers of America. Education through participation in the daily 
struggles of the workers is the way in which we shall become a mass organiza- 
tion. We are adjusting our organizational form and structure to that end. 
As has been proved in Russia, and is being proved in other countries, and 
will be demonstrated in America, the shop nuclei form of organization is 
the apparatus required for a mass organization. The shop nucleus lends itself 
splendidly to work among the masses of workers, adult and young. Where the 
masses are, there must we be. And the masses are to be found and reached 
best with our propaganda in the shops, mills, factories, mines, and_ fields. 
There can be no movement, the Communist International pointed out, which 
does not have its organizational roots in the factory councils. Our educational 
and propaganda work among the masses must be carried on directly in the 
mills, factories, etc. The work, to begin with, consists in the discussion of the 
shop problems, conditions of labor, wages, and so on. 


The following resolution, adopted at the same convention, is 
of especial interest : 


The Boy Scouts of America, the United States Boy Scouts, the Camp Fire 
Girls, the American Sentinels, and similar childrens’ organizations have been 
formed to support the work of the public schools, by instilling into the minds 
of the workers’ children the ideology of capitalism. The churches also play 
their part in carrying on this work. All of the churches have their organiza- 
tions of the young. Jews, Catholics, and Protestants find a basis for unity when 
it comes to preparing the children to become staunch defenders of capitalism. 

* % a * * * * 

The practical work of the childrens’ sections must be carried on in the 
following way: 

1. Setting everything aside for lectures, dramatics, games, ete. 

2. By making use of the conditions of the children in the schools. By 
having the children canvas the adult workers for support of their demands 
for better conditions in the schools. By making campaigns against nationalist 
‘and religious celebrations, discussion of reactionary literature and _ school 


82325—24—pr 211 


316 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


books; organizing the children against corporal punishment, where it exists; 
against nationalist songs, pictures, and reading books and pointing out their 
reactionary character. 

3. Organizing for the active support of working class organizations; col- 
lections for workers out on strike, for defense of arrested comrades, for the 
support of families of imprisoned comrades, for decorating workers’ head- 
quarters, for supporting activities of Party and League. 

* *s % % * % 8 

The school holidays must be utilized and attempts should be made to have 
the members of the children’s sections invite their schoolmates to take part 
in outings and excursions. (Resolutions and Theses of the Young Workers’ 
League of America, 1923.) 


This resolution also provided for the issuance of a children’s 
paper. It appeared first in November, 1928, as * The Young Com- 
rade,” “ official organ of the Junior section, Young Workers’ League 
of America, a working- class magazine for working- class children.” 
An excerpt from the “second issue of. this paper, December, 19238, 
appears below: 

The Cops are slaves and are the enemies of slaves. The Workers Party 
has a chance to capture the government and will capture it. 

The so-called Red Sport International—the program of games 
and athletics—a part of the general program for the Young ‘Com- 
munist Movement, is covered in another portion of this report. 

The following individuals are lecturers at the Young Workers 
Forum, Brooklyn, N. Y.: 

Joseph Freeman, Editor of the “ Liberator,” on ‘The New Spirit in Litera- 


ture.” 

H. M. Wicks, National Organizer of the Trade Union Educational League; 
on “The Theory of Marxism.” 

J. Louis Engdahl, formerly editor of the ‘ Chicago Socialist,” now editor 
of “ The Worker,” on ‘ Journalism—Misused.”’ 

William IF’. Dunn, Floyd Ramp, Israel Amter, Caleb Harrison (Secretary of 
the Workers Party of America), and G. Shulemberg, spoke at an International 
Liebknect and Luxemburg Day Memorial Mass Meeting, on January 20, 1922, 
in New York City. This meeting was staged under the auspices of the Young 


Workers League. 

The Young Communist Teague of America was formed during 
the year 1920. It is known as the American section of the Young 
Communist International and carries on its activities in accordance 
with the decisions reached at the International Congresses and the 
decisions made on this basis by the Executive Committee of the 
Young Communist International. The Young Communist League 
of America carries on its political activities in accordance with the 
general plans of the Communist Party of America, a section of the 
Communist International. 

See sections 1 and 2 of the Constitution of the Young Communist 
League of America, of Article I. Excerpts of the program of the 
Young Communist League of America, read as follows: 


PROGRAM OF THE YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE OF AMERICA 


The aim of the Young Communist League is the attainment of. the Com- 
munist. Society. This can only be done through the complete forcible. over= 
throw of the capitalist state and the establishment in its place of a transitory 
working-class state, the dictatorship of the proletariat, as expressed in ‘its. 
historic form of Workers’ Councils (Soviets). ; 






RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA SLT 
J 

RESOLUTION « THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE OF AMERICA 
2 TO THE COMMUNIST. PARTY. OF AMERICA 


. With the formation of two Communist parties, the Communist party and 
the Communist Labor party, the revolutionary youth found itself unable to 
declare adherence to one or the other. The lack of unity in the adult Coim- 
ani moyement prevented the development of a Communist youth organiza- 
on. 
, During this period of disorganization of the adult Communist movement the 
young Communist movement remained at a standstill. 
_ At the beginning of 1920, definite steps were taken by the then Communist 
party and the United Communist party to initiate activity among the youth 
movements, and the foundations were laid for a young Communist organiza- 
tion. Then came unity, the forming of one Communist party from the United 
Communist party and the Communist party. And through this unity it again 
became possible for the revolutionary youth to solidify its forces, and to aban- 
don the slogan of independence. The present Young Communist League or 
America came into existence. 
- The Young Communist League of America, section of the Young Communist 
International accepts the program of the Communist International and the 
Communist Party of America, as the fundamental basis for its activities. It 
subordinates itself politically to the Communist Party in accordance with the 
decisions of the Communist International and the Young Communist Interna- 
tional, and because this party represents the only true expression of the 
adult Communist movement in this country. 
To produce effective relationship between the Young Communist League 
and the Communist Party in accordance with the position stated above, these 
definite measures based upon the decisions of the Third World Congress or 
the Communist International and the Second Congress of the Young Com- 
munist International must be applied: 
1. Active participation of every member of the League in the activities of 
the Communist Party ; demonstrations, the economic struggle, the trade unions, 
press work, agitation and propaganda, election campaigns, etc. This partici- 
pation however, must be utilized for carrying on not only the adult activity 
but the development of the youth movement as well. 
; THESIS ON THE ECONOMIC STRUGGLE OF THE WORKING-CLASS YOUTH 
4 
The policy of the Communists is to bring about the unification of the ox- 
ganized labor movement as the first step toward revolutionizing it. This 
can be accomplished only through a definite stand of working within the ex- 
isting mass unions, and striving with every means at our disposal to prevent 
the formation of separate, “pure,” or “revolutionary” unions. Dual union- 
ism is a hindrance and a handlcap to progress and must be condemned. The 
Young Communist League declares its complete approval of the decisions of 
the Communist International, the Red Labor Union International, and the 
Communist Party of America in this respect. Its members must join the 
unions of their respective trade and industry, and conscientiously work to 
gain leadership for the Communists over the organized masses. 
- The Young Communist League of “America also being an underground or- 
ganization, must necessarily utilize its open medium to carry on the greater 
art of its work in reaching and organizing the young upon the economic 
field, and of making them conscious of their tasks. It shall, therefore, make 
its open expression as active and aggressive as it possibly can be, and it will 
devote particular attention toward making that organization lead in this work. 
The Young communists within this organization shall constantly strive to 
have it become more and more clearly the communist vanguard for the ex- 
ploited youth; to extend and intensify its activities, to make them assume a 
nore and more revolutionary nature, and to pass from the purely economic 
to the political field of struggle thus bringing these masses of workers closer 
and closer to a truly communist position. 


THE POLITICAL STRUGGLE 


la  . 


- The Young Communist League, besides its special functions, should and 
ust take a leading part in carrying on the political struggle of the workers 


ee 


318 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
| 
against the capitalist state, and therefore resolves that it will unreservedly; 
unite in the political fight with the Communist Party of America, and wil 
train its members to become the leaders of the Communist movement of to. 
morrow. 
SOVIET RUSSIA 


The Young Communist League of America, assembled at its First Nationa! 
Convention, reaffirms its solid stand with the working class and Communist 
Party of Russia in their battle against world capitalism, and pledges its aid 
to the Soviet Government of Russia in its endeavor to establish a Gommunis: 
Society. 


To show further the aims and purpose of the Young Commuziist 
movement, the following excerpts are quoted from the Resolutions 
and ‘Theses of the Second Congress of the Young Communist In- 
ternational held at Moscow July 14-238, 1921, inclusive: 


RESOLUTIONS ON THE THIRD CONGRESS OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


The Second Congress of the Young Communist International having listened 
to Comrade Trotsky’s report on the Third Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national, declares that it approves of, and unreservedly accepts, the decisions 
of the Third Congress of the Communist International. The Second Congress 
of the Young Communist International charges all organizations affiliated to 
it to do everything within their power for the immediate carrying out of 
these decisions, and, further, to give them as wide as possible a publicity 
among the proletarian youth in town and country of their respective coun- 
tries (p. 4). 


THESES ON THE ANTI-MILITARIST TACTICS OF THE YOUNG COMMUNIST ORGANIZA- 
TIONS 


(7) In the armies modeled on the principle of universal military service. 
the revolutionary propaganda must be pushed within the ranks, undermining 
this support of the bourgeois dictatorship by thoroughly spreading Communist 
ideas. 

The Young Communist International repudiates the individual evasion of 
Military Service (Herveism) as well as desertion as a means of combating 
the bourgeois Militarism. Jn this manner the army would be deprived of 
the very elements necessary for furthering the revolutionary movement, which 
could at the decisive moment transform the Army from a capitalist machine 
of oppression into a weapon of defense for the Proletariat. 

Communist nuclei must be formed within the military associations to con- 
duct an intensive revolutionary propaganda, working for the disintegration of 
the bourgeois army and preparing for the proletarian Red Army. Under a 
favorable political and revolutionary situation, the Communists must further 
the establishment of soldiers (committees and councils.) 

Wherever it is required by the revolutionary movement, revolutionary 
organizations must be formed within the military associations (soldiers’ 
circles, etc.) 

It is, however, the duty of these organizations not to seek any petty allevia- 
tions for the soldiers, but to intensify the Revolutionary propaganda and to 
work for the rapid disintegration of the entire army. 

(8) In the volunteer armies it is necessary to conduct a special propaganda 
which should open the eyes of the proletarian elements contained therein to 
the counter-revolutionary purpose for which they are used and to separate 
them from the bourgeois elements in the ranks. Where reactionary officers 
and generals still succeed in leading these troops against proletarian armies 
and Red Guards, it is naturally necessary to meet them in open battle. 

The watchward of the Young Communist International is, the disarming of 
the bourgeoisie and the arming of the proletariat. 

The employment of violence will disappear only in a Communist Society. 
he Dictatorship of the Proletariat is the period of transition from the 
Capitalist State into a Soviet State, and it must employ violence, as has been 
shown by the history of the Russian Revolution, against the aggression of 
Capitalist robber States as well as against the counter-revolutionury conspir- 
aucies within, for the defense of the conquests of the revolution. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 319 


- (11) In the knowledge of these facts and in the consciousness that the 
HKourgeoisie is seeking by all means of brutal force to prevent the inauguration 


‘of the Proletarian Dictatorship and to destroy it in case of its victory, thus 


making the civil war part and parcel of the proletarian class struggle, the 
Young Communist International regards it as its supreme duty to train the 
proletarian youth for the necessary conquest of political power by military 
means and to defend the Proletarian Dictatorship. 


THESES ON THE WORK OF THE YOUTH IN COLONIAL COUNTRIES 
(9) At the same time the Young Communist Internatioan! is striving to 


establish legal or illegal Communist Sections, the activities of which must be 
lirnited to local and national centers, by means of which the Communist Inter 


‘pational will carry out its policy in the various eountries. (Pp 21-26.) 


In support of the Young Communist movement, a convention call 


to organize the Young Workers’ League of America as a legal branch 


thereof, was issued on or about February 11, 1922; excerpts from 
the call are as follows: 


NATIONAL ORGANIZATION COMMITTEE OF THE YouNG WorKERS’ LEAGUE OF 
AmeErIcA, O. CARLSON, SECRETARY 


799 Broapway, Room 405, New York, N. Y., 
February 11, 1922. 
Dear Comraves: The following Call has been officially endorsed by the 
organizations listed below: 

Young Workers’ League of Chicago, by H. Gannes. 

Young Workers’ League of Detroit, by A. Goetz. 

Young Workers’ League of Boston, by H. Cantor. 

Young Workers’ League of New York, by ©. Carlson, H. Seligson, and G. 


- Schulenberg. 


% * * 3 * me * * 
“Oo ALL YOUNG WORKERS AND YOUNG WORKERS’ ORGANIZATIONS IN THE 
UNITED STATES ” 


The time has come when the working class youth of this country must 
take the initiative in creating a solid front against their common enemy—the 


capitalist class which oppresses and enslaves them, which dwarfs their bodies 


and poisons their minds. The young workers must be roused to action against 


the exploiters who force them into the hell boles of industry to do the hard- 
est and most disagreeable kind of work. When war is necessary to expand 


the capitalists’ field of exploitation, these young workers are sent to be 


cannon fodder. Upon their return (those who do return) their oppression 


and exploitation becomes greater than ever before. This applies to the 
working-class youth generally—agrarian and industrial. These are the facts 


. of the case, and yet no organization exists which can rally these millions of 


—— i. 


young wage slaves into a compact fighting organization. 


Among the seven “ points” upon which the organization was pro- 
posed to be based, will be found the following: 


(4) A militant organization. The first step towards making the Y WtLea 
mass organization can be accomplished if we make it an active, aggressive 
body that fights for the interests of the working class in general and the 
young workers in particular. It must show its sincerity and purpose, not only 
through words but through deeds. ol) Wate 

(6) Condemnation of the Young Peoples’ Internationals and organizations 
affiliated or sympathizing with the Second or Second-and-a-half Internationals 
and recognition of the Young Communist and Communist Internationals as 
the real leaders of the revolutionary workers of the world. 


6. Recognition of the Young Communist and Communist Internationals as 
the real leaders of the revolutionary workers of the world. 

7. Organizations subscribing to the convention call, and sending delegates 
to the convention must agree to merge into the Young Workers’ League of 
America. 


320 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


To show that the Workers’ Party of America was active in the 
Young Workers’ League, excerpts from a document entitled “ News 
Letter,” issued by the National Organization Committee for the 
Young Workers’ League, Room 405, 799 Broadway, New York 
City, are quoted: 

It is gratifying to note that the Workers’ Party is lending active assistance 
to the League in aiding it to organize. In Syracuse, Detroit, Chicago, Los 
Angeles, Boston, Philadelphia, and elsewhere the older comrades have indi- 
cated their willingness to assist in the organization of branches of the Young 
Workers’ League. 

One O. Carlson, who acted as Secretary of the organization of 
the Young Workers’ League of America, was also a delegate from 
the Young Communist League to the illegal convention at Bridg- 
man, Michigan. : ed 

A convention of the Young Communist League of America 
was held at Bethel, Connecticut, May 6th to 10th, 1922, on 
a farm known as “Sunnybrook Farm.” This was the under- 
ground convention or, rather, a convention of the underground 
Young Communist League, the open or legal organization’s 
convention following a few days later, May 13th to 15th, inclusive. 
at the Finnish Socialist Hall, Brooklyn, N. Y., and called the First 
National Convention of the Young Workers’ League. It is inter- 
esting to note here the analogy between the juvenile organization 
and its parent, the combination of the Communist Party of America 
and the Workers’ Party of America. The minutes of the Gonven- 
tion of the Young Communist League in Connecticut are of interest, 
and the following are quotations therefrom: 


The next order of business was the revort of the delegate of the Communist 
party of America to the Communist International, Moscow. The Delegate’s 
name was given as Marshall. Marshall spoke for a period of about four hours, 
reporting on the Congress of the Communist International at Moscow. Mar- 
Shall stated that while attending the Young Communist International Congress 
at Moscow, he received instructions from the Communist International to 
organize the Young Communist League of America. He then outlined the sit- 
uation in this country, and compared it with the general situation the world 
over. He spoke on the past activities of the Communist Party in this country 
and of problems facing the Party today, stating that there must be unity 
within our ranks before the Party will amount to anything. Marshall then 

xplained what was meant by the “ United Front.” He said that the Commu- 
nist Party, through its “ Legal Expression,” must unite with any organization 
that had for its goal any immediate demand, giving several examples. Mar- 
Shall stated that the relations between the Communist Party of America and 
the Young Communist League of America should be the same as the relations 
between the Communist International, laid down by the Third Congress of 
the Communist International. Marshall also stated that the relations between 
the Legal Party, ‘ Workers’ Party of America,” and the Legal “ Young Work- 
ers’ League” should be one and the same: that they should work in harmony 
with each other, although organzationally independent. Marshall said that 
it is the duty of every Young Communist to do all in his power to train all 
class conscious proletarians, so as to strengthen the Communist movement in 
this country. 

* 2 *& * - . * * 


REPORT OF THE YOUNG COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS BY YOUNG 
COMMUNIST LEAGUE INTERNATIONAL DELEGATE 


Edwards (O. Carlson) reported as the International Delegate, stating that 
Marshall had covered nearly everything he (Edwards) would say. Edwards 
spoke of the activities of the Young Communist League of America during the 
past, stating that the organization was hindered hecause it did not have suf- 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 321 
: | 


ficient elements to carry on the work or organization; this being the cause 
that the organization was limited: to a membership of 200. Edwards then told 
of the progress made in other countries, where the work was not so illegal. 
» He also spoke of Poland, where it was almost impossible to distribute literature 
_of any revolutionary nature, causing the membership to diminish to almost 
nothing. He told of the action of the Communist International in making a 
- decision that the Communist Party of America should cooperate and work in 
_ harmony with the Young Communist League in America ; that it was the plan 
j of the Young Communist International that the Young Communist League 
‘ should use its legal expression (Young Workers’ League) as a recruiting 
‘ ground for its Young Communist League membership. 

Edwards stated that it was the duty of every Young Communist League 
member to cooperate with the Communist Party of America and tighten the 
_ bonds of relationship between both the Young Communist League and the 
Communist Party, also the Workers’ Party and the Young Workers’ League. 


_ The following excerpts from the Minutes of the First National 

Convention of the Young Workers’ League of America (the open 
or legal convention), under date of May 18, 14, 15, 1922, held at the 
Finnish Socialist Hall, Brooklyn, N. Y., the first session, are quoted : 


The temporary convention rules and order of business as prepared by the 
National Organization Committee were then read. Following this, various tele- 
grams greeting the convention were then read. The following letter from the 
Executive Committee of the Young Communist International to the Young 
Workers’ League of America was then read and received with great applause: 


Moscow, March 23, 1922. 


To the Central Committee of the Young W orkers’ League of America: 

We have received the material regarding your League and have studied it 
with closest attention. We understand from this the powerful development in 
the movement of young workers in the United States, and the great activities 
- earried on by the young socialist revolutionists who are guiding this movement. 

We shall gladly comply with your wishes to institute a regular correspond- 
ence thru which we shall be mutually informed, and shall in the future give 

you the desired information regarding various questions. 

In the name of the revolutionary young workers’ movement of Europe and 
of other parts of the world who have panded together in the ranks of our or- 
ganization, the Hxecutive Committee of the Young Communist International 
enthusiastically greets the first convention of the socialist working youth of 
America which is laying the foundation of a new epoch in the history of the 
working youth. : 

We assure you of the heartiest active interest and greatest attention of all 
our young comrades in other countries who are watching with the greatest 
intenseness the struggle of the brothers in the citadel of capitalism. 

We hope to hear more from you soon and especially to receive the reports 
of your national convention. We, in turn, shall furnish you the desired mate- 

rial in the near future. 
With International Youth Greetings, 
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE 
| YouNG COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 
(S) Ortro UNGAR. 


A photostatic copy of the original of these minutes jis in the 

ossession of the Government. 

At the last session the following National Executive Committee 
was elected: 

Gannes, Chicago; Schulenberg, New York; Marks, Boston; Jacobs, Phila- 
delphia; Sam, New York; Abern, Minneapolis; and Carlson, New York. 

The Convention adjourned with the singing of the “ Interna- 


tional.” 

For the purpose of showing the close cooperation between the 
Communist International, the Young Communist International, and 
the Young Workers’ League of America, extracts from the tentative 


— isa ee ee 


~.-™ 


be, Os 


322 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Craft of the Manifesto and Program of the Young Workers’ League 
of America regarding conditions in the United States are quoted : 


THE CLASS STRUGGLE AND THE STATE 


The workers strive to secure as great a portion of the wealth produced as | 
they can. On the other hand, the employers and capitalists use every means 
at their disposal to reduce the share of the toilers so that they may obtain 
more. As a result, there arises a conflict between the two classes—the cap- 
italist class and the working class. This conflict becomes more acute with 
each succeeding year, and ofttimes results in open combat. This is the class 
struggle, | 


INTERNATIONAL WORKING-CLASS ORGANIZATIONS 


The proletarian youth, the first to break away from the traitorous Second 
International, refused to join the compromising Second-and-a-half Interna- 
tional when it was formed, having already created their own organization. 
which represents the interests of the revolutionary youth. 

The Young Communist International, with nearly a million valiant young 
workers enlisted under its banner, leads the way, side by side with the Com- 
munist International, in the final struggle, forward and onward to success 
and the International Proletarian Revolution. 


A photostatic copy of the original document is in the possession of 
the Department of Justice, the document being one of those taken 
at Bridgman, Michigan. | 

For the purpose of showing the ultimate aims and objects in 
the political field and the developing of the Young Workers for 
revolutionary struggles, the following excerpts from this program 
are quoted: , 


POLITICAL 


It further understands that in all fields of activities, and especially in the 
field of parliamentary activities, it must cooperate with the. revolutionary 
political party of the workers in this country—The Workers’ Party of 
America. 

This party recognizes that the parliamentary tribunals can be used only 
to point out to the workers the falacies of bourgeois “ democracy” and for 
agitational and propaganda purposes; not for the institution of reforms, The 
party recognizes that the inauguration of a workers’ Republie can not be at- 
tained by “ voting the working class into power.” ' 


The following from the Constitution of the Young Workers’ 
League of America, adopted by the First National Convention held 
in May, 1922, is in point. a7 


ARTICLE I. NAME AND PURPOSE 


Sec. 1. The name of the organization shall be the Young Workers’ League of 
America. 

Src. 2. The purpose shall be to organize and educate the young of the work- 
ing class to understand their true position in capitalist society, to work for 
the abolition of capitalism and to aid in the establishment of a Republic of 
Workers’ Councils—a government functioning through the power of the pro- 
letariat to the exclusion of all other classes as the first step toward the 
establishment of an International Classless Society, free from all political and 
economic slavery. 


To show further the attitude of the Young Workers’ League: At 
its first convention it adopted resolutions regarding its relationship 
to the Workers’ Party of America, The World War Veterans, 
panto of Soviet Russia, etc.; excerpts of these resolutions are as 

ollows: rt 





; q | RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 323 





i'r LELATIONSHIP OF THE YOUNG WORKERS’ LEAGUE TO THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF 
AMERICA 


: * * * * * % * 


The Workers’ Party of America, though but a recent entry into the political 
at ena as a working-class political party, is the most revolutionary open 
‘political party and has attracted to itself the greatest proportion of the revolu- 
plonary vanguard of the proletariat in the United States. 

* *% * * * * * 


ee 


The Young Workers’ League of America is convinced that it ean best further 
the interests of the working masses and realize its mission by presenting 
with the Workers’ Party of America a solid front in the political struggle 
against the master class. 


REVOLUTIONARY POLITICAL UNITY 


aS * * * * * * 
The Young Workers’ League of America urges all revolutionary organizations 
‘to join the Workers’ Party of America so that there may be a united front of 
the communistic elements. f 


THE WORKER 


_ The Worker, as the official organ of the Workers’ Party of America, the 
revolutionary vanguard of the American proletariat, is the chief open expres- 
sion of the fighting proletariat of this country. 


* K * * * * 
THE WORLD WAR VETERANS 


_ The Young Workers’ League of America, realizing that the working class 
“must defend itself on whatever field it is attacked, supports the World War 
Veterans in their gallant fight against the avowed foe of the working class, 
the American Legion. We further urge all ex-service men within our ranks 
actively to support them in their struggle and to join the World War Veterans. 


FRIENDS OF SOVIET RUSSIA 


The Young Workers’ League of America, assembled at its first National 
Convention, whole-heartedly endorses the work carried on by the Friends of 
Soviet Russia and its subsidiary apparatus, the Famine Scouts, and greets all 
the affiliated sections of the Friends of Soviet Russia. 
We pledge our fullest cooperation and support to the Friends of Soviet 
Russia in carrying on the work of wiping out the ravages of the Russian 
famine. 


For the purpose of showing that the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International, in conjunction with the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Young Communist International, was employing, di- 
recting, and instructing the various Communist parties in the manner 
cf handling, circulating, and distributing communistic propaganda, 
excerpts from a communication dated Moscow, June 27, 1922, re- 
ceived August 9, 1922, in the United States, and addressed to the 
National Executive Committees of the Communist parties, are 
quoted : 


To the National Hxrecutive Committees of the Communist Parties. 

DEAR COMRADES: In agreement with the Executive Committee of the Comin- 
tern the Executive Committee of the Young Communist International decided 
to launch an energetic campaign of the youth for the united front of the pro- 
letariat. For this purpose it decided to convoke a 


WORLD CONGRESS OF JUVENILE LABOUR 


In order to prepare the proletarian youth for our campaign, it is of utmost 
importance that the Communist Parties with their press support us in the 
: 


’ 
’ 


324 . RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


most extensive manner. This is especially necessary becatise the whole action 
is closely connected with the united front policy of the Comintern in the near 
future. 

We have already informed the National Executives of our Leagues that the 
editors of the Party organs will support us. With consideration to the immense 
significance of this forthcoming action and its effect on the Social Democrats 
and Centrists, we ask you, the National Executive Committees of the Com- 
munist Parties, to instruct the editors of your organs to grant sufficient space’ 
to the publications of the National Leagues as well as to the International 
publications. 

With Communist greetings, 


THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE YOUNG COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


Under date of August 3, 1922, a circular dated at Moscow, June 
24, 1922, and entitled ‘“* The Tactics in the Question of the United 
F ront, ” marked strictly confidential, was received. It was addressed 
to the national executive committees, and signed by the Executive 
Committee of the Young Communist International. The entire 
document is in the possession of the Government. It is not quoted, 
but is merely mentioned here because it includes the statement of 
plans as to the participation of the youth in the united- front move- 
ment. | 

The following resolutions are quoted: 


RESOLUTION ON THE REPORT OF COMRADE ZINOVIEV ON THE ENLARGED SESSION OF 
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


Having listened to the report of Comrade Zinoviey, the Bureau Session of 
the Young Communist International on the policy of the Comintern and the 
tactics of the United Front, instructs the Young Communist Leagues 
affiliated to the Young Communist International to assist by all possible means 
in the practical application of these decisions. (Adopted against the vote of 
the Italian delegate. ) 

* * * * * * * 


IN THE NUCLEI 


The Second most important task imposed upon the Leagues by the Bureau 
Session is the systematic formation of nuclei consisting of the members of 
the League in shops and schools. This can be done easily after the registra- 
tion of the members. The Bureau Session at this occasion points to what 
has been said in the Circular “ For the Reorganization of the Leagues” and 
thereby lays special stress upon the following points of view: 

(1) The systematic formation of nuclei, beginning with the most important 
schools and shops and where many young Communists are employed. Only 
after these nuclei have acquired a certain basis, new nuclei should be formed. 


e SS ms * ‘ * ak 


INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION \ 


Drawing conclusions from the previous experience, the Bureau session calls 
upon all Leagues and the International Executive Committee to redouble their 
efforts to establish close connections between the various Leagues as well as 
between the Leagues and the International Executive Committee and vice versa 
in order to make the Young Communist International a really solid interna- 
tional organization. 


RESOLUTION ON ANTIMILITARISM 


pa ok * * % ol 


The working youth is that section of the proletariat which is most threat- 
ened by militarism; it is in direct contact with the army and provides the 
soldiers. Therefore, the Young Communist Organizations have an important 
part to play in the education of and agitation among all, sections of the prole- 
tarian youth, including the army and navy. 


4 3 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA B25 


AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA 
aK % *% % % % a 





So far as the bourgeois youth organizations are concerned, it is the task of 
the Young Communist Leagues to expose their class character, to fight the 
church, to carry on a strong, elastic anti-religious propaganda, to lead a ruth- 
less fight against militarism and to unveil not less ruthlessly Pacifism and 
political neutrality. 


* * a * 2 % % 


‘To indicate further the aims and purposes of the Young Workers’ 
League of America, the following excerpts are quoted from the Reso- 
‘ Jutions and Theses of the Young Workers’ League of America, 
adopted at its Second National Convention held in Chicago on May 
20-22, 1923: 


‘ 
, RESOLUTION ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 


Centralized leadership is a positive and essential factor for the success 
of the workers’ revolution, both nationally and internationally. The aid of 


; 

the Young Communist International is the aim of the Young Workers’ League 

of America in the attainment of the Communist Society. We recognize, with 
the Young Communist International, that to attain this aim, we must first 
strive for and establish a transitory working class state, the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, as expressed in its historic form of Soviets. 

The Young Workers’ League of America will work to become in reality the 
revolutionary vanguard of the young. We can do so only by winning over the 

large masses of the working class youth of America for revolutionary action 
} through vigorous Communist educational and propaganda activity, and through 
participation in the everyday struggles of the workers. 

The Young Communist International has accepted the Young Workers’ 
League into its ranks as a sympathizing or fraternal body. The Young Workers’ 
League, threugh its Second National Convention, resolves that the present 
- fraternal relations of the Yourg Workers’ League of America shall continue ; 
but further, that the National Executive Committee be empowered to take such 
further steps for closer relations as it may deem necessary. 


° 


4 
: 
; 
+ 
: 
\ 
; 
: RESOLUTION ON THE ECONOMIC DEMANDS OF THE WORKING CLASS YOUTH 
; 

 - Besides agitating among the colored proletariat in order to make them un- 
derstand their class position, we must at the same time carry on an ener- 
getic campaign among the masses of white workers to break down the preju- 


- dices that have been inculcated in them by the master class, and its institutions. 
RESOLUTION ON MILITARISM AND ANTIMILITARISM—IMMEDIATE STEPS 


: Immediate steps must be directed against further increase in armaments on 

the one hand, and on the other toward a discouraging of voluntary military 
training. 

Our antimilitary activities shall assume the following forms: 
1. War against armaments. (a) Continuous efforts to awaken the workers to 
opposition to armaments. 

2. Propaganda amongst the youth likely to be recruited for military training 
camps, student corps, or the like. (a) Printing of leaflets and circulars to be 
distributed among the young workers and working students, pointing out 
the purpose for which they are trained; (b) National campaigns against par- 

ticipation in military training at periods when the training camps are opened 

or at times when the question of military training is before the workers. 

3. Work among the children to point out the militarist character of the Boy 

and Girl Scout movements. (a) Every attempt must be made to reach as 

large a section of the proletarian children and prevent their membership in 
the Boy and Girl Scout organizations; (b) Enlist the aid of the workers’ par- 
ents in the struggle against the Boy and Girl Scout movement on militarist 
and antiworking class grounds. 
4, Fight against Fascism and White Guard organizations. (a) Together 
with the Party, the League will carry on work against the formation of anti- 


—_—_ — 


326 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


working class Fascist organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan, the Americar 
Legion, the American Sentinels, etc.; (b) To secure the cooperation of al 
labor organizations for the fight against Fascism and White Guard organiza 
tions, \ 

5. Propaganda among the ex-service men and disabled soldiers. (a) To 
point out the treatment meted out to soldiers in capitalist wars. 

6. Utilization of dissatisfaction of the armed forces. (a) The dissatisfac- 
tory conditions of the soldiers and sailors, as well as within the training 
camps, Should be portrayed in League and Party paper. | 

At all times the antimilitary work of the League must be carried on in 
closest cooperation with the Party, for though the majority of those who 
bear the brunt of war are the youth, crises of this nature affect the entire 
working class and the best results can be achieved only by the closest harmony 
with the leaders of the Communist forces in the United States, the Workers’ 
Party of America. 





RESOLUTION ON PRESS-—-CHILDREN’S PAPER 


In order more effectively to carry on our work among the children both 
within and without the children’s Sections, it is necessary that a paper be 
issued by the National Executive Committee. | 


POLICY OF THE PAPER 


It is necessary to get the children themselves interested in a children’s pub- 
lication. 
CIRCULATION AND DISTRIBUTION 


At first the matter of distribution of the children’s paper will fall largely 
into the hands of the Young Workers League members as well as party mem- 
bers. Wherever the task falls to the League members, they should do all 
they can at all times to see that the paper reaches a large number of prole- 
tarian children. The children organized. within the children’s section should 
be drawn into the work of distribution of their own paper among other pro- 
letarian children with whom they come in contact either at home or in school. 
Every effort should be made to have the children themselves distribute their 
paper. | 


RELATIONSHIP OF THE YOUNG WORKERS’ LEAGUE TO THE WORKERS PARTY OF 
AMERICA 


% % % * * * * 


The Young Workers’ League of America is convinced that it can best further 
the interests of the working masses and realize its mission by presenting, 
with the Workers’ Party of America, a solid front in the political struggle 
against the master class. 

* * * * * * 

The Young Workers’ League of America, assembled in its Second National 
Convention, reiterates its stand taken at its First National Convention and 
confirmed by the Second National Convention of the Workers’ Party that the 
relationship of the two organizations shall be upon the following basis: 

1. The Young Workers’ League of America shall accept the political direc- 
tives of the Workers’ Party of America and shall work in harmony with that 
organization on all political issues in carrying on the fight against the capi- 
talist class. 

The Second National Convention of the Young Workers’ League of America 
accepts the specific measures adopted by the Second National Convention ‘of 
the Workers’ Party, as incorporated in its Constitution, to make more effee- 
tive the relationship of the two organizations. The Young Workers’ League 
Convention recognizes that these measures are essential for the close coopera- 
tion between the Workers’ Party and the Young Workers’ League, and pledges 
the members of the Young Workers’ League to carry same into effect in the 
interest of the Communist movement in this country. 

By AUTHORITY AND ON BEHALF OF THE SECOND 
NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE YOUNG WORKERS’ 
LEAGUE OF AMERICA, NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 


li 


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b + 
i, 

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i 


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a 
7 


-_  — 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA : 327 
COMMUNIST MOVEMENT AMONG THE YOUTH 


The following are extracts from “The Young Worker ” and * The 


“Young Comrade,” official press organs of the Young Communist 


League and the Young Workers League, section of the Young Com- 


“munist International. The former publication has completed its 


second year, the latter began with the January, 1924, issue. . 


Preceding the advent of The Young Worker, and for a period con- 
temporary with it, there was The Young Communist, now discon- 


tinued. 
From the Manifesto and Program of the Young Workers League, 


_ published in “The Young Worker” of March-April, 1922, (p. 11) 
_we learn that: 


sat ee tie | 


The aim of the Young Workers’ League of America is the abolition of capi- 
talism by means of the Workers; Republic—a government functioning through 


the power of the proletariat to the exclusion of all other classes as the first 


step toward the establishment of an International Classless society free from 


- all political and economic slavery. 


In this same issue of “'The Young Worker” there is published an 


article, “They Do the Dirty Work,” by one Harry Gannes (p. 4). 


This is in effect an attack on the Y. M. C. A., the Y. M. H. A., and 
the Boy Scouts. Of the first it is stated that it is “ one of the most 
active enemies of the working class youth throughout the world,” and 


of the Boy Scouts it is affirmed: “Their motto, ‘Be prepared, in 


reality means, ‘Be prepared against a working class uprising.’” 


The final advice given with regard to these organizations is as fol- 
lows: | 

The Young Workers should not do the dirty work of the capitalist class by 
joining these organizations. They form the battalions together with the State, 


church, and schools that keep the workers in subjection, applaud every act of 
the capitalists, and strengthen the morale during capitalist wars. They do the 


; dirty work. 


And “ The Young Worker ” of March, 1923, editorially says of the 
Boy Scouts: 


The most oft-repeated and loudest proclaimed word in all the creed of the 
Boy Scouts is obedience—obedience to the master whoever he be—employer, 
army officer, scab herder, or white guard scoundrel. The psychology of the 
Fascisti is the psychology of the Boy Scout. What is most treacherous of all, 
the young fellows are taken in when their minds are extremely plastic; when 
they will believe anything told them in all solemnity by some older person; 
they are screwed up to patriotic fever heat; and are told whatever they do 
under the command of their leaders is for “ their’ country, for “ their” home 
and “their” flag. In that frame of mind the young fellows can be led to do 
anything, and the impression made lasts through their entire lives. And yet 
workers will leave their children to the tender mercies of scout leaders to be 
used some day against themselves. 


The May Day, 1922, issue of the “ Young Worker” in its May 
Day editorial declares: 

We hear the tramp of the young as they come in ever larger masses to the 
banner of the revolutionists. Soon they will conquer. Meanwhile as we view 
the intolerable situation forced upon us by the master class, let this be our 
slogan till that happy May Day comes when we have won for ourselves a 
Workers’ Republic: ‘‘ We have loved enough, Now let us hate!” 

The same issue of “ The Young Worker ” in an article “ Can ,Stu- 
dents be Revolutionary?” points out the most efficacious way of 


La 


328 . RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


enlisting students in American educational institutions in the cause 
of Communism. It is stated: 


* * * the so-called student is amenable to argument, to study, to specu- 
lation. The great bulk of the intellectuals form the directors and technical 
experts of modern industry; and our fight should he to enlist as many of them 
in our ranks as we possibly can—not to act as the leaders of the working 
class—but so that we may retain them as the managers of the highly developed 
and intricate system of production when the working class assumes the leader- 
ship over society. 

Wherever possible we should strive to “ neutralize’ the students so that they 
Will not outrightly enlist in the ranks of the bourgeois against the working 
class. 


The August-September, 1922, issue of “The Young Worker ” (p. 
15) contained the following instructions from the Young Commu- 
mist International (Moscow) : 


The Young Communist International, the vanguard of the revolutionary 
youth of the world, says to its members throughout the world: 

“It is an important task of the Gommunist youth to distribute * * * 
literature in all workers’ meetings, in railway cars, street cars, and in all 
public places. Utmost persistence and ability are to be exercised in this. 
The periodic agitation from house to house must if possible be lined up with 
the distribution of literature. Printed. material must be taken along on’ all 
excursions.” 

As to the formation of “ shop nuclei,” an extract from an editorial 
in the May, 1923, issue of “ The Young Worker” may serve as typi- 
‘al of this frequently extended counsel. 


Just think about it. Here are three of our members in a particular fae: 
tory. They know personally their fellow young workers; they know the 
conditions of the factory; they are part, not only of the working class, but 
the immediate group of their fellow wage slaves. None will doubt that by 
working consistently within their shop for our immediate demands they. can 
more easily gain the confidence and following of the young workers who work 
side by side with them. Our whole activity is, in this way, transferred from 
the branch to the shop. . 


As to the celebration of the Fourth of July, an editorial in the 
July, 1923, issue of “The Young Worker” states: 


On July Fourth, when a revolution which is gone and buried is glorified, 
it is our duty to point out what actually happened. Where we are unable 
to hold meetings to counteract the lies and smoke screens we should at least 
discuss the significance of the day in our branches. We should point out the 
hypocrisy of those who praise any attempt to revolt against a system which 
is hundreds of times more oppressive than the rule of the British king ever was. 


“The Young Worker ” of November, 1923, declares that: 


Soviet Russia stands out as a brilliant red light in the darkness of a world 
of capitalist gloom, Soon the brilliance of the red light will be increased by 
additional blazes. * * 9 * 

When we celebrate the sixth anniversary of the Soviet: Republic this vear, 
let us not forget that celebrations are worthless unless they result. in some- 
thing more conerete than applause and sentiment * * ° * Let the young 
workers line up in the ranks of The Young Workers’ League of America. and. 
gathering and consolidating our forces, gaining strength as we march along, 
we shall proceed, invincibly toward revolution, to the overthrow of capitalism 
in America and the birth of the American Soviet Republic. 

Turning to the Communist press in the various foreign languages, 
as published in the United States, we find much prominence given 
to the matter of Communism among the youth. Thus: | 

“ Laisve,” Lithuanian Communist daily of Brooklyn, an. official 
organ of the Workers’ Party, in its September 6, 1923, issue pleads 


a RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 329 


with parents to place their children in the Young Workers’ League 
‘and in this way negative the traiming they would receive in the 
bourgeois schools. “It 1s your most sacred duty,” declared Laisve, 
and adds: 

; There is only one place where your child can be brought up to. be a class 
“conscious worker. That one place is the Young Workers League. ih anaes 


- Class conscious fathers and mothers! Look after your children! Bring 
them into the League before it is too late, before they have drifted away from 
you entirely. This is your most sacred duty! 

_ “Taisve” in the September 17, 1923, issue editorially calls for a 
“counteraction in the Lithuanian schools to the Americanization prin- 
ciples practiced in American schools. Says Laisve, in part: 

_ * * 3% Tf you will take a look into our schools you will find the teachers 
engaged in propounding the superiority of the existing order, the wonderful 


past of the American history and the “immortal” deeds of the American 


a day. 
ir 


national heroes, This hymn of praise is repeated in the schools several times 


* * Tf the child is capable of absorbing the spirit of veneration of 


“and obedience to the present system, what is there to prevent his understand- 
ing the wrongs, poverty, and hardships suffered by the workers? 


* * %* 'This is a very pertinent question and one that should interest 


every working father and mother. Their duty is to look after their children’s 
political education * * %*. The worker’s child should be educated in the 
proletarian spirit. ' 


~~ a 


=e F . 


These examples may be taken as typical of many others extending 


through all of the branches of the foreign language press for several 


vears. 

It may be added that sports, games, and Communist fiction are 
not being overlooked as influential means in the Communizing of 
the young. 


“The Young Comrade,” English language official organ of the 


“Junior Section cf the Young Workers’ League of America, Janu- 
ary, 1924, says: ) 


The Young Comrade will have as its major objectives the counteracting of 
the continuous stream of poison with which the child is fed in the schools, the 
newspapers, the church and synagogue, and the motion picture house. A firm 
stand for internationalism as against nationalism; the working class as against 
the capitalist class; proletarian ideals of life and love as against the ideals 


of the bourgeoisie—if they can be said to have any. 


It was also stated in the Young Worker that the first issue of “The 
Young Comrade ” sold 5,000 copies within three days of publication. 
“The Young Comrade,” in the January, 1924, issue states: 


In the public schools, you, the children of the workers, are taught that this 
is the best government in the world. But you are never told that this govern- 


ment allows little children of five years of age to work under terrible condi- 


tions in mines, factories, and fields in order to get a bite to eat. You are told 
that the organizations of the workers. like the unions and the Communist Par- 
ties. are wicked organizations that are unjust and unreasonable and bad all 
around * * They tell you that they are eiving you an education, put it 
is not true. They only teach you enovgh writing, reading, and ’rithmetic to 
make you able to carry on work for the boss when you are old enough to be 
dragged into a factory or a mine. ; 

One of the places where you must carry on your fight is in the public schools. 
You must fight against being educated in a capitalist way. You must fight 
against teachings which tell you to be a “ patriot” to your country. 


330 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


“'The Worker” for November 10, 1923, page 3, contains the tol- 
lowing interesting article by Nat Kaplan, entitled. “ Communist 
Children Demand Hands Off Workers’ Germany”: 


For the first time in the history of the Communist Movement in America’ 
we can count on the support of a closely-knit Communist Children’s Organization 
in our major political campaigns. | 

The Young Workers’ League Junior ( Children’s) Section is now organized 
in 15 cities and has 1,000 children in its ranks. 

Because the organization is based on the principle of a combination of Com- 
munist Educational Activity, with the immediate participation of the child in 
the class struggle, this organization was in a position to immediately respond to 
the slogan of “Hands Off Workers’ Germany,” issued jointly by the Workers’ 
Party, the Trade-Union Educational League, and the Young Workers’ League 
of America. 

The program of action to be carried out by these young rebels is: 

(1) Discussion in the Children’s Groups. Explanation of ‘Hands Off 
Workers’ Germany ” campaign. 

(2) Mass meetings to be arranged—invitations to all working-class parents— 
the children and group leaders will act as speakers. 

(3) Systematic agitation within the “ Capitalist Public School,” which will 
assume the following character: 

(a) Interrupting invited speakers at assembly if they touch on the German 
situation, and advancing the slogan: “ Sending munitions to Germany means 
the murdering of the German workers’ children.” 

(0) Mass exits at such assembly meetings will follow the issuance of the 
slogan. 

(¢) The Public Schools will be flooded with The Young Comrade, the chil- 
dren’s magazine. Each issue will deal specifically with this campaign. 

(d) At occasions when teachers call for the cheering of “ certain honorable 
gentlemen,” this will be counteracted with the ery of “ Three cheers for the 
German Revolution.” 

(é) Leaflets to be issued soon by the party will be tacked on all bulletin 
boards, ete., in the school. 

(f) The children, upon their own initiative, will chalk the sidewalks in front 
of school buildings with such slogans as: “American children, the bosses of this 
country are sure to send munitions and guns to help shoot down the workers’ 
children of that country. Will you stand for it?” 

(9) Noon-time meetings will be arranged by the children in front of the 
schools, and the children themselves will act as speakers at these meetings. 

(2) All the Communist children will wear a “ Hands Off Workers’ Germany ” 
tag, to be printed soon by the Young Workers’ League. 

(7) If large masses of the children within the Public Schools will be rallied 
round these issues the question of school strikes will be considered. All such 
cases will be worked out in close cooperation with the National Junior Depart- 
ment of the Young Workers’ League. 

(4) Junior Groups exist in eight ports in this country. In such towns special 
days will be set aside for the distribution of party leaflets among the longshore- 
men, sailors, ete. 

(5) House-to-house leaflet distribution will also be an order of the campaign. 


Among the papers taken from 170 Bleecker Street, New York City, 
in April, 1922, was the following document: 


Report to the Second World Congress of the Young Communist International 
or the National Committee of the Young Communist League of America and 
the Central Executive of the United Communist Party of America. 

DrEsR ComMRADE: The Left Wing development within the Socialist Party of 
America during 1918-19 also effected the Young People’s Socialist League. 
With the formation of the Communist Party and the Communist Labor Party 
many of the younger comrades left the League and the remaining part of the 
League as a whole decided to remain independent of any party while the con- 
troversy between the two Communist parties was going on. But this did not 
make things any better, for the yellow Socialist elements of that organization 
did their best to control it, while the membership as a whole did not fully com- 
prehend the aims and objects of a revolutionary young people’s movement in 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 831 





this country. Due to this condition as well as lack of funds the national 
organization of the Y. P. S. L. broke down. Only a few of the local or sec- 
' tional organizations of it yo ae to remain more or less intact. 
q Both the C. P. and the C. P. passed resolutions to the effect that they 
would assist in forming young ce Leagues, but in reality nothing was 
ever done about it. The U. C. P., realizing the necessity of organizing the 
f Communist Youth of America under the banner of the Young Communist In- 
‘ternational laid down at its second convention a definite plan of action for 
bringing the Young Communist League in this country into being. (See 
SHxhibit 1.) 
' The fraternal delegate of the Y. C. L. at the convention was immediately 
placed in charge of this work. After three months, the results are already in 
evidence. The Y. C. L. is an actuality. Provisional organization rules were 
drawn up, leaflets issued, and a pamphlet on the Y. ©. L, prepared (see Ex- 
hibits 2 and 3) besides which organization work was done in all the important 
cities. About 20 groups are now definitely in existence, which are working 
_in closest cooperation with the U. C. P. Every issue of the official Party organ 
carries one or more articles on the Young Communist movement, and every 
Party Official and member has been urged to do his utmost in organizing and 
developing the Y. C. L. At the earliest possible moment a national convention 
of the Y. GC. L. will be called at which time the members will outline the ways, 
means, and policies of the organization, and elect their own officials. 
An international delegate to the Second World Congress of the Y. C. I. was 
elected by the central committees of the Y. C. L. and the U. C. P. The national 
convention of the Y. C. L. will be held immediately upon his return to America. 
All indications point to the fact that a strong Y. C, L. will be developed in 
this country within a short time. We hope that the Y. C. I. will do all it 
can to assist us in this work of making the Y. C. L. of America an important 
yart in the world-wide revolutionary movement. 
On behalf of the Y. C. L. of A. and the U. C. P. of A. we extend our heartiest 
-vreetings to the Second World Congress of the Young Communist Inter Ha tipnas 
Long live the Young Communist League of America. 
Long live the Young Communist International. 
All hail to the World Wide Proletarian Revolution. 
Fraternally, 
H. Epwarbs, 
National Committee of the 
Young Commanist League of America, National Organizer. 
ha PavuL Hort, 
General Executive Committee of the 
United Communist Party of America, Executive Secretary. 


Leaflets containing the following have been distributed at meet- 
ings of the Young Workers’ League: 


Sones For YouNG REBELS 
THE INTERNATIONALE 


Arise, ye prisoners of starvation ! 
Arise, ye wretched of the earth, 
For justice thunders condemnation, 

A better world’s in birth. 


No more tradition’s chains shall bind us. 
Arise, ye slaves; no more in thrall! 
The earth shall rise on new foundations, 
We have been naught, we shall be all. 


REFRAIN 


’Tis the final conflict, 

Let each stand in his place, 
The Internationale 

Shall be the human race. 


82325—24—pt 2 2 





832 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


We want no condescending saviors, 
To rule us from a judgment hall; 
We workers ask not for their favors ; 

Let us consult for all. 


To make the thief disgorge his booty, 
To free the spirit from its cell, 

We must ourselves decide our duty, 
We must decide and do it well. 


THE RED FLAG 
[By James Connell] 


The worker’s flag is deepest red, 

It shrouded oft our martyred dead; 
And ere their limbs grew stiff and cold 
Their life-blood dyed its every fold. 


CHORUS 


Then raise the scarlet standard high; 
Beneath its folds we'll live and die, 
Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer, 
We'll keep the red flag flying here. 


Look round, the Frenchman loves its blaze, 
The sturdy German chants its praise; 

In Moscow’s vaults its hymns are sung, 
Chicago swells its surging song. 


It waved above our infant might 
When all ahead seemed dark as night; 
It witnessed many a deed and vow, 
We will not change its color now. 


It suits to-day the meek and base, 

Whose minds are fixed on pelf and place; 
To cringe beneath the rich man’s frown, 
And haul that sacred emblem down. 


With heads uncovered, swear we all, 
To bear it onward till we fall; , 
Come dungeons dark, or gallows grim, 
This song shall be our parting hymn. 


Keep this leaflet and sing the songs at the May Day parade and at all labor 
gatherings. 


HOLD THE FORT 
[English transport workers’s strike song] 


We meet today in Freedom’s cause, 
And raise our voices high; 

We'll join our hands in union strong, 
To battle or to die. 


CHORUS 


Hold the fort for we are coming— 
Union men, be strong. 

Side by side we battle onward, 
Victory will come. 


Look, my Comrades, see the union 
Banners waving high. 
Reinforcements now appearing, 
Victory is nigh. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 333 





See our numbers still increasing; 
Hear the bugle blow. 

By our union we shall triumph 
Over every foe. 


f Fierce and long the battle rages, 

| But we will not fear. 
Help will come whene’er it’s needed, 
Cheer, my Comrades, cheer. 


THE PREACHER AND THE SLAVE 


[By Joe Hill] 
[Tune: ‘‘ Sweet Bye and Bye’’] 


Long-haired preachers come out every night, 
Try to tell you what’s wrong and what’s right; 
But when asked how ’bout something to eat 
They will answer with voices so sweet: 


CHORUS 


You will eat, bye and bye, 

In that glorious land above the sky ; 

Work and pray, live on hay, 

You'll get pie in the sky when you die 
(that’s a lie!). 


And the starvation army they play, 

And they sing and they clap and they pray. 
Till they get all your coin on the drum, 

Then they’ll tell you when you’re on the bum. 


Holy Rollers and jumpers come out, 

And they holler, they jump, and they shout. 
“Give your money to Jesus,” they say, 
‘He will cure all diseases today.” 


If you fight hard for children and wife— 
Try to get something good in this life— 
You’re a sinner and bad man, they tell, 
When you die you will sure go to hell. 


Workingmen of all countries, unite, 

Side by side we for freedom will fight ; 

When the world and its wealth we have gained 
To the grafters we'll sing this refrain: 


LAST CHORUS 


You will eat, bye and bye, 
When you've learned how to cook and to fry; 
Chop some wood, ’twill do you good, 
And you'll eat in the sweet bye and bye. 
If you can not use this yourself, give to some young person who will be 
interested. 


EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES 


Carrying out the program determined upon by the Communists 
for the aligning of youth, radical schools have been established in 
many sections of the country for the purpose of teaching Com- 
munism and the principles and tactics of the Third International. 
From a confidential source information concerning the proposed 
educational campaign was secured in 1923. 


334 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


In November, 1928, one Shachno Epstein was in very close and 
intimate touch with the Central Executive Committee of the Workers 
Party. He at that time urged the preparation by the Workers’ Party 
of experienced revolutionary leaders, who, at the necessary moment. 
would be capable of taking over the political power and the manage- 
ment of industry when the ruling class shall have been destroyed. In 
order that there might be well-grounded leaders in these matters he 
urged a definite theoretical preparation of questions of Party structure 
with a course lasting one year. The Central Executive Committee 
of the Party was apparently impressed with his program for it. 
was given careful consideration by the Central Executive Com- 
mittee and the following was determined upon: Ris: | 

The fundamental studies in the district organizers school’ are: Study of. 
the resolutions of all party conventions, conferences, etc,’ These studies are 
in the nature of familiarization with the economic and political surroundings 
which necessitated or dictated these decisions at the various conventions ; 
evaluation of the experience which there was for the execution of such deci- 
sions; evaluation and explanation of causes which hindered. the execution of 
this or that decision. 

Study of general party legislation (circulars, rules, instructions of the 
C. K. C. and regional committees) along the same lines as. the study of the 
decisions (or resolutions). 

Study of the rules and decisions of All-Russian Conventions, and conferences 
of Soviet, professional and cooperative organizations. 

Study of various angles of party life and party structure. (Organizational, 
agitational, and propagandist, press supervision, work among youth, women, 
and nonparty members.) 

Study of methods of fighting the aristocracy of labor (leaders of the Ameri- 
can Federation of Labor, social patriots, etc.). 

Into these district schools will be admitted only party members. 

All of the above described is being done with a view to the creation of a 
definite corps of party comrades, who, at the necessary moment would be 
able to fill the directing or guiding positions. ) 

The above ;decision of the C. E)’C? of the’ W: P.“A. was sent to 
director organizers, marked “ Confidential.” hs 

The schools referred to above, according to Kipstein, were to be of 
the same character as the Russian Propaganda Schools of 1905 and 
would be of illegal or underground nature as no private nonparty 
individuals would be admitted. | 

The preceding confidential information was subsequently con- 
firmed by publication in the official organs of the Communist press. 

In line with the Communist movement in. this country, schools 
have been created among the youtly and Trade Unionists; the schools 
are principally created. and supported by the Workers’ Party of 
America and the Young Workers’ League of America. In this 
connection attention is called to an article appearing in The Worker, 
official organ of the Workers’ Party of America, dated November 3, 
1923, regarding these plans, and having specific reference to the 
Lenin College, which reads in part as follows: , 

The Central Executive Committee of the Workers’ Party some. time ago 
elected a committee to draw up a plan for systematic educational work among 
the party members as well as similar work among nonparty members, The 
committee considered that the growth of the party made it necessary to estab- 
lish some medium of instructing new members in the fundamentals of Com- 
munist science. The subcommittee submitted the report which follows, which 
was unanimously adopted. The national organization will proceed to put the 
plan outlined in practice immediately. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 335 


“REPORT OF EDUCATIONAL COMMITTEE 








“The systematic theoretical training of the party members can not longer be 
eglected without danger to the party. The campaigns and struggles led by 
te party are having the inevitable result of drawing a fresh, healthy stream of 
proletarian elements into our ranks. The trade-union militants are being at- 
tracted to the party in large numbers because it appeals to them as the best 
practical leader in the daily fight. As a rule these workers are without a clear 
“understanding of the theory of Communism and the revolutionary goal of the 
labor movement. 
J “This is also true of many of the older members of the party who came over 
from the Socialist Party and the I. W. W., and who still carry with them harm- 
ful prejudices. Systematic educational work is vitally necessary to bind them 
all more closely to the party, raise the general level of the theoretical knowl- 
edge in the ranks, and assist them to gain that firm grasp on Communist 
principles which will enable them to stand unwavering through the difficulties 
and vicissitudes of the movement. 

“A specific fund must be provided for this work. We have estimated that a 
minimum of $10,000 per year will be necessary to put the whole program into 
effect. But the work should be started at once, and as it develops the funds 
can be raised to support it. The party comrades are thirsty for knowledge, 
and we believe it is possible to arouse great enthusiasm amongst them for this 
project. We can go ahead with full confidence that the necessary funds will be 
forthcoming. 

“After a thorough consideration of the entire question the committee recom- 
‘mends the immediate adoption of the following concrete proposals: 

“1. The selection of a National Educational Director who shall have 
administrative direction of the entire educational program. 

_ “2. The founding of ‘ Lenin College’ —a central school for party function- 
aries and leaders—to be located in Chicago. 

_ “3. Establishment of classes in locals to be conducted by professional teach- 
ers on a traveling circuit. 

“4-Bducational Lyceum course; extensive tours to be organized for lectures 
on theoretical subjects. 

“5 Publication of a number of popular theoretical pamphlets. 

i fehin College : The purpose of this school is to train party leaders. Twice a 
year 25 to 80 of the best party workers from the districts shall be brought 
to Chicago for six weeks and given a course of instruction, and they shall devote 
the entire time to study. 

“'Pheir expense shall be provided as follows: (a) The national office shall 
‘provide free tuition, return railroad fare to their homes from Chicago, a free 
library of revolutionary classics necessary for their studies, free board and 

room in Chicago, and five dollars per week incidental expenses. (0) Locals 
from which the students come shall pay their railroad fare to Chicago and 
five dollars per week expenses. 

“Party members and sympathizers in Chicago who are in a position to do 
so shall be called; upon to donate free board and lodging to the students for 
the six- -week period. * * 


““ METHOD OF INSTRUCTION 
“1, Lectures. 
“9, Reading. 
«3. Debates. 
“4 Examination and Grading. 
“5 Theses by students on subjects covered in the course. | 
“6. Special features: Sunday night forum lectures open to the public. 


“ SUBJECT OF INSTRUCTION 


41. Marxian Economics. | 
_ “9, Historical Materialism. 
“8. History of the United States. 
“4, History of the American Labor Movement. 
5, Labor Journalism. 
“6, Leninism and, the Third International—Theory and Practice of the 
Revolution. 
“7 History of the International Labor Movement. 
“3 Communist Tactics in the Trade Unions. 
“9 History of Revolutions. 


336 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


“TOCAL CLASSES 


“Ten circuits of five cities each shall be organized in ten different dis-! 
tricts within a radius of the following centers: Seattle, San Francisco, Min- 
neapolis, Chicago, St. Louis, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, New York, 
and Boston. Classes should be conducted one night a week in each city on the! 
circuit for ten weeks by professional teachers assigned to the work. * * * 

“The estimated maximum cost of the services of each lecturer, including 
wages, expenses, and railroad fare is $125 per week. The national office shall 
pay one-half of this expense and the districts one-half. | 





‘EDUCATIONAL LYCEUM COURSE 
| 


“'This lecture course will be different from others arranged by the party. 
in that it will be devoted exclusively to popular lectures on theoretical sub-. 
jects. The lectures will be open to the general working-class public, the locals 
shall pay a flat rate for the services of the lecturer and admission tickets 
should be sold. The entire evening of the lecture should be devoted exclusively 
to the subject, and the general campaigns and political work of the party 
should not obtrude.” 

In a circular letter sent out in December, 1923, by the District 
Organizer of District No. 8 at Chicago, Illinois, a man by the name 
of Swabeck, there is contained an outline of the educational cam- 
paign being conducted by James P. Cannon, Chairman of the 
Workers’ Party of America, who, according to the statement of 
Swabeck, has been delegated to conduct an educational circuit in 
District No. 8 for a period of eleven weeks, beginning Monday, 
December 10th. The itinerary of Cannon covers the cities of Mil- 
waukee, Kenosha, Gary, Hammond, Indiana Harbor, East Chicago, 
Moline, Rock Island, and Davenport. Cannon, in the statement of 
Swabeck, is credited with having successfully established in Chicago 
a Workers’ Party school, and, according to Swabeck, every party 
member is urged to enroll for the classes which Cannon proposes to 
conduct. Swabeck sets forth for the information of Party members 
the places where these classes are to be held. The course of study 
to be followed by Cannon is listed as follows: : 

1. Class Struggles in Past History. (Development of Society up to Capi- 
talization. ) 

2. The State and Its Réle in the Class Struggles. 

o. Surplus Value and Process of Circulation of Capital. (How Capitalism 
Operates. ) 

4. Dialectics of Capitalism. (How Capitalism Produces the Forces of Its 
Own Destruction.) 

5. Materialist Conception of History. (Marxian Method of Historical 
Analysis. ) 

6. Historical Rdle of the Revolutionary Working Class Party. 

7. The Party in the Political Struggles. | 

8. The Party in the Trade-Unions. 

9. Strategy and Tacties of the Party. 


10. The First and Second Internationals and the World War. 
11. The Russian Revolution and the Communist International. 





THE “COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL’ —OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE 
COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


The above publication is issued simultaneously in four languages, 
French, Russian, German, and English, and distributed through the 
world as the official organ of the Communist International. 

Practically every issue of this magazine bears the statement that 
it is “ published under the editorship of G. Zinoviey, with the imme- 


i | 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 337 


[ 
diate participation of Comrades Bukharin, Kamanev, Lenin, Lun- 
archarsky, Pokrovsky, Rakovsky, Riazanov (Russia).” At 

_ The above is quoted from the first page of Issue No. 20, which 
bears no date other than the notation that it is the fourth year of 
publication. The last page of this issue bears the date “ Petrograd, 
March 14, 1922.” 

Of the above-named persons, Lenin is the President of the Soviet 
of People’s Commissars, Trotsky is the Commissar for War and 
Navy, and Lunarcharsky is the Commissar for Education. 

The publication is advertised extensively in the Party Press in the 
United States. “The Worker,” the official organ of the Workers 
Party, in its issue of December 15, 1923, carried an advertisement 
of the “Communist International” on page 5. The advertisement 
consists of a cut showing the cover of the publication and the fol- 
lowing additional matter: f 

Above the cut: “An Excellent Holiday Gift to Yourselfi—To 
Others. A Magazine of International Expression. Subscribe for 
it. Workers of the World Unite! The Communist International.” 

Below the cut: “ Single, 30¢ Copy. Organ of the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International. One, $3.00 Year. Edited 
jointly by Gregory Zinoviev and Karl Radek. Correspondents in 
all countries. No student of the world-wide labor movement can be 
without it. Send your subscription to the Literature Dep’t. of the 
Workers Party, 1009 N. State Street, Chicago, Il.” 

The leading article in The Communist International, No. 1, for 
May 1, 1919, is entitled “ Manifesto of the Communist International 
To the Proletarians of the World.” It is not the manifesto but a 
general article which closes, however, with the familiar call: 

Proletarians of all countries. Rally for the struggle against imperialistic 
barbarism, against monarchy, against the privileged classes, against the 
bourgeois state and bourgeois property, against national oppression and the 
tyranny of classes in any shape or form. 
 Proletarians of all countries, rally round the banner of workmen’s councils, 
round the banner of the revolutionary struggle for power and the dictatorship 
of the proletariat, round the banner of the Third International. 


The second article in this issue is a May Day address to the working 
men of the world, and in it occurs the following exhortation : 


French, English, American, Italian, Serbian, Rumanian, and Polish work- 
men and soldiers. Turn your bayonets against your own bourgeoisie. Your 
enemy is in your own country. Attack your own bourgeois governments from 
the rear. Force them to abandon every attempt of sending you over to Russia 
or Hungary to throttle and assassinate the Russian and the Hungarian 


revolution. 
OUR MOTTOES 


Long live the world-wide dictatorship of the proletariat. 

Long live the International Soviet Republic. 

All to the defense of the Soviet Republics in Russia, Hungary, and Bavaria. 

Long live the International Red Army. : 

Long live the Third International. 

Long live Communism. 

Long live the Communistie First of May. 

Let innumerable battalions of the proletarian army parade the streets of all 
European capitals on the First of May, 1919. 

Let all toilers, wherever they live and struggle, come out into the streets on 
dhe First day of May, 1919. Let every city and every village celebrate the first 


338 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


day of May, 1919, by an imposing demonstration. Let the motto ~- Down with: 
Capital. Long Live Communism” reverberate throughout the world. 

Let the workingmen of all countries stubbornly cling to the rifles which the 
bourgeoisie had against their will pressed into their hands in 1914. Arms for 
the Workmen, No Arms for the Bourgeoisie, such is the watchword of the day. 

The battles that have heretofore taken place in various countries are nothing 
but skirmishes between the outposts of labor and capital. The great decisive 
battle is still impending. Europe is vibrating with the hum of voices of indig- 
nant proletarians who are longing to rush into battle. Subterranean disturb- 
ances are being felt at various points of our planet. Thunder and tempest, 
blood and tears, hunger and illimitable suffering, attend the birth of the new 
world, the glorious communistic world, a world of universal brotherhood hbe- 
tween toilers. 

The Great Communist International was born in 1919. 

The Great International Soviet Republic will be born in 1920. 


“'The International of Action” is the title of a short article in the 
June, 1919, issue of the Communist International, which closes with 
the following paragraph: 


The congress in Moscow was a historical event. It gives the starting point 
for the revolutionary proletariat of the world, gathering for the great final 
struggle against capitalist wage slavery and moral bondage. The class-conscious 
workmen all over the earth ought joyfully to welcome this event as the begin- 
ning of a new era, of the golden age of labour, right, and liberty. The Inter- 
national of Action is to lead us there. 


* To the Organizations of the Proletarian Youth of the World” is 
the title of an article by Zinoviev in the June, 1919, Communist Inter- 
national, which has the following closing general appeal: 


We are sure that working youth will * * * as one man hasten to join 
the fighting International, the Red Communist International. The long-expected 
moment has at last come—the supreme moment of struggle for the power of the 
workers, for the dictatorship of the proletariat, for Communism. ‘The working 
class is taking its revenge for the outrage inflicted on the proletariat during 
five years of war. All over the world the workmen will organize Soviets, 
realize Socialism. Against the black army of the bourgeoisie, we shall oppose 
our Red Workers’ Army, whose youth will fight on the foremost barricades in 
the name of Soviet Power. ‘f 

Long live the Proletarian Youth. Long live the Communist International of 
Youth. G. ZINOVIEV, 

Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


In the July, 1919, issue of the Communist International the open- 
ing article is an appeal by Zinoviev, as chairman of the Executive 
Committee of the Communist International, to Workers of All Coun- 
tries, in which the following occurs: 


The only escape, the only salvation is in universal social revolution. 

The Executive Committee of the Communist International summons the 
workers of ail countries to the aid of universal social revolution. The Com- 
mittee observes with satisfaction that the workers of many countries have 
already recognized their task and protest loudly against the criminal intentions 
of their governments. It cordially greets the resolution of the Italian, French, 
and English socialists on the declaration of a general strike of protest. 

The Executive Committee of the Communist International invites the workers 
of all countries to give expression to their solidarity with the soviet republics 
by the organization of an international demonstration against the campaign of 
the imperialists against Russia and Hungary. | ‘3, 3 

The days of verbal protest are past; the time for action has come. 

' To the alliance of the robbers of world capitalism the workers must oppose 
their own alliance, the international fraternal union of the workers. In the 
streets of London and Paris, Berlin and Rome, Vienna and Prague, New York. 






and Tokio, the air should resound with the same shouts: 
Down with the Campaign against the Soviet Republics. 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 339 


Down with capitalism. Down with the power of the bourgeoisie. 
Long live the power of the workers. 
The Bureau of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


G. ZINoviEv, Chairman. 


Trotsky, referring to the Red Army, states (Communist Inter- 


national, July, 1919), with reference also to the Third Interna- 
tional and the Soviet Republic, that— 


i 


* * * Tecan assure you that the worker communists who form the nucleus 


of this army feel themselves to be not only the guardians of the Russian 


socialist republic but the Red Army of the Third International. And if to-day 


we are offered the possibility of being the hosts of this socialist conference, 


and thus thank our West European brothers for their many years of friendship, 
we in turn owe all this to the efforts and sacrifices of the Red Army, in 


‘whieh our best comrades of the communist worker milieu work as ordinary 


soldiers, red officers, or commissaries; that is, immediate representatives of 


our party, of Soviet power, who give the tone, politic, and moral in every 


regiment, in every division—in other words, who by their example show our 
red soldiers how to fight and die for Socialism. And these are not idle words 
for our comrades; they are followed by action. In this struggle we have lost 
hundreds, nay, thousands of our best socialist workers. I presume that they 
died not only for our Soviet Republic but for the Third International as well. 

And even if at present we have no intention of attacking Eastern Prussia— 
we should, on the contrary, be extremely pleased if Messrs. Ebert & Schiede- 
mann left us in peace—one thing is certain: If the hour strikes and our West- 
ern brothers call upon us for help, we shall answer: ‘ We. are here, we have 


learnt to use arms, we are ready to fight and die for the world revolution.” 


The Theses of the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national for the Second Congress of the Communist International, 
published in The Communist International, Nos. 11 and 12, June- 


_ July, 1920, contains the following paragraphs as to the individuality, 


yet mutuality of the Soviets and the Communist Party. 
i * hk * * * *% 


8. The old classical division of the labor movement into three forms (party, 
labor unions, and cooperatives) has evidently served its time. The proletarian 
revolution in Russia has brought forward the fundamental form of the workers’ 
dictatorship—the Soviets. But the party of the proletariat—that is to say, the 
Communist Party—must constantly and systematically direct the work of 
the Soviets as well as of the revolutionized industrial unions. 

Those who proposed to the Communist Party to “conform” to the Soviets, 
those who perceive in such ‘“ conformation” a strengthening of the “ proleta- 
rian nature” of the party are rendering a bad service both to the Party and 
to the Soviets and do*#et understand the importance of the Party, nor that 
of the Soviets. The stronger the Communist Party in each country the sooner 
will the Soviet idea, triumph. Many “independent” and even “right” So- 
cialists profess to believe in the Soviet idea. But we can prevent such ele- 
ments from distorting this idea only if there exists a strong Communist Party 
capable of determining the policy of the Soviets and making them follow it. 

9. The Communist Party is necessary to the working class not only before 
it has acquired power, not only while it is acquiring such power, but also 
after the power has passed into the hands of the working class. The history 
of the Russian Communist Party, for three years at the head of such a vast 
country, shows that the réle of the party after the acquisition of power by 
the working class has not only not diminished but, on the contrary, has greatly 
increased. 

"ea Po ea tk * % * * * 

“The work of the Soviets as well as of the revolutionary industrial unions 









- must invariably and systematically be guided by the party of the proletariat, 
i, e, the Communist Party. .The organized advance guard of the working 


class, the Communist Party, serves in the same degree the interests of the 
economic, political, and industrial struggle of the working class as a whole. The 


340 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Communist Party must be the soul of all industrial unions and Soviets of | 
Workers’ Deputies, and all other forms of workers’ organizations. 

The formation of the Soviets as the chief historically created form of 
proletarian dictatorship does not diminish in the least the leading role of 
the Communist Party in the proletarian revolution. When the German 
“ Left’? Communists (see the address of their party to the “German Pro- 
letariat,” April 14, 1920), signed ‘‘Communist Labour Party of Germany,”’) 
declared that ‘‘the Communist Party must also adapt itself more and more 
to the idea of Soviets and acquire a proletarian aspect.” (Wird geofordert, 
dass auch die Partei sich immer mehr dem Rategedanken anpasst und pro- 
tarischen Charakter annimmt—Kommunistische Arbeiterzeitung No. 54)—this 
is only an obscure expression of the idea that the Communist Party must be- 
come dissolved in the Soviets and that the latter may be the substitute for 
the party. 

Such an idea is deeply erroneous and reactionary. 

In the history of the Russian revolution we have seen a whole period of time, 
during which the Soviets went against the workers’ party and supported the 
policy of the agents of the bourgeoisie. ‘The same is to be noticed in Germany 
and may be the case in other countries also. On the contrary, in order that 
the Soviets may accomplish their historic mission, the existence of a powerful 
Communist Party, is absolutely necessary, so that it should be able not to 
‘“‘adapt itself” simply to the Soviets, but to exercise an influence on their 
policy in a decisive manner, to compel them to refuse to ‘“‘ conform” to the 
bourgeoisie and White Guard Social Democrats. 

In an article, Draft of Constitution of the Communist Interna- 
- tional, by Zinoviev, in the June-July, 1920, Communist International. 
it is stated, with reference to the Soviet form of government and the 
Communist International, i. e., Third International: 

The object of the Communist International is a struggle with force of arms 
for the suppression of the international bourgeoisie and the creation of an in- 
ternational Soviet Republic, as a transitional stage to the complete suppression 
of the State. The Communist International considers the dictatorship of the 
proietariat as the only means of delivering humanity from the horrors of 
capitalism. And the Communist International considers the Soviet power the 
historically created form of such dictatorship of the proletariat. 

The latest issue of The Communist International, Nos. 26-27, 19238, 
is entirely of European matter with the exception of one important 
article by Israel Amter—* the Black Victims of Imperialism.” This 
article takes up the alleged plight of the negro in the United States, 
the recent large exodus of negroes from the south, the danger 
therein to white workers who, as a safeguard myst seek to unionize 
these negroes, and the action taken by the # 
the Third International (Communist International) on the negro, in 
its negro World Congress. Its importance, of €ourse, consists in the 
evidence afforded yet once more of the active interference of the Com- 
munist International in the internal affairs of the United States. 
The concluding section alone of this article is quoted below. 





| 








COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL UNITES REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS AND OPPRESSED 
PEOPLES 


The Communist International is closing the circle of the forces destined to 
fight against imperialism. The peoples of the East have joined the revolution- 
ary workers and peasants of Hurope, America, and Australia in the struggle 
for liberation. Africa, the home of the most exploited people, must be added 
to the battle line. The American negro, by reason of his higher education and 
culture and his greater aptitude for leadership, and because of the urgency of 
the issues in America, will furnish the leadership for the negro race. 

The Negro World Congress decided upon by the Fourth Congress of the Com- 
munist International must soon be held. It will erystallise the negro sentiment 


ae 
i 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 341 


| 


5 
‘ 


_ and create an organization that will be representative of the whole negro 
© race. 
_ The Communist International is the only international of workers that has 
_ Squarely faced the issue of the colored races and sought a solution. The Second 
_ International has always evaded the question, since it has been an interna- 
_ tional of the white workers alone, and has not succeeded even in uniting them 
in international action. At the recent Hamburg Conference no colored dele- 
_ gate or representative of the colored races was present. 
The Communist International is the organization that alone can unite the 
negroes with the revolutionary workers and peasants of the world for the 
_ struggle against exploitation and for the establishment of working-class power. 


WORKERS’ PARTY OF AMERICA PRESS ACTIVITINS 


The literature propaganda, organization, and activities can be 
best judged by the information contained in the report of the Execu- 
tive Secretary of the Workers’ Party for the period January to May, 

inclusive, 1922. Later Federations organized since May, 1922, and 
duriy @ 1925 are added. 

Finnish Federation—Controls three publishing houses owning 
property worth $125,000. Two leaflets have been printed. ‘ The 
Working Class Movement ” and “The Red Trade Union Interna- 
tional,” of each of which 25,000 copies have been circulated: 5,000 
evpies of the booklet “ Theses and Resolutions of the Third Con- 
gress of the C. I.” have been printed and 10,000 copies of “ Platform 
and Constitution of the Workers’ Party.” This Federation has two 
daily newspapers, Eteenpain, with circulation of 7,282, at Worcester, 
Mass.; Tyomies, with circulation of 12,840, at Superior, Wis.; and 
Toveriter (weekly) at Astoria, Oreg. Also a semimonthly comic 
paper, Lapatossu, and a woman’s weekly, Toveri. 

German Federation.—Federation has daily newspaper, “ Volks- 
zeitung,”’ circulation, 19,344. Issued the following literature: 
30.000 copies of leaflets on “ Party Aims”; 10,000 copies of leaflets 
on the “ Textile Strike.” Printed 6,000 copies of pamphlet with 
Party Program and Constitution. Will publish Bishop Brown’s 
“Communism and Christianism.” Publishes also a weekly, Vor- 
waerts. 

(Freck Federation—Weekly newspaper, Empros, with 1,000 to 
3,000 (approximate) circulation. Issued 35,000 “ United Front ” 
ieaflets. Published “ Shop Talks on Economics,” “ Industrial Autoc- 
racy,’ “Communism and Family,” “Party Program,” “ Bolshe- 
viki and the Soviets,” and “Theses of the Third Congress.” This 
Federation conducted a book shop which was reported to be doing 

a good business. 

Hungarian Federation.—Daily newspaper, Uj Elore, circulation, 
32,900, and the weekly Uj Elore. Published: 20,000 Miners’ Strike 
Leaflets; 30,000 “ Program of the Workers’ Party,” “ Program and 
Constitution,” “Communism and the Family,” “The Red Trade 
Union Theses,” “ White Terror in Hungary,” “ Dictatorship or 
Democracy.” Maintains book store with stock worth $1,000. Print- 
ing plant has been leased to employees for 5 years. 

Italian Federation—A weekly newspaper, Alba Nuova, 13,000 
(approximate) circulation, but growing at rate of 100 per week. 
Circulates literature of Italian Communist Party. 

Lithuanian Federation.—Daily newspaper, Laisve, of Brooklyn, 

_N. Y., controlled by Federation. Circulation, 8,835. Also, there is 


342 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Vilnis, of Chicago, Communist weekly with circulation about 6,000. | 
Federation has published 15,000 May Day leaflets and is printing 
“ United Front Manifestos.” Has published 21 Communist pam- 
phlets. ; 

feussian Federation——Daily newspaper, Novy Mir, New York, 
with circulation 10,000. Maintains a book store in New York. 


E'sthonian Federation.—Weekly newspaper, Uus In, circulation 


indefinite. 
Jewish Lederation.—Newspaper, “ Freiheit,” daily circulation 





49,875. During 1922 this paper had a deficit of $2,550, which was — 


covered by a weekly tax of $1.00 per member and $100.00 loan from 
members. Published 100,000 May Day leaflets and 100,000 “Aims 
of Left Wing in the Union.” 

Lettish 'ederation.—This is a small Federation, and it did not 
publish any literature other than the routine Party instructions in 
Lettish. 

Polish Federation —Daily newspaper, Glos Robotniezy, circula- 
tion 15,250. Published 15,000 May Day leaflets and 15,000 “ United 
Fyvo..t Manifestos.” Receives literature from Poland. 

Ukrainian Federation—Daily newspaper, Ukrainian Daily News, 
with circulation of 16,760. Published 3,000 “ Communist and the 
Family.” Did not publish any leaflets. 

Czech Federation—Daily newspaper, SpravedInost, Chicago, with 
circulation of 9,500. Also a weekly, Zajmy Lidy, and a monthly 
Pravda. Also Obrana, weekly, of New York. 

Slovak Federation—A_ weekly newspaper, Rownost Ludu, of 
Chicago. | 

Scandinavian Federation--\. weekly newspaper, Ny Tid, of 
Chicago. 

Armenian Federation —A monthly newspaper, Nor Hosank, of 
New York. 

Rumanian, Federation. weekly newspaper, Desteptarea, of 
Detroit, Mich. 

Yugoslav Federation (Including Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes).— 
A. Croatian semiweekly, Radnik; a Slovenian weekly, Delavska 
Slovenija. 

English Language Federation—A Weekly, The Worker, circula- 
tion approximately 20,000. to 25,000, of Chicago. The Voice of 
Labor, weekly, of Chicago. The Liberator, monthly, of Chicago, 
with circulation said to be 47,655. The Young Worker, a monthly; 
The Young Comrade, a monthly; both of Chicago. The Labor 


Herald, of Chicago, a monthly of the Trade Union Educational — 


League. | 

The following list, marked “‘A,” gives the names of the Communist 
newspapers anc periodicals published and circulated in the United 
States. . | | 

The list marked “ B” gives the names of the Communist publica- 
tions printed abroad but. which are brought into the United States 
and circulated in this country, Indication appears as to the lan- 
guage in which the periodical is published, the name of the periodi- 
cal, its frequency, and.its place of publication. | i 





. 
, 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 3843 


_A. List of Communist newspapers and periodicals published in the United States 


























Language Name of publication Frequency Location 
BA FINGHIAN 2222 POMDERUSO IL Kime Os ee Ca < Seine d VLOnUHIN eS 2 eee ces New York. 
CEES Ug od of ae (2 J TEATS Ao ee EE RS la a Weekly 2 o2220-- 4 Do, 
Doce eee FOTO STORD SS ele: eli RR EA ae a Ria ame de ge Monthivt2 2225.3 Chicago. 
DO. esata wt. Pits UOnmmIpincey io oe rahe 2 sere ky te Dailyayacr eeu: Do. 
Dose = ese LTE VMT ATA oer Lh sents fe NP SE <8 NK EIS Weekly: s22.ccup Do. 
_ Croatian.._.. pee INO Van ebs turds See 8 ear seas Semimonthly~..__. Do. 
EY G Son ted tee) ROMER RM SS eee ee ee nose ee taee Wieekl ys: ?¥.2aaees Do. 
DOE sean 5 separ eet rcp a Sats ae ene sh Sr PE eee ies 0252 Po sees Pittsburgh. 
Aihpe (iC) 6 aps oe sae oe a CMUSAOE HEIGASe. 2c. oe eet VL On y= 52206 New York. 
DO. v2: silage 2 VS TE(CTE TS SYS NCE OS ts le ae len gi eg era Ap fet a (6 Fi bebe ch) ie, aray Soe Chicago. 
DOS 22S 228 EPRI E ALG E eet Naess Oe Om ee remy ite S| Be He C022. 2 aeuacy Do. 
One ER eats Foose Ue AOUITES S055) AOS el ped he TIO Sa | le GOL 2! Seb ay s Detroit. 
QPS eee \SiTETCOENTaS EB EDM OY 0) ce, <8, Sea Se a ei Semimonthly-_.__- Chicago. 
BLO ope vee. «: < Qeeree ROL RGl 5 amen re Bae Nr Weeklywicserea ui. Do. 
EG eee “AST O WHEL GATING 1" (16 (5 fal =, ep peo a Monthlyiesesu: a - New York. 
1 (6 ees LES" 9 ooelere ean UPING SVD LR On te en hee) eee Pe GOs:ledtashvie t - Chicago. 
Esthonian-saxcb 22. Lis! LA 8 te Sod ty Pala ope a ae Para gen aes ae Weeklyoe-vpntit - New York. 
Finnish... noir - TOR DAL Sis ss oe css Si Ne cad ee Dailyebw.t sveni. Worcester. 
D022. Bees - BRU Ol ieee tet hte ce el 2 et SE ue An ae dO. sdicstiste dd = Astoria, Oreg. 
Doteivsds Hebi Reger “jo DC See Ere Se a Weekly ii) eset - Do. 
Do Awteltestt J mnie ey es es Ae ee ees Daily sdsiastotatt 5 Superior, Wis, 
S (terman .... ees - Ney Cale WOMKSZ GIT ge foe eee ~- 2. 0_aalh Souk - New York. 
Do... 2 nie. IV OIMOLUS@ TOME ee oct ee se Weekly o.-.-2.-2.- Do, 
Empros d Do. 
Uj Elore Do. 
Iskura Do. 
Freiheit i Do. 
Darbininky Tiesa Brooklyn, 
Laisve pls i Do. 
“VES eo) aap de fle Rosia Na hai a a eB Nc Pl y Chicago. 
Unies apd enti LA inthe, AMMA IA te aD fl i é Do. 
Gos EPR yee tml ening Dally > cee es: Detroit. 
Heissian ts. ae. PU ey ay lite Seer er ety Te ee ee Go, alsiizct - New York. 
LOVER bscedel os LEO NYL TET ST nl PLETE 18 bee ud i a ge ee a Weekly. .2-.2.0-.- Chicago. 
BSlovenic: 2. wri sec2 PIG Avok WV OOVONIIN ss kee a dobbitebtive - Milwaukee. 
SpPAMSH pss oo ose PIA VOS ELATIZONLOS «se 02 dat one soe ane < (3 {i aap i gta OFS 2 Los Angeles. 
SwOdinil-o. oreo SrA eee eee ee eee tee pee eee. (a i ay otal PGE oe ede Chicago. 
Whreintnnes-2 82 2°" BEE VE eee et ete te sete Monthly. 222222 New York. 
Dolo. seul - Ukrainski Stshodenni Visty...-......_-_-- Daily tein oy Do. 
Tis eeen wen oii Vil Gai he 2 ee Monthly Tethetys oe Be Do. 





~=éB: List of Communist Publications from Abroad Circulated in the United 














States 
Language Name of publication | Frequency Location 
ARGENTINA | 
Russian -.--- epee BR OLOIOSS PRU ihe oes 24 Omir ys we At os oy st Weekly _s.:.us.ar: Buenos Aires. 
DO 2S ee neyes 2 POMORTLINI CEILS Hew Se Seat: Soe Se See eee ee ee esi a mee Do. 
Bpanishyl jvqcecaea-} Juventud Coemumaista_-..- 22-22 222-22 sees. TVEONED Vicats erat Do. 
DOs 2s22 eke MU PETOLESEAS Sens Sues 2 ee meres oe Pe WGK cases at Do. 
WO 2s =< sebbs s32: SELIG IGG Coll Awe) 2 7 SRRT a BO Oe BREE coat (OR Lee Cua Sti Soa a Viel DO. 
AUSTRALIA 
Mong lishts:2 ffs: 52: rennet. ts-:. bees. oo YT. LEll Sey, Monthly: wasses Sydney. 
AUSTRIA | 
AG er aD © 404 sos2283 ThieniOue mi aniniems! = Stec ole lee ce eles Weekly 256 222265. Vienna 
DO ss tary: cae: SOP CriT tos ra Ton weenenan eee Ly} Shee hk pore aaa. Bln ORO PE ee es eee Do. 
DOs2 Retna: ieomimunistisene Jugend: <2) 622220) 20 ah ee Do 
Polish. 2-54: -.2- SINCE age 8 ot eS RS GUND Sp RRR Biieeae SNe SA tls Pe ne ae ee oS, eps ere Do 
Ukrainian. -<w----- RCE Ney eee te ee ale oy ee ens ms Do 
On renee se 3 NS CS1G 02 | EEG NTO BE 4 Srila UO a a Se Weekly 2) 2 <:- Do 
BELGIUM 
French -2:-- 2 Tee D TO eer CoM IMUNISTS sD saad ixnceseveiSi tonee eke ode awkeede Bruxelles. 
BULGARIA | 
| Bulgarian, - 1 ---- | Napréd. a:h4,qn34- 1----5---2- abe qe ttenqeslpbartenseh repteereites g-) Soffa.” 
iD eS Ser ee | Rabotnicheska MyS$l. -.weesdn-oue-d-aenn We GGRI Ns ected ~ Kustendil 





344 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


B. List of Comnunist Publications from Abroad Circulated in the United 








Language 


CANADA 


CHILE 


ESTHONIA 
Esthonian_._._.____ 
FINLAND 


Pinnishy hse «ae 


























States—Continued | 
Name of publication Frequency Location 
Gols Pree Geets 280. tie oe us Steril Monthly... 2: 3.2-- Winnipeg. 
Golds Rotemer. Sy UC oko Sore PDE dotbit vate ® Do. 
Ukrainsky Robitnitshy Visty.....-__.-._- Twice a week_.___ Do. 
Arbeiterset) occ. lone. A A Sey ee Praha. 
CPrVOTL koh Da ee ee Do. 
Delnik PP oe ercas ergs ees segels rae adetea oe Do. 
Kments (a2) foe ol le LN ee Do. 
COMIUIVISURE MASE“ 0 ce de or a Weekly... 2700. | Do. 
FSOMUDISHCR I Oe Sey th A tn eee eat ders.) geet | AW Ta 
Landarbeiter.... ii ses Soo wadedice sche cs Ree ee +. IO 
Milady-Socfalistay oo jew boo Sar nam pineal bc eas Do. 
Pravo Ludujlie®. . ust Le eee Zilina. 
Robotnik. ones bea spe ceeds a ee el Praha. 
Rote Gewerksehafter. 2-2-2 ees nel ul nn ee Ee Reichenberg. 
Robotnieke Ne@vIny 5.6 uoweseseswuucab laa ee ee Bratislava. 
Zemoedeles.0. ek Os wean =n sbluelslie.. Praha. 
Kommiunistaniey) 24008 se ha a Weekly sha 2 oe Do. 
Ozerwony Zawodowiec. 022. osu enon an fecn ee ccdwt BOTOOL. Teshin. 
Federacion’Obreta.cs.4 Ge oe ee Leativeee 2 Santiago 
Fspartaco. . Hr he ere ee re ah Monthlymiit 2uil: Habana. 
JUSCICLES ARO. steep hah ee, aaa Weeklyu Mirae. Do. 
Libertad y: Uustieia op ee une woe uwlotcs ue BULL Se Dp; 
Solidaridadep kc oe a ole ae Do. 
Communist Siy0r Fol uh ee hee Monthly. .sicsg.!. London. 
Communist (Review: ..4.00. ee es OE ee dosent Do. 
Freedom eso) Fees eae ae ees doe ere Do. 
Young Comptade= sous) yeas soak ee ee ae 0-2 eae Do. 
Young International. sani yh el eae 00.22 2 as Do. 
Spartakst eg oe ee Wieekly. ss. eae Reval. 
SUGMEn Vy omee tas us. ode setae et te 0. Sis eee Helsingfors. 
Bralletinz x Moe see Fonte a, we eae OVE. Poles Paris. 
Emancipation: .-2- o.oo atl oa Do. 
Germinal eae ee ee aes «ee Daily 2 Jee ea Frossard Belfort 
Impremeni@i/tr? Sf to <2 bee. co oe Ue ka Sa or | Paris. 
DL HTexNOuvelle se sik’ see es AE Pg Weekly *. 2 ieoe Do. 
LAM anites see 1s TD Daily... eae Do. 
1 SOVIGG es tee ees al me bo Us ee ees Do. 
EOeuyre 2a. Sie PL Le Be ie EO aes 0 Weekly? i. ag2fe.. Do. 
Lutte Socialeviiy > ii 22+ 6) eecs oe ewes ce ly) 7. Se Do. 
Unitaires os. Rear uy, rh ae oa ea Do. 
Vie Ouyriendiecci i tale oo eeu A Do. 
Aus unseren’Reihen.... <2 2222 32222 UL Oe Berlin. 
Communist Arbriter Zeitung_..-.--:--- 22.) eee Do. 
Das: Tagebuchecns te Be seeds Wesstc bate. SROs Do. 
Der Gegner. 222) 2 foeck ue deeb eles os tS AD Do. 
DiscA Kilometer ss [el Fae PR) Weekly _._23 ae Do. 
International Press Correspondence......_|___-.._-____________- Tee. 
Bala OO Rene Sond ee ek aye oY Cee li hy See rr 0. 
International Presse Korrespondenz_....._|.._.._..___.__.__._- Do. 
Internationale Jugend Korrespondenz..___|_._..............._. Do. 
Jugend Internavionsle. j4.125..i.. 0 -.t..  e Do. 
Kommunist Arbeiter Zeitung_____._____.__ Semiweekly_.-___- Do. 
Kommunistische Internationale__________. Monthly... oo Do. -» 
Kommunistische Raete-Korrespondenz___|._..._____.. Lei esk Do. 
Lichtstrahion 2 <b Oo) eee oo ee oh ate Do. 


: i RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
| 


is. List of Communist Publications from Abroad Circulated 


345 


in. the United 

















: States—Continued 
fd 
| 
' Language Name of publication. Frequency Location 
| GERMANY—con. 
me German. 2 2tjc...- VEN YOY Pee ay oe SERS a, Sy RE teehee | ik SR RY Berlin. 
OY) ean WEY Tart HOM UA TICE EDP GT Cine rere OR ere ee oe Gera. 
TDS Fig We Oe Ye TE Aas SPE 1G a1 einen fil og a eR Ea Lad ae Daly sii ey Berlin. 
POS. ARPA se Russische Raete-Korrespondenz_-_--_ 22. | 2-22 et Do. 
PR TISSial? Foon tee | er. a cot te ei a ee RON NS es BG Ln SS AT es ean aaa RT Do. 
Clear mians eno. ee PIMmOt. ta TISsinnd is. ce ee ee oe ed Weekly eco coe Do. 
POTS rye eee heel ie Ls Aeyteg hs Raia ap oliee aeigiie belle en Re CERRO Ie | {PPE COn Sees eer Do. 
LISS ar eke ie Ne pats Fe RRR Rela Alt cee yn i ee Glee ng PE Do. 
German 20407. 22. | fe anaicee Wollssel tune cen eee aie ed be a oe Hamburg. 
GREECE 
CO TreGkecc 25 beet T-2 Pa OGRAE NOT OGeeers cecal oe ae Nol Sot a ees OZ Constantinople. 
Onn es eee PEO DRS bist ato les Coen deg e CRON ee WV ORK View es. 2 Athens. 
GUATEMALA 
PUAIsie cee eaten COMIN UNISta. 22-2. 2.2.0 s ees co eles ed [eoees NO Rete eee Guatemala. 
ITALY 
PUGH Gece hs ree ae a a Nahai anand baila an J Naas elt Week Lyre Se eer re Milan 
Oats Sd Fandullo Pikietanio SAA ery 8S Sarak aS ata Semi-monthly_-___- Genoa 
Dee toe RBETIMEONAIO! te SLE he aro od eee Weekly soe sc a 22 Verona 
IO. ceeeueg bands NMI old ft Mae eI ee ed Nd s winhaibal aes dmptee ek: Milan. 
LO Sea bee. < ust) 22K C6 1 Rahal agli pari oh lca le pep pi ae ID dil tewa re s Morbegno. 
LD YAY.) Soy ARS Ra RE PLU ENE) ee os en eter eee te ete et ee eS at ate 7 FO etek amas Foggia. 
DD Mey Bee eee et “GG 1h Bou orl ett Py Lah eee eds NL ASE ai Sd Ns gee a et a OPO fl ome. 
. RTT, lig PE RT oe Cy el RE ERE ay LO Se ae, Meee aero aR a Milan. 
IO Sac adel 2 “clita dal OY a° sh Wee cop egal pee lt ee Oa Wieekly 22's Bed Do. 
0 os cee. Hascevtia © Ommunistats: >. sates ce ot oases 70 a a Mpa aye dene Tee Napoli. 
aD pla Bhd i OnOMNO Ul ROM a@on oun woe fee re eA Gee CGer ee Creer ome. 
1B [eerie ce reed BONG eae tas ee ee Ret Se aa Oe San Me Seb bl Trieste 
1S Wey ea en PEVARCUGNGCIAG cote tts. Le enn s Tee fs Ls COM eee Mea ome. 
Dor eee! A zione Commmunista oe coco t Clee clon le) pa “oP s pyre cea Firenze 
1D (0 it coe pees Wea Ge: GOmiilagiistice ts SUee ee ee eee Ot ce oe ee, Cremona 
DO Mate cers MGee COMMING + 1b. ote oe se | (GV 0 VaRS Meticootedag S Say Milano 
13 eee MEER Oe OMULISLA. (a Coen ee Oe: eee See CO ee eee eee Vicenza 
: Dore eae PSG a A OUNLUIRGR. ook ee ee wes Sleek Sees COR Seta Alessandria 
7 DOA Seb A deg COSTE OG TS OR RSA E RSA hy Spee al pap i ae TN Ae GO eee Como. 
1b {vedi eae i aah evoravore Giompnistacostt ce aos. oe ee GOs Rea as, Salerno. 
OSs Se ee. CRIB OMULBISER. 2. coe ota vena ce ect lasae CONS tee ane. Cosenza. 
LITHUANIA 
Lithuanian.-_.....-. PTA DIBMIK An 2OOdSS" ote ee Cert eta Loe eee ee NL eae Kovno. 
DG Sebi he | ONE OSL i ca Ge 69 ty RE eae aah PE cornet ae oes enh eh nei i (otal aad aged ven ata 8 Do. 
r MEXICO 
Ppanish. ts as. o JN OLEAN 2p gmirte PAM ee gta ashe Soares Tay eae Weekly vesrey Boot Mexico City. 
DOS cece a es PASE V OE eet ut eee ere cae Che ie (Ee eee OSS re ae Tampico. 
DOr ere res ae yea Omer > a ee ee ee hae POs Ln oe Ort Shen We ins eee Zacatecas. 
DOn. 2 Sage ones Y Neigh 0} Hep Mayne e-Mail 1 NES teem Dip mans tr Bil oie NA Mel Ae encore (ol Mexico City. 
Dome Or are ats tse OPTIC IOI eee oo ee tee ee ae a ee Weekty coe eed Orizaba. 
DOO Petes alba: J WOT NINIstHOO eV LES ICON he ee eee ee aaa one re ed Mexico City. 
DOF ae Wale Gel SaDTerOs.. toa ee cane eee oe Wieeklye “tO. 4.5 Puebla. 
OL) ee aia er Jie PEW eh SH 70 0 B40 "0 Vda i ag als ee Rd Sa ei Ah Semimonthly ____- Do. 
DO). Sigh ne eed IAG DAGIOT = 2°. tot arr uys Share epeaieen Ci eMC Side ated ee Loa El Oro. 
DO eet oe See BIE DOLEAGONTI. asae oe ckGus al eee ore. WeCGRIY 2 eet Guadalajara. 
rors! Pee teers! OGRIVum tO. fete oe OST ye ere eh IDEs UD itis Salto ael ipsa valle Vera Cruz. 
DO abet. ETOTIAOUTe, CLOCrEALION 2 Erie ee ES Week] vite werent Aguascalientes 
HOw eae. Oy! ATI TIC eee a ne eer ts ede oe Cert pomeucnn te eae Mexico City. 
Prey go hee ESSE Ss te Tefen a ge salu eg a cel ee ne pe aay hd (0K pail aaa ae Do. 
DOS eae. Piven aaa aisle oe: ee es Pee eee tok eae ard Do. 
(Py Oe Be veces to. ee ate li e eee Pee ae Tee te enh * epee lh Oe Be Oe err te Do. 
ee ee MAING LS TESU OSU UAE TTO TS Male Ree ia aM RS get bs 2 TW Gekly “Sperone an) L Do. 
FO tee 5 te, Oren COMI Ista hae re Aa The Be pe re Ee ee ears Do. 
Ost. foes.) [io potash taps hoe f aT Ae 2k 2 LAS i of lta lata Mi Gh cot te ta fo bis Da Vag eh Sa = Do. 
Ys fay re a ye Veo is) pW ttled ied ali i PU A ll Ra eaneaaean Oa PY ATT yi eee eee Do. 
Ot ay ee PIU EEO DY arieees Gree eee ce eee er eet - WOO W yee Santa Rosa. 
DOE eae sed [PO peers semae SS oe Ler Oe lean CO verte is: Orizaba. 
EG Sse ae oni.) PRU RRORSO sie teare. te etree Ue Ne cee Ae Osteen cere Puebla. 
1DY. See 2 ae Ni Weal Sh) YAO Sebo aaa IN adk eee Lalo eR Rac A by tit ha eh eaten RAIN Orizaba. | 
1 Bs hab viet DER LAZO UV ALMLON Zee te ee se eh aE er Sue Weakly sean! Mexico City. 
1 EY 6) aS da) eae Rebelo meee keene ema nee Secs hee Qe ee eens Orizaba. 
: Dorete 2 sk POpeld le erie see eee ee a ete ue Coo eas Se Guanajuato. 























346 | RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
B. List of Communist Publications from Abroad Cireulated in’ the United 
States-—Continued 
Language Name of publication Frequency Location 
MEXICO—Ccon. . 
wpanIsns sere Risurginmiento 51 _<c2cteci tcc te ee do ieee Puebla. 
NOs Le ee aes VIDIT Rees a pean. Se SEAR AS S00 eee oS eee Gol? MSCs Merida. 
ND a ae ey ee WORMO TBI areas ik d- Seas ee tee oe Leper ae) he eee Mexico City. 
A DD Yo ap alie  Risdeciea te | Wie Lapras soe et So a ES ae oe 0 ole ups ts Do. 
Russian sie. es. os TSR Are eat Sakae Cee ea eel do: aU Veckeat Monterey. 
NORWAY 
Norwegian-__._____- | Arbertsnranden —". . 2222222222251. i ee eee Kristiania. 
PERU 
SPEMIst ss. ree ae INTVele Siok foe oS ea Ase ain cepa epee ae Semimonthly____. Lima. 
WO seeece ee Obrero’ Textile =. 222222 ice tee ee Do. 
1 Yo ieee Pee ee ay IPTOUBSUD fen 22 BL re ee ee Weékly_.- 2 -so ee Do. 
POLAND / 
fair Lys eel een Nowy brzegtad & At. = oe) ee ee Monthly.22-- 2s Gliwice. 
ee as ie Trybuna Robotnieza_.....................}| Weekly... 2292s) Lie 
De vi, a ee OND. Woalka-Robotniezai2o°> 2 oe eee 40.2.5 ee Warsaw. 
Ukrainian_.-.4...-- Nova Juggs too cen ee ee ee | Moneta MNEAR Soret: 3 Lwow. 
PORTO RICO | | 
| mu 
Spanish. case eet Aba ROR ee pe eee tenets Seesaw Semimonthly.___. Quayama. 
DOL ee tae tee | Conramista ee eens Strib Bayamon. 
PORTUGAL és 
Portuguese. _____.-_- Bataliig cede de are eee eke mage emcee | Daly). Ss wees Lisbon. 
O55) ene ee | Commarea. os Srlitt ii lte2 7a see ee eee Oporto. 
RUMANIA | 
Rumanian... 3-- Sockshismials | Scot ea ea ie pene eee Weekly.2 sevens ) 
PTs egestas re BOMANSS. ¥ Omtlic 33° on 02 tae ccteea erase Monthly Vo. 
5B a pageme Oe: ornee rs Sa) Vidte Sy nuicald.o).. 2) eee enw en eee W RO Tyne eee ae 
RUSSIA 
Esthonian._____.._. POYwWertt: = nossa. st eee cee? eee DI RLLY nese ee 
Germans - 02.22 Rote Paliner as s2s0 22 eeeee aeeee Semiweekly______- 
ays te ore) Det somes. eet Pou ee hae Sk See Dailys = 2% Ieee 
POSH ea ae ae Komunistycana Komuna..-_._....-.-...-- Woeookly -.... = 22s 
Latviansiee. eed KTV aS a Villas fos ee le Ee ea Thrice weekly ae 
DOL sage eae SATKtI a 7 VAY Zine io to” Pee oes See ae WOntHTY sous oe eee 
Lithuanian__.__.__. TSC Pls ea aa tee Sie Seo nn Se ee aes eee Weekly- seeivesst 
Russians 24. LAV VOSUV A Lec oe tee a ee ee ae ee eee Semimonthly__-__. 
Dove Ms JCOMMUNIStK AS es een ae ee eee Monthly 2332 
DO 4275=.5 Pewee Viyestniki Agitagsyai- ess. cee Pie 78, Fortnightly _..__-- 
DIO Sete eee TSUISMOV LRA ere se aes Sey ae preen ek ose ey Daily~j.2eees Kiev. 
10. Se ee ee TENGE Gd eee cy eee et eee ee See Oe 2M Os dons Se eee Moscow. 
Daz pn atwee eed Byulleten Ispol. Byuro Kras___-._.2._-._. Semimonthly-__-.-_- Do. 
DO. ee ecdeeree Byulletan Myzhdunar Ko-operativ.-_-____- d0=22 35 eee Do. 
DOwits gate. eee Byulleten Myeshdunar Sov. Prof_.-_____- GOS ee Do. 
1 70 eater oP baches sak CHenvonyShigkit, . oo ee Se 8 Pee Monthly Harkov. 
120)... < candaien tes International Molodezhy_.........-----.-- ~ es 10, ee Moscow. 
LOS ae TEVVESoy a NOt. Peruvian 28 22 the eee sae Semimonthly__-._| Harkov. 
DO. oie eres Izvyestya Vseros. Centr. Ispolnit. Komiteta) _._..._____.______- Moscow. 
Komm. International Ned pop Abie eely aha nad of Nionthiyo.. eee 
DO at cee eae al IM OF ya Keeage eeits ont ol ant Tere Thrice weekly_.__- Odessa. 
DD Opty ost oe Myezhdunarod. Yunosheska Korresp--.-- | Semimonthly-__.- Petrogard. 
D0. See Se POthOSTACT bevy Ciel ga Se ae 2 See ree Deily ee Do. 
Do... tee PaVOGE LL oe eee: oe eee rer ean ae 0 ana Moscow 
LG Pits So pen a Proletariy Svyazi__._.-_-- Pere Se SAT Ss “Semimonthly. peghr. |, Do. 
LD Ats pres ae Pyetshat.1, Revolutsyw.—. 22222 ofc ccc 2 tL ee Do. 
0 (0 mee ree 5 eae | RADOLSIV tue oe So es eee ee re aT Y see eee Do. 
AB Ce eae Fa Sevyernaya Kommune..-_-.---._--_____-_. agecangecrcce eee Petrograd. 
Do ees eae SPU es OUImIat hn een ye ee 1 Weekly 2 = Sees Moscow. 
NO oho weed TrY DONS Keomupistyeziaososs sca: 2202 Pot do; 2: sheen 4 Do. 
ND Fe Dake nga Pata mavens Ukrainian Soc, Rad. Rab. Visty._-__.:__- {Dally 22a Harkoy. 
AB Tepe gensuty nko “Ty. VISEY rt kai ot ie each en Gee” © Sa Ee we = cm do. bhai ah Do. 
2D Y1 ee eae Vyestnik Agitatsyi i Propagandy_-_-_-_____ | Semimonthly pe Pe Moscow. 
DQuset oaSen se Bezbozhiilee epee ee ete tes po er Sees er C0. nee Do 





1B (0p 4 Beer ho FE NAN TASIA VS ANT Vas ae ee cera - A" Se Ne oe = = | Weekly. 5.008 J Do. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 347 


B. List of’ Communist Publications from Abroad Circulated in the United 
States—Continued 














Language Name of publication Frequency Location 
. -——— | = 
SPAIN 
PADIS ga SE ee EE a TRS PU. ae ey a er ee aa | Madrid. 
pe? Oana oe terrae ne OVaMHCOOMiinistaa se ter Cee ek MAN | WV CGR LYN Cte bee Do. 
PiuGDEELctiett DachalSodiatomieu eat) sib Bonar do li9h WT Re | 
Doe gud 2 ge EL peNOVEIA TR OJaa dace + dager herrt vores diol Goguit. bee | Do. 
FAO. Bg ere $s MEPUCNO OTOCR ices fo Gk aes Fa ul de dG sao Date 
Dy Piha tate ae MISMO} oe oe en ar ee ee ee (4 0 aap aih The lie nc x | Logrone. 
Dore 42baeer yn tras Orerdye 2.2 Skee PE Se te Oe | Gijon. 
SWEDEN 
Finnish pete eRe ae YW testi Kunkausijukaisw. oo. ASL ey Or Stockholm. 
SWITZERLAND 
Mrengis 4. 2 el hed La Nouvelletinteriiationalenl tro CATAIMEET to le | Geneva. 
orien. kts Tit) LEDs ence le Bilal ant ae Be Se en PN. GREATER FS SUN OUPERT OA Ee | Chaux-de-fonds. 
RS PPT A Shes echt oe WOU OUUS PTL OTU Oe eas net Us iat ee Ca eee | ate ue Cd ga & O Basel. 
PRuSsian es: ota | Velde Tei Cade eh HR a Dt di tec tah fa a) Sa il | da a ard ele pirate Geneva. 
se b ! 
YUGOSLAVIA 
Croat Js Lo. PAAAEOUN SE ag A UE E AD RAD, FP FED GIAL INNS US ERE AY NVVICR RCL yo wens Sate Zagreb 
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DO cee | TOMES Grn OG Pee OO ee ee 8 Pe au ere Oe Ss Pe te aT en eee Ljublijana. 











OFFICIAL LEAFLETS 


The Communist Party of America issued in 1922 a leaflet ad- 
dressed to the Workers of America regarding the coal strike in West 
Virginia. 


4 


WORKERS OF AMERICA! ORGANIZE! DEMONSTRATE! STRIKE! 


_ Three hundrea of your brothers in West Virginia are charged with treason ! 
Three hundred of them; all coal diggers—all of them toiling in the bowels of 
the earth and the danger of death ever present-—toiling like “all workers in the 
service of their families and in the service of society. 

What fearful crime have your brothers committed to be charged with treason? 





YES ; WHAT CRIME? 


These tireless and eticient workers whose toil enabled the coal barons to reap 
a harvest of hundreds and thousands per cent. profit, while the sons of the 
workers in America bled and died onthe battle fields of Europe, marched into 
Mingo and Logan counties in West Virginia to protect their brothers. 


. 


. THAT WAS.THEIR CRIME! 


For months, nay years, the mine operators of West Virginia maintained a 
reign of terror against the workers in that State. To be a member of a Union 
was a crime punishable by the blacklist and by murder. 

A private army of murderers was hired and kept by the coal barons. 

The State and County officials were mere hirelings of the operators. Thugs 
were sworn in as deputies. The coal operators could commit any outrage 
against the workers in the name of the “law.” Still that did not satisfy them. 
pe he army of private mercenaries, the scum of society, in the employ of the 


* 82325—24——prr 2 13 





ail 


348 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


notorious Baldwin Felts Detective Agency, terrorized the community. They 
pillaged and murdered without the slightest interference by any of the Goy- 
ernment authorities—Federal, State, or County. 

Was any indictment ever returned against these hired assassins of the capital: 
ists? Yes, workers of American, when? 


TREASON—TO THE CAPITALIST CLASS! 


But when the terror spread by these gunmen became unbearable, when the 
mine workers saw their brothers starve, their homes pillaged, their wives and 
daughters outraged, their organizers murdered; when they realized that noth- 
ing else would help but to pay the coal barons and their hirelings in kind, they 
were charged with treason. 

These miners revolted against the powers of the State. That is the crime 
they are charged with. They did so by attempting the same thing the operators 
have been doing for years unchallenged. 

Why is this a crime for the workers but not for the capitalists? 


THE STATE—STRIKE BREAKER 


Because the coal barons and the State of West Virginia are one and the 
same, the State is always behind the operators and the operators are always 
behind the State. 

When the workers try to defend themselves against such murderous attacks 
the State steps in and crushes them. The slightest resistance on the part of 
the workers is met by brutal violence, terrorism, indictments, and jail. This 
indictment against your brothers in West Virginia is a distardly frame-up. 

But to be true to themselves and their class, the workers of West Virginia, 
of America, of the world, will eventually have to commit treason. 

The coal barons will go to any length to defend their profits and the State 
will go to any length to defend the coal barons. To defeat the coal barons the 
workers must be prepared to go to any length to defeat the State. The working 
masses must unite in one effort to wrest the powerful weapon of the State from 
the hands of the capitalists. In this way, can be solved the problem of the 
miners of West Virginia, of the workers of America and ‘the workers of the 
world. Thus only can the monster capitalism be dethroned. 


SAVE YOUR BROTHERS ! 


Workers of America! The problem now is to save your brothers in West 
Virginia from prison and death. The government of West Virginia has made 
the cause of the mine operators against your brothers and their union its 
cause. It is your duty to make the cause of your brothers the cause of all the 
workers of the country. 

In defending their right to organize in the struggle for a chance to live the 
West Virginia miners have shown their readiness to make the supreme sacri- 
fice for the rights and the cause of the workers in every State. They are fight- 
ing against overwhelming odds in the courts. Money is needed to help them—- 
and at once. 

But that is not all. Only the determination of all the workers to fight to 
the last in their defense can save them. They fought for you and your class 
to the last. It is now your turn. It is up to you. Rally for the struggle! Or- 
ganize for their defense throughout the land! 

Speak! Demonstrate! Strike against the outrage now being perpetrated 
against your brothers, the miners of West Virginia! 

Put up one united front of labor against the united front of your exploiters 
and oppressors—the capitalists, the State and its police, military power, and 
its judiciary machine! Long live the solidarity of labor! 

COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA, 
Section of the Communist International. 


May Day (1923) —The Central Executive Committee of the Com- 


munist Party of America issued a May Dav (1928) leaflet “ Inter- 
national Labor Day” in which it was stated: 


* * * millions of workers in all parts of the world are inepéaling to you, 
Workers in America, to join forces with them to begin to prepare yourselves 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 349 


so that when the opportune time arrives you will be in a position to wage 
Civil War against the common enemy, the capitalist class. * * * 

America * * * will be a fit place to live in when the workers through 
force of arms take control of the government, confiscate the mines, mills, fac- 
tories, railroads, steamship lines, etc., and have all means of production and 
distribution operated in the interest of the workers, by the workers, for the 
workers. Then, and not until then, can we say this, this is the Land of the 
Free. 

Fellow workers! The World Revolution is developing in many countries, and 
as Europe goes so goes America. 


A May Day leaflet issued by the Central Executive Committee of 
the Workers’ Party of America and signed by C. E. Ruthenberg, 
Executive Secretary, stated in capitals: 


WORKERS OF THE UNITED STATES! THE BITTER EXPERIENCE 
OF THE LAST YEAR SHOULD BE A LESSON TO THE WORKING 
PEOPLE OF THIS COUNTRY. IT SHOULD TEACH THEM THAT THE 
EXISTING GOVERNMENTS EXIST IN ORDER TO PROTECT THE IN- 
TERESTS OF THE CAPITALISTS. IT SHOULD. TEACH THEM THAT 
THEY MUST EXPECT ALL THE FORCES OF CAPITALISM—COURTS, 
INJUNCTIONS, SOLDIERS—TO BE USED AGAINST THEM WHEN THEY 
DEMAND BETTER WAGES AND WORKING CONDITIONS. 


A leaflet issued by the Central Executive Committee of the Work- 
ers’ Party of America, signed by Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary, 
February, 1923, states: | 

* * 


# * * 2 % 


Surely no’ worker who thinks can any langer be in doubt about the purpose 
for which the present government of the United States exists. It is a strike- 
breaking agency for the bosses. Its job is to make the workers accept the 
wages and working conditions which the bosses are ready to give them, and 
to use injunctions, courts, and even soldiers to compel the workers to accept. 


“Why Every Worker Should Be a Communist and Join the 
Workers’ Party ” is the subject of a leaflet or pamphlet issued by C. 
E. Ruthenberg, as Executive Secretary of the Workers’ Party. 
From it may be quoted the following paragraphs of admission and 
assertion as to what the Workers’ Party is and what it stands for. 


* * * The first step toward a new and better social order is a Workers’ 
and Farmers’ Government. The industrial workers and farmers must orga- 
‘nize their political power and establish a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government in 
place of the present Capitalistic Government. 

Ihe Workers’ Party of America is carrying on the struggle for the estab- 
lishment of a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government in the United States. 

* * * The government to-day is the strikebreaker for the capitalist em- 
ployers. The existing government of the United States is a dictatorship in the 
interest of the capitalist employers. The capitalist employers use the power 
this dictatorship gives them to beat the workers into submission. 

The workers can not hope to win even better wages and working conditions 
from the capitalist employers, to say nothing about abolishing the system of 
exploitation under which they suffer, until they have substituted the rule of the 
workers and farmers for the rule of the capitalists in the United States. 

The Workers’ Party of America is organizing the workers and farmers to 
wrest from the hands of the capitalists the power of the government and to 
establish a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government which will use the govern- 
mental power in the interest of labor. 

* * * he Workers’ Party of America is the only organization which is 
making a consistent educational campaign to bring about the amalgamation of 
the trade-unions. It supports the Trade Union Educational League in its 
fight for more militant and effective unions. 

* * * he Workers’ Party is affiliated with the Federated Farm-Labor Party. 
While maintaining its autonomy as an organization and its right to carry on 
a campaign of education and organization for Communism, it supports the 
Federated Farmer-Labor Party in its political struggles and the campaign for 


850 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA. 


a farmer-labor party which will include all the industrial workers and farmers 
in the United States. 

The Workers’ Party of America declares boldly that it is a communist party 
and that it accepts the leadership of the Communist International in the world- 
wide class struggle. ALES 

* * * To all militant workers—Communists—the Workers’ Party calls: 
Join the Workers’ Party and give your strength to the fight against the capi- 
talist system. 


THE GOAL OF THE STRUGGLE 


3. To build up the mass power of the workers to wrest from the capitalists 
control of the governmental power, and to establish a Workers’ and Farmers’ 
Republic based upon the Soviet Form of Governments ‘ 

4. To use the power of the Soviet Government to take from the capitalists 
the ownership and control of industry establishing in its place social owner- 
ship and democratic management of all the means of production and distribu- 
tion. 

). Thus to transform the existing capitalist system into a Communist Society 
in which all forms of exploitation and oppression will be abolished. 


The Workers’ Party of America, about July, 1923, issued a four- 
page leaflet “ For the United Front,” from which the following para- 
graphs as to the duties of that Party and its cohorts are set forth : 


The Workers’ Party knows that the complete liberation of the working class 
can come only through the revolution; that is, through the setting up of a 
Soviet Government of the workers. and working farmers based on their mass 
organizations. Only through such a government—the dictatorship of the work- 
ing class—will the workers be able to abolish wage slavery and build up a 
Communist society. 

But the Workers’ Party is aware of the fact that to-day the overwhelming 
majority of the working class is net yet sufficiently class-conseious’ or eonvineed 
of the necessity of Communism. As militants we can not sit idly by and wait 
for the final conflict. The workers must immediately organize a vigorous 
campaign of defense against the increasingly menacing attacks of their em- 
ployers. 

5. For the Removal of Governmental Obstacles. 

The organization of the American Government is replete with the most 
clever and effective devices to block the development of a powerful, militant 
working-class movement. We propose the removal of all such Governmental 
obstacles now hindering the workers in their struggle against the exploiting 
class. The united workers should fight to abolish: 7 

(a) The present rigid conditions making it almost impossible to amend the 
Constitution. SATO 

(b) The Supreme Court and the veto power of courts over legislation. 

(c) The United States Senate. . 

(d) The veto power of the President. J 

(e) The present committee system in Congress stifling even the faintest 
voice of protest that a workers’ representative might raise. EG wee 

(7) The present 48-states system of law serving as a fig leaf for the ¢en- 
tralized dictatorship of the employing class, the Federal Government, confusing 
and making more difficult the struggles of the workers for remedial legislation 
and further buttressing the whole notorious system of checks and balances on 
which the American Government is based. . 2 ) 

(g) For a Labor Party. 

In the struggle of the workers against the employers the Government fights 
the battles of the exploiting class. The class struggle is therefore a political 
struggle. The workers must organize an independent working-class mass politi- 
cal party consisting of all workers’ and working farmers’ organizations, 
regardless of political differences, and unreservedly committed to the protection 
of the interests of the industrial and agricultural working masses. The organi- 
zation of such a mass labor party is indispensable to the establishment of a 
Government of, by, and for the city and rural working masses—a workers’ 
government. . 


* 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 351 


“ What and Why in the Workers’ Party” is a leaflet in German 
issued by the German Agitation Committee for the United States 
of the Workers’ Party of America (New York). From it may be 
taken this paragraph: 


The Workers’ Party * * * tells the proletariat that it has to employ all 
weapons and fighting methods at its disposal in order to liberate itself from 
capitalist wage-slavery, that it also has to employ political action at the ballot 
box; that it has to employ parliamentarism. But it would commit a wretched 
hypocritical deed if it would not tell the workers that the bourgeoisie parlia- 
ment can never bring them the liberation from capitalist exploitation, that the 
participation at the elections and the sending of delegates into parliaments is in 
the first place dedicated to the propaganda of revolutionary socialism and to 
prove that the parliament—as an institution of the capitalist state—never 
thinks of and never can think of committing suicide by fulfilling the demands 
of the workers. 


The Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of 
America issued a leaflet-— Defy the Injunction.” The following 
paragraphs are quoted from it: 





We are entering a period of intensified struggle and we must hurl all our 
power against the beast of capitalism to-day; out of the actual struggle we 
must learn new lessons and develop new tactics of fighting the battles of labor 
until we have sufficient power to accomplish the complete destruction of our 
mortal enemy capitalist Government of the United States of America—and 
establish in its place the undisputed ruie of the working class. 

The working class must show such utter contempt for the infamous injunc- 
tion and so brazenly flout its violations in the faces of the degenerates at 
the head of the government at Washington, that they will not even attempt 
to enforce it. Already, because of the universal contempt in which courts 
and injunctions are held by the workers, Attorney General Daugherty is 
trying to evade, enforcement of the thing he himself created at the. behest 
of the “open shop’ employers who own and control every branch of the gov- 
ernment. 

Unite to-day against this injunction and force your reactionary leaders to 
likewise act against it. 

This injunction is a blow at the working class. Down with the injunction ! 
On with the strike! Resist the terror of the master class, Make the strike 
general! 

Issued by’ the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of 
America. J. Davis, Executive Secretary. 

A leaflet issued by the Central Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of America and signed by J. Davis, Executive Secre- 
tary, addressed to the Railroad Workers—To the Shopmen—The 
Maintenance of Waymen, Clerks, and others affected by Wage Re- 
duction, was circulated at this time (July-August, 1922). In part, 
it reads as follows: | | 


Brothers, workingmen, the fight is bitter and must be fought to the end. 
Do not yield one inch no matter what the ruling class does. You have the power 
to call their bluff and beat them if you will only close your ranks. and, fight. 
Do not permit the Railroad Labor Board to stop the strike. Do not obey the 
federal injunctions that will be hurled against you by the servants of capital- 
ism who sit on the federal benches. Every federal judge is the enemy of the 
working class, just as the entire government is your mortal enemy. If the 
government orders soldiers into the district to protect scabs in the roundhouses, 
‘the shops, and on the sections, the trainmen should be compelled to refuse to 
carry them, as their only purpose is to shoot holes into the ranks of the working 
class and to break the strike. In a labor struggle the government is never 

neutral. It always serves only the capitalist class and you must resist all its 
mandates to the very limits of your power. 

Over 500,000 miners are now on strike, Their cause is also your cause. You 
should have gone on strike with them long ago, but it is not too late now. You 
must stay on strike until they win all their demands, and they should stay 
-out until you gain all yours. United, you, the working class can crush your 





e 


352 RECOGNITION ‘OF RUSSIA’ 


enemies, the capitalist class with its brutal and murderous government, with 
all its prostitution judges, presidents, congressmen, and senators. . 

Hivery militant member of the railroad unions on strike should see to it that 
this message of solidarity of the working class, and this call to action is carried 
to the trainmen, telegraphers, switchmen, and all others who are not on strike 
in the transportation industry ! 

Unite for the struggle! 

Close your ranks! 

Make the strike general! 

Down with the Railroad Labor Board! 

Defy the injunction judges! 

Stop the army before it stops you! 


MAY DAY UKRAINIAN CIRCULAR 


A May Day (1922) circular in the Ukrainian language issued by 
the Communist Party of America called for the use of “every pos- 
sible means” to crush the capitalist class. From it is quoted the 
following: . 


The American working class to-day stands face to face with the most 
powerful, most brutal, and most tyrannical capitalist class in the world, a. 
ruling class drunk on its power gained in the war at the cost of base deception 
and monumental sacrifice of hundreds of thousands of lives of the workers of 
this country. The contemptuous policy of the capitalist class became plainly 
evident to every worker when together with its government (not ours) it de- 
cided to crush every attempt of labor to better its living conditions. During 
the war the government promised that an American victory will mean peace 
and prosperity for all. Labor has won the war for its master class and the 
United States had accumulated riches thereby and won power the like of 
Which no victor has known before. For this, hyena-like in its insolence, the goy- 
ernment turned against the very working class which made the victory. pos- 
sible. Every action attempted by labor after the war has been crushed and 
crushed with the help of the United States Government. 

The Communist Party of America, jointly with all parties affiliated with the 
Communist International calls the workers, this May day, to battle against 
the capitalist class, to erush it with every possible means at our disposal. 

In their daily struggle the workers come to recognize the necessity of: the 
overthrow of the capitalist government by force and the establishment of the 
dictatorship of the proletariat under the red flag of the international working 
class. 

Long live the international solidarity of the working class! 

THE COMMUNIST Parry oF AMERICA, 
Section Communist International. 
J. Davis, Hrecutive Secretary. 


The following gives a very clear picture of the so called system of 
Interlocking Directorates resorted to by the Communists. The table 
that follows gives the personnel of the Central Executive Committee 
of the Communist Party, the personnel of the Central Executive 
Committee of the Workers’ Party which is practically identical, and 
the Central Executive Committee of the Young Workers’ League, 
the organization that is carrying on its activities among the youth. 


Comparison of personnel of Communist Party, Workers’ Party, and Young 
Communist League or Young Workers’ League 








Central executive 
committee Young 
Workers’ League 


Central executive committee 


Central executive committee Communist Party Workers’ Party 











Rose Pastor Stokes (ex.) 
C. E. Ruthenberg On i UNO Dele > a: seers 
Jas. P. Cannon Jas.'P.(CannonJ/i_lisiy ¢ 
Jay duovestoness..cpus avurks: aiid eiyy llth Jay Lovestone. cz. c520 hha 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 353 


Comparison of personnel of Communist Party, Workers’ Party, and Young 
Communist League or Young Workers’ League—Continued 








Central executive 
committee Young 
Workers’ League 


Central executive committee 


Central executive committee Communist Party Workers’ Party 





BOTAN SAT Ae eee hae eee Pn he oye eet deseo. subtler 
are MeO MU LORIOM ere eee ae Ce Nek b.Ke Ratertield 2 
GRO er er TLL) meee means werner ene S\N tees eT eh ee et aera yt AM 
PHODDA In OFIGu rs seo JPR et) ee be dro i RobtiMinori Lowers Bicol. 
Pr inersWAPENKMEONL. Ebest 45,5 be el Alfred Wagenknecht _______- 
(IGG Le OS eRe ce Are KAT he ees oe ee i ea 
J. Fisher 


WimowiiBestert, sepa. itil alli tet bed 
Wm. E. Weinstone (alternate) 
A. Bittelman (alternate) 


I’ Amtertalternate)yit* 27 Fit eh a ta! BT A TRG Oress foe eee? ASI 
moion (aiLermetal moive mar: froreyera gio eh )uol lor Pelyatitea jae sys 
MG) tr LING2ren, AAILOLDete).c. 643 oa te ds Eds. Bindgren eyo. 02) ~~ 24 


SEINE a eMC ION IUCr MHON ee ee ee eee ae eS 
Walter Bronstrup (alternate) ___: | 


EST La pO Pee SMe ee hes Hee N ile ey ee a ek Bw ge ae ye 

Thos. O’Flaherty, active Communist__.___._____- Tos. .©  Hiahertyyss.- coo sof 

Wm. F. Dunne, active Communist ______________- W Mer eve cmhrs ot aie 

Alfred Albright, active Communist______________- Alfred Albright #7. 248 7_s8hs 

John Edwards, active Communist _._.________.__- John Bdwardsviuiinabucn te: John Edwards. 
Max Lerner, active Communist_______.__-_.._.__- Max lernerps is 24 ee Max Lerner. 
Rebecca Sacharow, active Communist ____________ Rebecca Sacharow ___-.____- Rebecea Sacharow. 





Oliver Carlson, active Communist.__-____________ Oliver Warlsons Otis. i et | Oliver Carlson. 


Notre.—The foregoing members of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Communist Party of America were elected to their respective offices on August 
21, 1922, at the Second National Convention of the illegal Communist Party of 
America, Bridgman, Michigan. 

The names quoted above are only those of a few of the prominent 
leaders in the Communist Party of America and in the Workers’ 
Party. 

In addition it may be stated that William Z. Foster, was an active 
Communist, Syndicalist, and the national organizer of the Trade 
Union Educational League for the Communist Party of America and 
the Communist International Executive Committee. 

Earl Browder, the so-called manager for the Labor Herald, a 
magazine which is the official organ for the Trade Union Educational 
League, is also an ex-member of the Central Executive Committee of 
the Communist Party of America. 


LINDGREN PAPERS 


In April, 1921, at New York, Lindgren, Jakira, and Amter had 
been seen with packages of literature and documents. Jakira was 
seen to take a quantity to 170 Bleecker Street. He was taken into 
custody by the local authorities and an examination of the premises 
disclosed an enormous quantity of material. There is one document, 
which appears to be a letter or report to the delegate then is Russia 
for the Communist organization, giving details of the activities of 
American bodies. It is addressed to “ Marshall,” and is of sufficient 
importance to quote in full: 

As we agreed before you left, you are to render to III reports of the progress 
of our work. The way to do this is to make carbon copies of the notes I send 
you, and send a carbon, copy to each member of III. In other words, make sure 
you keep them informed, for unless they are informed we can not expect them 
to realize that our party is the Party here. 


The S.R.M.R.C. approached us in N. Y. State that they thought our conven- 
tion resolution against them too drastic, and stated (as they and Martens have 


354 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA: 


Stated before) that we could have control. Incidentally they offered us $3,000 
for 30 Davies meetings. We refused. Our stand has been taken, the S.R.M.R.C. 
is discredited, we can not hope to resurrect it. While making this offer to us 
in N. Y., this organization was trying to effect a reorganization in 3. It so 
happened that our members got in on the reorganization and practically con- 
trolled. Seeing this, the S.R.M.R.C, themselves broke up the meeting and now 
intend to reorganize, leaving our members out. This is an important point to 
make when others argue that we are control mad. The real facts are that the 
S.R.M.R.C. does not want us to function in cooperation with them, for they are 
intent on running an independent show. ry. 

( Norr.—S§.R.M.R.C. is Soviet Russia Medical Relief Committee.—Stenographic 
note. ) 

The Butte Daily Bulletin is in financial difficulties. The Butte miners are 
practically all unemployed and the result is that the paper gets no support. 
You know, of course, that the secretary of our first convention “is employed 
on this paper. Just recently Sharp visited Butie and he reports that. the 
paper is ours so far as editorial policy is concerned, meaning thereby that 
the editor is of us. Couple with this the other dailies we control, which 
you already know of, and our dailies, we must admit, form a formidable 
weapon. 

We have also had an increase in the legal-organ field. We had the Eng. 
L. O. and the Jew L. O. We now have also definitely with us an Hsthonian, 
S. Slavie, Italian, Armenian, Bohemian, Irish legal organs. Davies is still 
on the Liberator and is chief there this month. 

The .Y.).C: LL... work is progressing. Organization has been formed in 1yy2j 
and 3. The organizer is in 7 now. Two leaflets have been issued, pamphlet 
is in preparation. Dues and organization Stamps (Y. C. L.) are out. 

We have a small caucus in the Federated Press. We have instructed all 
editors to join so that this service may be influenced favorably. : 

We have a small caucus on the main committee of the American Labor 
Alliance for Trade with Russia. Fact is, we lead. this: movement. Instrue- 
tions have gone forth that all our members who are in unions shall join it 
and work in their unions to have unions affiliate. 

Another decided left wing is forming in the S. P.. We have had conferences. 
with its leaders. We have decided: That D. O. shall organize the left-wing 
elements of the S. P. into party recruiting groups, these groups to bein 
charge of capable party members, the duty of these groups to be to. propagate 
and organize the split. We shall also send trustworthy U. C.. P. members 
into 8. P. branches to help organize the split. SOs 

Inclosed you will find agrarian report. Because of lack of, finances it is 
impossible to carry this work forward. Call the attention, of III to this 
agrarian report. Do not let it get lost amongst the hundreds of other things 
which III has before it, for it is important for III to understand -the U. Ss. 
agrarian situation. 

The report upon the Negro question, which will reach you through. Inter-. 
national Trade Union delegate, is also the work of our bureau. We have 
arranged conferences with Negro radicals. Our research Bureau continues 
the work, awaiting further advice from TIT. 

The C. E. C. will shortly go into a lengthy discussion as to the advisability 
of organizing a national organization. We must make more propaganda, and 
illegal propaganda restricts our. field. ) 998 moral 

You know about eaucuses we have in certain local unions. We are now 
gaining influence in city central bodies of labor unions. One method is by 
lecture courses, given before meetings of these bodies by our members, © This 
method is proving very effective. Our Speakers are in: demand, because they 
know how to approach the entire labor-union question, including the. question 
of unemployment. ry 

The Party still publishes official organs in English, Jewish, Russian, Estho- 
nian, Hungarian, Polish, South Slavic, Polish, Finnish, German, Lithuanian, 
Ukrainian; but because of lack of finances, period: of; their publication: will be 
lessened. dita 

The Party has published the following pamphlets: The A B © of Com- 
munism, in Russian: Program of the Bolshevists, in German: The Party 
Program, in Jewish; Theses of Second Congress, in Russian: The State and. 
Revolution, in Finnish and in English; The Party Program, in English; Lenin,’ 
in Russian and in English: Manifesto of Second Congress, in English ; Theses 


“sims 
ee 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 355 


_ of Second Congress, in English; Socialism, from Science to Action, in Ukrai- 
‘nian; State. and Revolution, in ‘South Slavic; Leftism, in English; Theses, in 
| Jewish. 

There are other English pamphlets in the course of publication (type already 
‘set), but we will not be in a position to finish these until our financial condi- 
tions change for the better. There is much unemployment and this is espe- 
cially apparent in analyzing our income. Districts which used to remit $250.a 
week now remit only $100. 

There are new cases to defend. The organizer in 4 has been arrested to- 
gether with two others. Cases in 1, which are now, will cost us about $750. 
We-have only been able to secure $500 of the $900 needed to appeal the 
Winitzky case. Districts are calling upon us for help to pay attorneys and 
court costs, but we can not give assistance. We earnestly hope that whereas 
all defense cases were taken over by our party when the U. GC. P. was organ- 
‘ized, and whereas the ©. P. has hardly any such cases, and not one principal 
case, that assistance will be given us so that we may secure the release of 
some of our actives. 

Enclosed you will find another “step” in unity negotiations with the C. 
The documents are self-explanatory. I want to now inform you that Pusu 
son and Scott will draft recommendations as to what next to do. These recom- 
mendations will probably contain: (1) Equal representation at the. unity 
convention, .. (2). National DROP RET HS committees of three for each language, 
‘these to be appointed by the C. EB. C, (3) Chairman for the unity convention 
to be sent by III. These recommendations will be sent to III. These recom- 
mendations were not given the C. E. C. of either party for discussion and so 
the C. EK. C. of the U. GC. P. will not be in a position to instruct you. But from 
what information we can gain from. various sources the above will be the 
recommendations made to III, upon which III is to base another unity man- 
date. Keep in close touch with III and keep us informed, by cable if need be, 
of the decision of IIT. 

+ March 16, :1921—Just had a C. BE. C. meeting, at which the above points. 
were discussed... We might add to them—a national language convention upon 
call of C. E. C. The C. E. GC. of our organization decided that the above 
propositions are acceptable. So in case the above are the propositions of 
Thompson and Scott, and are recommended to III by them, you can speak 
officially for the party; and accept. If any variations of the above proposi- 
tions occur in recommendations of Thompson and Scott to III, then hold your 
consent in abeyance and agree to only those which, as enumerated above, the 
C. HE. C. has agreed to. If new propositions or changes do occur in the Scott- 
Thompson recommendations to III, you might cable them to us and we wiljl 
send back our answer. 

. Make sure you get papers, literature, bulletins through td us. We are not 
properly, connected. for Rosta Wien bulletin nor the Russ Press Review. .We 
want at, least five copies regularly of each. 

The folks are wondering why they.have not. heard from you en route. Re- 
member to correspond regularly, to write very often. We must have first- 
hand MSS. from you for all our organs. 

Make sure that the C, E. C. notation as enclosed goes with the agrarian 
report. Insist that the agrarian report be given attention by the III. Tell 
the III that it is our party that is doing similar work re negro question. 


Particular reference 1 is made to the statements regarding the im- 

portant “agrarian” and other reports. These reports give details, 
statistics, and charts concerning American farmers, American trade- 
unions, and work among American negroes. 
_ The originals are quoted in the’ portions of this report covering 
the subjects “Activities Among the Farmers; ” ‘Activities Among 
the Negroes;” “ Propaganda among: the Army and Navy: 134146 The 
Trade Union Educational League.” 

Edward J. Lindgren, alias John E. Siebert, alias Flinn, alias 
Glynn, alias John Lang, alias Smith, etc., naturalized citizen, claims 
to be a native of Sweden. He has been active in radical circles im 
New York City for a period covering about six years. He was an 
organizer and executive of the Workers Party and was in charge 


356 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


of District No. 1, which embraces New York, Connecticut, and New 
Jersey, and was one of the four delegates to the Congress of the 
Third International at Moscow, June, 1920. 

He continues as one of the most active Communists in America. 
He is under indictment on three counts in the Federal Court for the 
Southern District of New York for violating the postal laws. One 
attempt was made by his attorneys to recover the papers seized by the 
police, but the court overruled the motion; the motion, however, is of 
interest because of admission by Lindgren as to authenticity and 
importance of the documents. , 

When Amter was arrested there also was found a letter of intro- 
duction from Charles Recht, counsel for Martens, to “Comrade 
Ganetski Fuerstenberg, Hotel Bellevue, Riga, Latvia, and: Comrade 
Ilyin Aznewsky, Libau, Latvia.” Amter at present is understood to 
be in Russia as representative of the American organization, and on 
June 15, 1923, he addressed a session of the executive committee of 
the Communist International. 

Abram Jakira is about 34 years of age, was born in Russia, has 
been in the United States about eleven years, and is not a citi- 
zen. He was formerly a member of the I. W. W. and has been and 
still is active in the Communist Party of America and the Workers 
Party. He was formerly active in the Communist Labor Party: 

Two other documents of importance were taken from the Bleecker 
Street address and are quoted below. The first is a document in 
Russian signed by the Secretary of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International, N. Kobetski, and bearing the seal. The 
cranslation of this document is as follows: 


[Extract from the Protocol, the Session of the E. C. C. I. of August 20, 1920] 
PROLETARIANS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE! 


THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, 
Moscow, September 30, 1920. 

Decided: Attention given to (4) statement of Comrade Reed regarding 
the rules of representation on the United Congress of the American Communist 
Parties. “The Representation on the United Congress shall be proportionate 
and as a basis there shall be accepted the number of members paying dues up 
to September 1st, 1920 (see other side), according to official accounts of both 
parties. Accepted. 

(Seal of the Executive Committee, Communist International.) 


M. KosBertrskKI, 
Secretary of the BE. C. C. J. 


(Along the left margin is the following notation:) 


Address: Arbat, Denezbny 5. For telegrams: International, Moscow, Tele- 
phone 15-97. 


(On the reverse side of the original :) 


DEAR COMRADE: A decision has been arrived at in my office to accept as a 
basis the months of July, August, September, and October. And besides, up 
to the time of departure, the temporary representatives of both parties could 
participate in the sessions of the Executive Committee, Communist Inter- 
national. But this is not of importance. The main thing is to bring about 
unity, because all Moscow considers it to be a matter which is indispensable 
and which must not be postponed. . 

Au revoir in the near future. 

CuHas. Ep. Scorv. 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 357 


OFFICIAL DECISION OF THIRD INTERNATIONAL ON THE FRAINA CASE 


The Executive Committee of the Communist International, having investi- 


"gated the charge made by Santerri Nuorteva, Secretary of the New York 
Soviet Bureau, that Louis C. Fraina was an agent of the Department of 


. Justice, has unanimously decided that Fraina is innocent. Moreover, the 


Executive Committee brands Nuorteva’s actions “as absolutely contrary to the 
attitude of a true Socialist.” 
An ‘Investigating Committee of three was appointed by the Executive, con- 


sisting of A. Bilan (America), L. Rosmer (France), and A. Rudniansky (Hun- 


gary). This Committee had a full stenographic. report of the story of the 
informer Petersen; it heard a number of American comrades and comrades 
from Holland, among them Comrade Wynkoop (in view of Fraina’s attendance 


at the Amsterdam’ Conference, which was broken up by the police) ; and it 
also questioned Fraina himself, who arrived in Moscow soon after the Com- 
mittee was appointed. The Committee drew up the following resolution for 


the Executive: 

“The Investigating Committee of three appointed by the Executive Com- 
mittee, after reading the ‘stenographic report of the Louis ©. Fraina case’ 
and investigating additional evidence, and also hearing witnesses, reeommends 


the following statement for acceptance : 


“1. The star witness figuring in ‘the stenographie report of the L. C. Fraina 
Case’ offers a very doubtful statement, which is not proven by the facets and 
based on a verbal story only. 

“(a) It is proven that Petersen (the informer) has himself been a govern- 
ment spy. (0b) No one can verify /-his statements. (c) Fraina proves his 
alibi in connection with the dates mentioned by Petersen as having seen Fraina 


‘in the Department of Justice. 


“2. We recognize that the Central Executive Committee of the Communist 
Party of America, after investigating the charges, acquitted Fraina and granted 
him its full confidence as a true Party member. To accuse or suspect the 
Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America as being an 
organization which protects suspicious persons—we have neither the proof nor 
the right. We have full confidence in the Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist Party being a revolutionary body. 

“3. We consider as supporting the evidence that Fraina is not guilty, the 
fact that the Communist Labor Party of America, through its Executive Com- 
mittee, refused, after hearing the stenographiec report of the Fraina case, to 
appoint an investigating committee, questioned Petersen’s statement, and 
‘turned down the proposal of the ‘ Soviet Bureau’ to take up the case. 

“(4. The letter written by comrade Rutgers from Amsterdam proves. that 
Comrade Fraina has the full confidence of the Holland comrades. 

“Therefore it is resolved that the Investigating Committee (Bilan, Com- 
munist Labor Party of America; Rudniansky, Communist Party of Hungary 
Rosmer, Communist and Syndicalist Movement of France) find Comrade Louis 
C. Fraina not guilty of the charges proffered against him and recommend that 
he be given the necessary confidence as the accredited representative of the 
Communist Party of America.” 

In accordance with this decision Fraina was admitted to the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International and to the Congress as the representa- 
tive of his Party. 

During the sessions of the Congress (August, 1920) Santerri Nuorteva arrived 
in Moscow. Fraina threupon requested the Executive Committee to reopen 
the whole case in view of Nuorteva’s presence. The Executive Committee, 
upon motion of Comrade Zinovieff, resolved to give Nuorteva 48 hours to pre- 
sent any new evidence, failing which the case would be closed, and Nuorteva 


warned not to repeat the accusation on pain of severe measures being used 


against him. 

Nuorteva appeared before the Investigating Committee, persisting in the 
accusation. The Investigating Committee, after hearing him at length, adopted 
the following resolution : 

“The Committee on the Fraina Case, after hearing Santerri eee on 
August 20, 1920, has come to the following decision : 

“1. Neither the former nor the new accusations brought by Nuorteva against 
Fraina give cause for altering the previous decision of the Committee. Nuor- 
teva’s evidence consists of his personal opinion only. He offers no real argu- 


ments to prove any of his accusations. 


- 858 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA: 


“2. On the basis of his personal opinion, Nuorteva openly spreads the story 
(even in the capitalist press) that Fraina is a police spy, that the program of 
the Communist Party of America was written by a police spy, ete. Such pro- 
ceedings are absolutely contrary to the attitude of a true socialist. 

“ If after this decision Nuorteva does not cease making his accusations against 
Fraina, the Executive Committee will be compelled to use the gravest measures 
to stop him.” hist 

At the session of August 26 of the Executive Committee of the International 
this resolution was unanimously adopted, among the members’ present being 
Bucharin and. Zinovieff, Russia; Meyer, Germany; Quelch, England; Reed, 
America. - rin 

One of the American delegates having suggested that in view of the charges 
against Fraina being public property, it might be advisable for Fraina not to 
occupy any executive position in the movement, the Executive Committee, upon 
motion of Zinovieff, decided that “the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International sees no reason why Comrade Fraina should be deprived of the 
opportunity for responsible executive work in the American movement.” 

Subsequently, upon the suggestion of Comrade Lenin, the following supple- 
mentary resolution was adopted September 29: 

“The Executive Committee of the Communist International insists that 
Nuorteva must retract publicly, in the press, all the accusations made by him 
against Comrade Fraina.” 

[ SEAL. ] M. KoprzKy, 

Secretary of Lxecutive Committee. 

Moscow, 30, 9, 1920. 

Santeri Nuorteva, Secretary to Martens, had preferred charges 

. . ? ° % ? &, m 

against Louis C. Fraina, alleging the latter was an agent of the. De- 
partment of Justice of the United States. Fraina was tried in New 
York City, the entire case being referred to in proceedings before a 
subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The case 
was submitted to the Communist International, and the document 
found at 170 Bleecker Street contains the final decision. Nuorteva. 
after returning surreptitiously to Moscow, later became chief of the 
Anglo-American Division of the Commissariat of F oreion Affairs, 
which position he held until a few weeks ago, when he was super- 
seded by his assistant, Samuel Cahan, who was arrested in J anuary. 
1920, in New York, on a deportation warrant, as a member of the 
Communist Labor Party. The warrant was dismissed because of the 
decision of the Labor Department that that particular party was not 
proscribed by the immigration statutes: 

The last document, which is quoted above, is the official decision 
of the III International in'the Fraina case. | . 

The preceding document is particularly interesting in that Santeri 
Nuorteva, at the time he preferred these charges against L. C, Fraina, 
was attached to the Martens Mission and held himself out as.an official 
of that mission which had been sent to the United States to establish 
trade relations and also to seek recognition. Tt ig also unportant, to 
note that L. C, Fraina was tried in the city of New York by a spe- 
cially appointed committee of the leading Communists and tried upon 
the sole accusation that he was an agent of the Department of Jus- 
tice. At this trial in New York, held in the apartment of Dr. Hart- 
man, there was present besides Santeri Nuorteva, Ludwig C. A. K. 
Martens, the then self-styled Bolshevik Ambassador.: So important 
was the trial of L. C. Fraina that the Central Executive Committee’ 
of the Communist Party of America published the stenographic re- 
port. thereof. | 7 r 

The stenographiec report of the trial is interesting... The basis of 
the charge against Fraina was that a letter written by Rutgers, a 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 359 


prominent Communist abroad, to Ludwig C. A. K. Martens had 
found its way into the hands of the Department of Justice, and this 
letter had proven somewhat embarrassing. Fraina was suspected of 
having delivered the letter to the Department of Justice and was 


therefore, charged with being a Department of Justice Agent, 


though, as a matter of fact, he has had no connection directly or 
indirectly in any way with any branch of the American Government. 

Attending the trial were Gregory Weinstein, assistant to Ludwig 
C. A. K. Martens; Lovestone, still active in the Communist move- 
ment; Hartman, at whose apartment the trial was staged; Nuorteva, 
who later departed from the country hastily at the time that Ludwig 
©, A. K. Martens, his chief, was appearing before the Immigration 
Inspector upon charges for deportation; Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, 
and a number of other active Communists. 

In regard to Nuorteva’s departure, it is significant to note that 
he left apparently as soon as he had ascertained that one of the 


- couriers between the United States and Europe had been apprehended. 


Upon examination, this courier was found to have concealed in 
his trousers a package containing literature and: several packages 
of uncut diamonds, the latter) valued. at approximately $30,000. 
This courier identified Nuorteva as the man to whom he had delivered 


previously packages of similar size and to whom he was to deliver 


the package containing the diamonds. With these diamonds there 
were contained a number of letters for Ludwig Martens, together 
with a code message addressed to him. When an effort was made 
to locate Nuorteva for examination in connection with the smuggling 
of these diamonds, it was found that he had hastily departed from 
the country. He later arrived in: Moscow. where eventually he as- 
sumed the duties, as already stated, as Chief of the Division of 
Anglo-American Affairs in the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. 


LABOR ACTIVITIES 


From the time of the formation of the Communist Parties in the 
United States in 1919 considerable attention was given by the Com- 
munists to the penetration of labor groups and organizations. One 
of the principal targets of attack has been the American Federation 
of Labor and its allied bodies. 

In April, 1921, the New York authorities, took possession of a large 
number of documents from 170 Bleecker Street in connection with 
the local arrest of Edward I. Lindgren, Israel Amter, and Jakira, all 
prominent Communists. 

Among these documents was a very detailed report, prepared for 
the American Communist. delegate to use in Moscow, on the * Trade- 
union movement in the United States.” The original of this report 


‘is submitted herewith to the committee. 


The report covers— 


(1) Population, industrial and agrarian, geographical distribution. 

(2) Industry, relation to population, geographical distribution. 

(3) Labor organization, industrial and proletariat, strike record. 

(4) Historical outline, program and tactics of revolutionary minorities, ete. 
(5) Proposed policies, position of the I. W. W., ete. 

(6) Practical proposals, ete. 


¢ 


360 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Under the heading “ Proposed policies” the following appears? 


1. The Industrial Workers of the World (I. W. W.) insist on smashing the 
trade-unions. 

2. An influential minority of the I. W. W. concedes that this:can not be done 
in the best-organized and basic industries and admit the necessity of accepting 
the established unions. 

3. A realistic policy, based on Communist understanding, must repudiate alto- 
gether the destruction of the trade-unions, must accept them as natural organs 
of proletarian resistance in the early stages of the revolution, and potential 
instruments of the revolution itself, of the conquest of power; as the most 
favorable point of contact with the masses to influence and direct the mass 
activity before, and during the establishment of Soviet Power. 


In conclusion the report states that— 


The present situation in the labor movement of the United States is at once 
a challenge and an opportunity to the Communists * * *. Gommunism will 
win the leadership of the masses not by talk but by service; not by lectures on 
the class struggle but by leading skirmishes of the class struggle efficiently and 
by giving practical leadership, by union administration, demonstrations, 
strikes (:* ror F 5 Fy 

In the trade-unions we must bring our revolutionary groups together in each 
local union, from these build up district committees and committees for national 
and international unions, from these industrial committees; all to be coordi- 
nated and directed by the General Staff, the American Bureau of the Red Labor 
International. The General Staff will judge each question with the war map 
of the whole labor movement of America before it, keep in touch with develop- 
ments everywhere, prevent hasty and ill-advised action by small sections before 
the whole line is ready to move, keep the hard, silent, persistent, plodding work 
under way at all times, watching that the accomplishments in one place are not 
offset or destroyed by uncoordinated action in another; lay plans for capturing 
the administrative machinery of the individual unions and of the American 
Federation itself; carry on the persistent educational campaign within the rank 
and file for every step toward greater unity, nationally and internationally, 
toward industrial unionism, revolutionary policies, and the Red Labor 
International. 


The document just mentioned contains very detailed statistical 
information; and from the circumstances surrounding its seizure it 
was, no doubt, intended for submission to Moscow for consideration 
in connection with agitation among the labor unions. 

The Communists have, moreover, made considerable progress. in 
formulating a program among labor unions and in the labor field, 
which may best be indicated by an examination of the history of the 
Red Labor Union International, to which belongs the Trade-Union 
Educational League, an organization functioning in the United States 
under the direct supervision and control of William Z. Foster. 


THE RED TRADE-UNION INTERNATIONAL—THE TRADE-UNION EDU- 
CATIONAL LEAGUE 


The Red Trade-Union International had its inception in 1917, 
when a minority faction of Communist and Internationalist dele- 
gates to the Third Labor Union Conference proposed a union of all 
the labor unions of the nations engaged in the world war for the 
purpose of working out a joint plan to prevent war and further the 
cause of socialism. At the first congress of the Russian revolutionary 
unions in 1918 nothing more tangible toward international organi- 
zation of labor unions developed than the adoption of a resolution, 
but at the second congress the Russian unions communicated with 
the labor unions throughout the world on the question of an inter- 
national labor movement. At the third congress the Russian unions 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 361 


decided to join the Communist International and called upon all 
other revolutionary unions to do so. This third congress was held 
in March, 1920. In June, 1920, upon the initiative of the Communist 
‘International, a conference was held which was attended by a number 
of foreign representatives. 

On July 15,1920, a declaration was signed-by delegates representing 
several of the labor federations or councils in Europe, headed by the 
All Russian Central Soviet of Labor Unions. This was the actual 
establishment of the International Council of Trade Unions and the 
conference from July 3 to 17, 1920, was designated the first con- 
gress. There were present 380 delegates, representing 41 countries. 
Disagreement arose over the question of the dictatorship of the pro- 
jetariat, and the American I. W. W. and the British Shop Stewards 
refused to sign the declaration. Those who did sign claimed to 
represent approximately nine million organized workers. The dec- 
laration stated in part: 


That the pos_tion of the working class in all countries. created by the im- 
perialist war from day to day demands a more distinct and energetic class 
struggle for the final cessation of exploitation and the establishment of the 
Communist system. 

That this struggle must be conducted on an international seale with the 
elosest organization of all workers—not in craft groups but in industrial 

organizations. 
’ * * * * * * 

That the working class must gather all the trade union organizations into 
one powerful revolutionary class association which, working side by side with 
the political organization of the International Communist proletariat, and in 
close contact with it, would develop all its strength for the final victory of 
the socialist revolution and establishment of world-wide Soviet Republic. 

* * * * % * 

To conduct communist propaganda within the trade unions in all countries, 
and organize Communist and revolutionary groups in every organization for 
the purpose of propaganda for the acceptance of our program. (The Inter- 
national Council of Trade and Industrial Unions, pp. 40 and 41.) 


In July, 1921, the Council convoked the First Constituent Inter- 
national Congress of Red Trade Unions. It was at this Congress 
that the organization, which is now known as the Red Trade Union 
International, was launched. The Congress was attended by 820 
delegates, representing 37 nations. 

The Red Trade Union International has the following aims and 
objects: 


To organize the broad masses of the workers throughout the world for the 
overthrow of capitalism, the liberation of the toilers from the yoke of exploita- 
tion and the establishment of the Socialist form. 

To fight the disease of compromise, with the bourgeoisie, which is gnawing 
at the world trade unions movement, the idea of class cooperation, and sense- 
less hopes for a peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism. (Organiza- 
tion Questions, p. 46.) 

* * * * ® * Eo 

For the purpose of establishing a close and unbreakable connection between 
the Red Trade Union International and the Third Communist International, 
the Central Council of the R. T. U. L: 

(1) Sends to the Executive Committee of the Communist International three 
representatives with deciding votes, and vice versa. 

(2) Arranges joint sessions with the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International for the discussion of the most important questions of the inter- 
national labor movement and for the organizing of joint activ ties. (Organiza- 
tion Questions, p. 51.) 


362 RECOGNITION OF, RUSSIA 


The Red Trade Union International is ruled by a Central Bureau. 
This is formed of two representatives each from England, United 
States, Germany, Italy, Spain, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and France, 


and four representatives from Russia. 
In a list of the addresses of revolutionary trade union organiza- 

tions, published in the “International Press Correspondence,” for 

November 2, 1922, the following appear: | Lis'i9 


America : 

Trade Union Educational League, 18 North LaSalle Street, Chicago, Ill. 

International Food Workers of the Amalgamated Food Industries, 81 East 
10th .St., New York, City,, N..Y..,. ) 

Amalgamated Metal Workers, 81 East 10th St., New York City, N. Y. 

United Labor Council, 81 Hast 10th St., New York City, N. Y. 

Temporary committee for Working Class Unity, 618 South Hermitage 
Avenue, Chicago, IIL, and 1010 Altgeld St., Chicago, Ill. 


The revolutionary trade-union press of the world is ‘also listed, 
and includes the following American publications: 


The Labor Herald, 118 North LaSalle St., Chicago, Tl. 

Voice of Labor, 2003 N. California Ave., Chicago, Il. 

Free Voice of the Amalgamated Food Workers, S1 East 10th St., New York 
COLUM As hk 

The Worker, 80 East 11th St., New York City. 

Advance, 31 Union Square, New York City. 

Fortschrift (Jewish), 31 Union Square, New York City. 

Labor Unity, 1470 Valencia St., San Francisco, Cal. 

Tyomies (Finnish), 601 Tower Ave., Superior, Wis. 

It will be noted that the above list contains the names of the Trade 
Union Educational League, which is, in fact, the American branch 
of the Red Trade Union International, and the head of the League, 
Wilham Z, Foster, is the American Representative of the head of the 
Red Trade Union International, A. Lozovsky. 

In a special Red Trade Union International number of the Inter- 
national Press Correspondence,” in an article based on data received 
by the Central European Bureau (R. T. U. L.), the following ap- 
pears: | 

The Trade Union Educational League, which is conducting the revolutionary 
propaganda in the A. F. of L. organization, has groups in 300 ¢ities'in the 
United States. For the first general conference, which took place in Chicago on 
the 26th of August (1922), 156 delegates had been announced. Owing, how- 
ever, to the arrest of the Secretary, Comrade Wm. Z%. Foster, and the police 
raid on the headquarters, only 55 delegates could attend the Conference. ‘The 
League is publishing a pfhper, the Labor Herald, which has circulation of 
20,000. The League claims a membership of 422,000. Its influence is especially 
strong among the garment workers. (90,000), the railwaymen., (80,000), the 
miners (50,000), and the metal workers (48,000). 

k * + * * * * 


William Z. Foster describes his organization as follows: 


The Trade Union Educational League is an informal grouping of the progres- 
sive and revolutionary elements throughout the entire trade union movement ; 
a potent means to assist these militants in the performance of their natural 
functions as the brain and backbone of the organized masses. ‘It is not a’ dual 
union, nor is it affiliated directly or indirectly with any such. It does not 
issue charters, nor does it collect dues or per capita tax. For the revenue 
to carry on its work it depends upen voluntary donations from supporters and 
Sympathizers, profits from the sale of literature, ete, * * * a 

The Trade Union Educational League ‘proposes to develop trade-unions from 
their present antiquated and stagnant conditions into modern, powerful labor 
organizations capable of waging successful warfare against Capital. To this 


ws 


tae 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 863 


end it is working to revamp and remodel from top to bottom their theories, 
_ tactics, structure, and leadership. Instead of advocating the prevailing shame- 
_ ful and demoralizing nonsense about harmonizing the interests of Capital and 


Labor, it is firing the workers’ imagination and releasing their wonderful 


_ idealism and energy by propagating the inspiring goal of the abolition of 


capitalism and the establishment of a ‘workers’ republic: )*)) * 0. *» Lhe 
League also aims to put the workers of America’ in cooperation with the fight- 
ing trade unionists of the rest of the world. . Itis flatly opposed to our present 
pitiful policy of isolation and it advocates affiliation to the militant. interna- 


_ tional trade union movement, known as the Red’ Trade Union Interna- 


tional. -*/ eFiiis 
The launching of the Trade Union Educational League marks a turning 
point in American labor history. It is the beginning of an era in which the 


_trade-unions, flourishing under intensive cultivation by their organized mili- 


tants, will gradually pass from their present hopeless defensive fight into an 


_ aggressive attack upon Capital. an attack which ean end only with the abolition 


of the wage system. The program of The Trade Union Educational League is 
the only possible effective answer to the “Open Shop” drive of the employer ; 


it is the sole means by which the American working class can take its proper 


place in the world battle of Labor. (Leaflet, reprinted from the Labor Herald. 
of March, 1922.) 


In the March, 1923 issue of the Labor Herald, a brief report on the 


Red Trade Union International Congress is given by Arne Swabeck. 


Under “ American Problems,” he says: 
* * * * * F * 


The work of the Trade Union Educational League was highly commended at 


the Second Congress. Although no shortcomings were overlooked, it was 
pointed out that its policies were correct and its performance has been beyond 


expectations. All militants and revolutionists: were urged to give it full co- 
operation, including those in the independent unions, to make an even more 
aggressive campaign for the complete realization of its policies. The League 
was named the official representative of the Red International of Labor Unions 
in the United States. 

The Second National Convention of the Workers’ Party of Amer- 
ica, December, 1922, went on record as approving the activities of 
the Trade Union Educational League in its efforts to achieve an 
amalgamation in the trade-union movement. The party members 
were urged to become not only members of, but effective workers 
in, the labor unions; and every member. of the Workers’ Party— 


stands instructed to join the Trade Union Educational League, the organized 


expression of the militant workers in the unions. (The Worker, Jan. 6, 1923.) 


The Second T. U. E. L. Conference was held in September, 1923, 
at Chicago, Ill. It was attended by 153 delegates, representing 
81 international unions and various industrial centers of the United 


States and Canada. 


_ Membership in the T. U. E. L. is secured by subscription to the 
Labor Herald, “ provided there is the willingness to comply with 


the program of the organization.” The Communists are continually 


being urged to swell the ranks of the T. U. E. L. by supporting 
Labor Herald subscription drives. 
Foster. in a report to the Second Congress of the Red Trade Union 


‘International, stated in part: 


Such a united front of the revolutionary and progressive elements in the 


labor unions is now developing through the Trade Union Educational League. — 


With branches in all the leading localities and labor unions of America, this 
organization is carrying on an aggressive compaign in favor of the program of 
the Red International of Labor Unions, including a policy of aggressive class 
struggle instead of class collaboration, the workers’ republic, independent work- 


823825—24—pt 2——_14 


364 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


ing class political action, affiliation with the Moscow International, the general 
strike, support of the Russian Revolution, industrial unionism through amalga- 
mation, ete. 

Remarkable success is being had. The American working class, always 
militant in spite of reactionary leadership, is responding in the most en- 
couraging fashion. Particularly is this the case with regard to amalgamation, 
which is sweeping the labor movement under the direct leadership of the 
revolutionaries organized in the League. (The Worker, Feb. 17, 1923.) 


The Trade Union Educational League is, after all, merely carrying 
out the instructions of the Communist International, namely : 


The duty of the Communists consists in inspiring the labor unions and the 
factory committee with a spirit of determined struggle, and the consciousness 
and knowledge of the best methods of such a struggle—the spirit of Com- 
munism. In execution of this duty, the Communists must practically subor- 
dinate the factory committees and the unions to the Communist Party, and 
thus create a proletarian mass organ, a basis for a powerful centralized party 
of the proletariat, embracing all the organizations of the proletarian struggle, 
leading them all to one aim, to the victory of the working class, through the 
dictatorship of the proletariat to Communism. The Communists converting the 
labor unions and factory committees into powerful weapons of the revolution 
prepare these mass organizations for the great task which they will have after 
the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, for the task of being 
the instrument of the reorganization of economic life on a Socialistie basis. 


* *K K 
x * * * * * # 

The Communist workers who are members of the labor unions in all coun- 
tries must * * * strive to create an international battle front of labor 
unions. ore * iF 

* * * ‘The economic struggle against the working class, the economic struggle 
of the proletariat in all countries, is daily becoming more and more a revolu- 
tionary struggle. Therefore, the labor unions must consciously use their forces 
for the support of all revolutionary struggles in their own and in other countries. 
For this purpose, they must not only, in their own countries, strive to attain 
as great centralization of their struggle as possible, but they must do so on an 
international seale by joining the Communist International, and by uniting 
in one army the different parts of which shall carry on the struggle co-jointly, 
supporting one another. (Theses and Statutes, pp. 60 and 61.) 

In November, 1922, the Red Trade Union International claimed 
that its forces in the United States were 422,000 strong, but did 
not vouch for the accuracy of this estimate. . 

The Workers’ Party of America is working more or less parallel 
with the Trade Union Educational League; the Workers’ Party 
is also very active among the miners, textile workers, and espe- 
cially the steel workers, and all union labor in general. Speakers 
for the Party have toured the industrial centers, and nuclei are being 
organized in the various unions, while the Party’s support is being 
given to various cooperative organizations, literary circles, etc., all of 
which are working for the expansion of the influence of the Workers’ 
Party and a certain degree of Party control. The parallel between 
the work of the Party and of the T. U. E. L. arises from the fact that 
both of these organizations are working towards the same ultimate 
goal, namely, the workers control of the Government. The T. U. 
EK. L. aims directly at a workers’ control of industry with the eventual 
control of the Government in view. 

A lengthy article by H. M. Wicks, in the official organ of the 
Workers’ Party of America, shows very clearly that the Communists 
are actively to assist the work of the Trade Union Educational] 
League. It also indicates the purpose of the League. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 365 


The Trade Union Educational League is the one organization capable of 
rallying all the left elements in the labor movement for the struggle against 
the spirit of Gomperism. * *. * 
‘As the vanguard of the working class, and as the nateral leaders of the labor 
militants who see beyond the struggles of to-day and perceive the goal for 
whieh labor is striving, it is our duty to enter the ranks of the Trade Union 
Educational League. As Communists our task must be to support the work of 
‘this organization with all our power and to endeavor to take the leading role 
in formulating its policy and developing its action in the labor movement. To: 
evade this important work would be nothing short of criminal neglect of our 
plain revolutionary duty. 
In places where Leagues already exist it is the duty of the members of the 
‘Party to join the existing League. In places where the League has not. yet 
been organized, it is the task of Communists to take the initiative in launching 
a branch of the League. 
The tremendous importance of the League work can be fully comprehended 
only in connection with an understanding of the fact that the great str kes of 
Jast year were merely the first steps, the forerunners of even greater labor 
struggles that are even now developing in the industrial life of the nation. 
_ History imposes upon the militants in America a twofold task. We must not 
only rally the workers to effective actions against capitalism, but we must also 
wage a relentless apa gle against the spirit of Gomperism and all its menac nz 
implications. * * 

As revolutionists we must so identify ourselves with the lahor movement that 
it will be impossible to separate us from it. We have no interests aside from 
the interests of the working class. * * * 

The development of industry alone will never achieve the emancipation of 
the working class. ‘The existence of a strong Communist movement is necessary 
to accomplish that achievement, and that movement can never come nto exist- 

ence until we have developed the mass power of organized labor and mobilized 
it against capitalism by convincing the majority of the workers that our posi- 
tion is correct. This is why the Workers’ Party declares that the chief task 
of the membership to-day must be the work in the trade-unions in order that 
we may direct the economic struggle of the workers into the final class strugele 
tor political supremacy. (The Worker, Jan. 20, 1923.) 


_ Another person prominently identified with the Communist move- 
‘ment in America is James P. Cannon. In an article in)“ The 
Worker ” he said, in part: 


The best hope for America is the growing influence of the Workers’ Party 
‘and the organization now, for the first time in history, of the left wing in the 
trade-unions. The work of the Workers’ Party and the Trade Union Educa- 
_tional League represents the beginning of a great new development in the 
/ working-class movement. The systematic organization of the left wing forces 
in the trade-unions, the realistic fight for the overthrow of the Gompers machine, 
_and the crystallization of all the revolutionary elements into one disciplined 
_ Marxist party—these developments, which have all taken shape in recent years, 
draw their main inspiration from the Russian revolution. The experiences of 
‘the Russian Revolution have shown us the way and the heroic example of the 
| Russian workers has inspired us with the will to fight. By. their daring 
1 Struggies dgainst the greatest odds in the dark days they gave us courage and 
hope and their manifest triumph now wil] transmute the hopes of other years 
| into a certain, confidence that the workers of America will follow their example. 


In December, 1923, information based on official published ac- 
| counts of the meetings of the Red Trade Union International, here- 
, Inafter referred to as the Profintern, was procured: 


— The Executive Bureau of the Profintern met on June 11. At this meeting 
the first question was the preparation of the order of the day for the Third 
_ Conference ofthe Profintern Council, which was held from June 25th to 29, 
“inclus’ ve. In the order of the day the Executive Bureau of the Profintern in 
‘addition to general subjects, such as combating world fascism, strike funds, 
etce., included a special question on the American Trade Union Educational 
League. The speaker on this subject was Johnson (the only representative from 
America at the meeting of the Executive Bureau). In his report Johnson 





366 RECOGNITION: OF RUSSIA 


pointed out that in the United States at the present time there is a great 
industrial. prosperity, thanks to which there is a great shortage of workers. 
This industrial prosperity, Johnson pointed out, is brought about principally 
by construction, and will not end so very soon, and therefore the bourgeoisie 
willingly granted all demands of the workers for increased pay, but it is con- 
ducting a desperate fight against labor organ:zations. For the purpose otf 
utilizing the situation and. fulfilling its roéle as the advance guard’ of: the 
proletariat, the Profintern organization, the Red. Trade » Union Hducationa' 
League, is now coming out with the following slogans :) 

. Organization of the Unorganized, 

Formation of a Labor Party. 

. Defense of aliens. _ 

. Increase of wages, 

. Expulsion from the labor unions of reformist fen dark. 

Recognition of Soviet Russia. 

Johnson also pointed out that the Tuel enjoys) great popularity: among the 
workers and that the total number of organized workers supporting the Tuel 
is about two million. (Most of the above is quoted from the, ff nie Vea. | by ot 
June 13, 1923.) 

On June 25th the third conference of the Profintern Gounedl was held, at Ww vhticl 
the speaker for America was again Johnson, who reported that: “ The revo- 
lutionary movement in North America and Canada became a mass movement 
from the moment when the Profintern’s Organization, the Trade Union Eduea- 
tional League, began to direct the movement. The fundamental line: of the 
Tuel’s struggle is to have all the workers’ trade-unions join the Profintern and 
the fusion of the trade-unions into the industrial unions.” (This quotation is 
from the “ Izvestia”’ for June 26, 1923.) The delegates from, America: did not 
speak prior to the fifth sesson During this time a general reportiwas made 
by Lozovsky and discussions regarding this. report were being conducted by 
delegates from yarious countries. Much attention at these sessions was devoted 
to the question of revolutionary reeducation of the working, masses, the coming 
world revolution under the guidance of the Communist International, why the 
Communist International and the Profintern are one in spirit! and im aim, but 
the principal question was that of world fascism. At the fifth session, on June 
28th, the second American delegate, Israel Amter, spoke onthe question 07 
the struggle with fase’sm. He said that “ North America can be considered the 
classic land of fascism.” He based his opinion on “A Sketch of the Strike- 
breaking organizations existing in the United States, the Ku-Klux Klan, the 
Militia, and others generously subsidized by the promoters (note, business men) 
and supported by Gompers.” (The quotations are from “ Izvestia,”’ June 29 
1928. 

At the session at which at Lozovsky’s suggestion there was to be establishec 
a special strike fund through which the Profintern could direct the strikes 
throughout the world and therefore control them, Johnson again spoke. He 
suggested “ to establish in place of:a strike fund a fund for combatting fascism 
and that the slogan of the Profintern, ‘To The Masses,’ be replaced by the 
slogan ‘ Organization of the Unorganized.’” (Pravda, June 29, 1928.) From 
the official account of the Profintern it would appear that only two delegates 
were present at the third conference from America. 

But at about this same time, namely, June 14th, there were being held meetings 
of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, at which were 
present Alexander Trachtenberg and Israel Amter. At the first session of the 
Communist International meeting in his report on the condition of the Com- 
munist parties in various countries, Zinoviev, among other things, stated that 
the American Communist Party, which had suffered for a long time, from 
internal quarrels, had at last become a strong party and a worthy member oi 
the Communist International, the warring factions having come together anc 
having submitted to the decision of the Communist International of legalizing 
the Party. Zinoviev also showed that the legalization of the Communist Part) 
of America was in itself a most successful maneuver of the American revolu 
tionary proletariat, as, the party is strengthening and extending its battle 
opposition at every hour... “It is understood that, thanks to this legal form. 
such comrades as Foster and Ruthenberg will be brought to trial and possibly 
thrown into jail, but sacrifices are necessary. They cannot be avoided, but 
the Party itself has gained much and will gain, thanks to.jits legal existence,” 
concluded Zinoviey. 25) 


ild 


Ae ee ae 


: ) RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 367 


hs 


~ ‘These two internationals are in reality one International with two 

branches, political and professional. That is practically the only 

difference between them. In the United States the. Communist 

Party, representing the Communist International, has organized in 
the political field the Workers’ Party of America, while in the 

industrial field it is represented by the Trade Union Educational 
eague, a section of the Red Trade Union International. 

The Theses on Communist Work in the ‘Trade Unions, adpoted at 
the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, instructed 
the Communist Parties to do, everything possible to build up the 
Labor, Union movement in their respective countries for the purpose 
of eventually bringing these Labor Unions into the Red Trade Union 
International.” | 
_ the same Congress adopted a resolution on “ Reorganization of 
the Communist International towards an International Communist 
Party,” which reads in part: | 
Hf The Congress instructs the Executive, in conjunction with the Executive of 
the Profintern (Red Trade Union International), to work out the form of 
mutual relations of the Comintern (Communist International) and Profintern. 
The Congress further points out that now more than ever is the economic 
Struggle closely bound up with the political campaign, and consequently a 
Special internal coordination of forces of all the revolutionary organizations 
of the working class must be effected. (Resolutions and,Theses of the Fourth 
Congress, page 96.) 

‘The Workers Party of America has announced in its program that 
it supports the Red Trade Union International and that. it is guided 
by the Theses on American Labor Unions, prepared by the Red 
Trade Union International. 

7 It will bé seen, therefore, that ‘the Trade Union Educational 
League was organized for a purpose similar to that of the Workers’ 
Party of America, to wit, as the so-called open or legal arm of the 
legal and secret Communist. Party of America, with the exception 
hat the Trade Union Educational League was to create Communist 
jlocs or left wings in bona fide labor organizations such as the Ameri- 
van Federation of Labor and others, the purpose being to agitate and 
dropagate from within the unions (boring from within), aiming at 
he amalgamation of all unions into large industrial unions, and 
sombining the industrial unions into one big union. as a powerful 
tit, to be made use of during a revolutionary crisis, namely, the gen- 
‘al or mass strike. See report entitled “Comrade Borden’s Re- 
sort” (Wm. Z. Foster), made during the illegal Communist Party 
‘f America convention at Bridgman, Michigan, on August 20, 1922, 
‘xcerpts from which are as follows: 

After our delegation came back from Moscow last year, we brought with us a 
(fogram which we thought was a good practical program for this country, 
(nd we want to tell you this—that a lot of people say that in Moscow they 
0 not understand the situation. I want to dispute that. I found in the Red 
‘rade Union International and in the Communist International, and generally 
1 Moscow a keen understanding of the fundamentals of our situation in this: 
“Tt lt a peculiar thing to find men like Radek and Lenin telling American 
2volutionary organizations that their industrial policy was wrong. Radek 


uid, “ Your delegation that you had here at the previous congress of the Com- 
tunist International seemed to be too anxious to get away from the Trade 






ions.” 
i 6 


a 


| 
368 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Radek knew that these fellows were wrong because of his general knowledge 
of the international situation and fundamentals of labor movement. Radek 
stated that every policy that we are now undertaking we should put into 
effect. Every leading man in Russia took that position. 

The important thing is that we finally arrived at a practical foundation for 
a trade-union policy in this country. 

We came back with this policy and acted to put it into effect. It was laia 
before the Central Executive Committee and endorsed and also before the 
Workers’ Party of America and endorsed, and we were instructed to undertake 
to organize the Trade Union League, and. we began in February. 

The program started out with was to simultaneously set up) groups in all 
parts of the country. 

We have succeeded in making an inroad into a number of organizations. 
. In fact, I find that the American Trade Union Movement is very receptive to 
a great deal of the program. 

The conference of the 26th and 27th is one based upon this principle; not 
to invite the actual representatives of the unions to the conference, but minority 
groups within the unions, namely, branches of the League. We could have a 
conference of about 500 instead of 70 or 80, as we probably will have, if we 
wanted to, but the proposition would lead to great’ disaster, because if we 
attempted to call a delegate conference consisting of representatives of trade 
unions, it would mean expulsions of organizations, and would throw us up 
against a problem which we are unable to handle. 

In the future it will be possible, after carrying on agitation, to call a con- 
ference or convention of several thousands of delegates and put our program 
up and get by with it. , 

The situation on the railroads: We have carried on work not only in the 
mining districts, but were particularly successful in the railroad trades. To 
show the ripeness of the American trade-unions for this kind of proposition 
to concentrate on explaining the situation will be as good as any. 

We started out with the railroads with a program of. industrial unionism. 
here are 16 organizations on the railroads. We started out with laying stress 
on the proposition of industrializing the situation, and started a movement 
for amalgamation. The trade-unions connected with the Trade Union Educa. 
tienal League were instrumental in sending out several thousand letters 
through local unions. In the face of the convention of the railway employees 
convention, we sent out letters with the idea of industrial organization to the 
rank and file of the delegates to that convention (500), 98% being high paic 
officials getting from $400 to $700 per month, more than the presidents, 

This shows conditions as they were at the convention. Samuel Gompers 
came to Chicago for the purpose of spiking the League and preventing it from 
having any effect on the convention, and he held a public meeting and advancec 
the League as being financed by Moscow and out to destroy the Unions. We 
sent a man there to address the workers. He was denied the right to speak 
to the convention, but in spite of all that, we suceeded in stampeding these 
underofficers for that much of the program. Could that happen in France o: 
any other country, where a lot of fellows could stampede a convention 03 
high paid officials? It could not be done. In no other movement in the worl 
is there such a thing. 

In our conference we should be very careful about the program that w« 
adopt. As far as I am concerned, we should adopt a clear-cut revolutionar) 
program. Adopt a proposition indorsing Russia and indorsing the Dictator 
ship of the Proletariat in Russia. Adopt a resolution calling for affiliation 
with the Red Trade Union Internat‘onal without qualifications. Adopt a pro 
gram calling for industrial organizations, and adopt a Revolutionary progran 
as a basis of our work. Popularize it and let it be spread and_ broadcast 
(Comrade Borden’s Report, pp. 1-5, incl.) 


The following are excerpts from questions asked of both Wm. Z 
Foster and Earl Browder at the aforesaid convention: 


Ques. How is the control of the Trade Union Educational League by th: 
Communist Party to be maintained? What is to be the permanent relation? 
Ans. Intensive participation in the Trade Union Educational League 0 
the Communist Party is the only way in which we can really control th 
Trade Union Educational League. The Trade Union Educational Leagu 
will be a semimass organization. The Communist must get into it and mak 


{ RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 369 


it function ‘“ communistically.” The Central Ex. Committee is to map out 
general policy for the Trade Union Educational League. The Trade Union 
Educational League is to map out the policies for their various branches. 

(Question asked about the Party and the Amalgamated. It was answered 
that we must be big enough to ignore the rank and file.) 

Ques. Where shall the control come from? 

Ans. From the nuclei of the Communist Party. 

Ques. I would like to ask whether you consider it advisable for the 
Workers Party members as such to organize caucuses to control the Trade 
Union Educational League or should it be done by the Communist Party 
members working directly. 

Ans. I think that if there is any control worth while doing, it should ema- 
nate from the Communist Party, as this is the control worth having and is 
_the real control. The impression is that in the Communist Party you have 
the best comrades. 

' Ques. by Davidson. Please give me some facts and figures as to what the 
Trade Union Educational League represents now in point of organization, 
literature, financial situation, ete. 

Ans. We have local organizations of the Trade Union Educational League 
in about 48 or 50 cities. We have organized the distribution of the Labor 
Herald. We have literature agents who distribute this paper in the labor 
unions. This is done in 115 cites. The circulation of the Herald was 
11,000 last month. This month we are printing 15,000 copies. Our other pub- 
lication, the first pamphlet, is in its second edition now. The second pamphlet, 
The Russian Revolution, was issued in 5,000 copies in paper, and 1,000 in 
cloth, and then a second edition of 3,000 in paper was issued. The third 
pamphlet was issued in a total of 10,000 copies and we disposed of them all 
within 30 days. We sold a large number of them to the Workers Party and 
‘these have been disposed of almost completely. In addition to this there has 
“been the publicat on of the Amalgamation plan. This was done without any 
expense to us. This was done by the raising of money by the Minnesota 
workers. We are sending out on the average of 1,000 copies of this plan a 
day. The first copy, with a letter asking for bundle orders, was sent free to 
many labor unions. 

Six numbers of the Labor Herald have been published so far. The first 
‘ssue of this paper was printed in the number of 500; the second issue 7,000; 
third issue 8,000: fourth issue 9,000 and we have sold practically all of 
them. Of the sixth issue we printed 10,000 and we sold all except what we 
have left, about 200 copies. There is a total print of the Herald of 50,000 
copies, and 95% of this has been sold for cash. 

Outs'de of these publications of the Trade Union Edueational League, the 
“Industrial Department has had other publications through the party chan- 
“nels. A special edition of the Voice has been made out first for the miners. 
‘as a one cent issue, every week. This began with issues of 5,000 a week and 
'*s now going out in 18,000 a week. This paper earried the Minnesota plan 
“with all its official indorsements. We hope to have another publication soon. 
We have been talking about it; the definite arrangements will be made soon. 


Reports, made by Earl Browder, under the name of “ Ward,” to 
the convention, were, in part, as follows: 


* * * After a year of work we have succeeded in building a trade-union 
wnachinery for the party, but we have not been able to build a trade-union 
. machinery OF the party. We have ereated a movement for you which is in 
_ your hands and which is completely dominated and controlled by you, but 
90% of that movement is outside of the party and not more than 5% of the 
' effective man power of the party has been put into that movement. 

Before I get into the discussion of those issues, I want to say again that the 
work which we have started in the trade-unions has been tremendously suc- 
cessful—successful beyond our expectations, and the reason why, I have given 
here. And I ean tell you absolutely that if you do not establish an actual 
' functioning connection between the Workers Party and Trade Union Educa- 
_tional League, the latter will be out of your control. This Trade Union 
| Educational League can be controlled in the initial stages, but when it once 
‘ begins to gather its momentum, if you are not right down in the ground, in 
' the very roots of the Trade Union Educational League, in every local group, 
‘it will escape your control and you will have the same disastrous situation 


== > 







870 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


that developed in France. I tell you, comrades, the history of France is going 
to be repeated in the United States unless our party faces this: issue clearly 
and adopts policies that will establish our party inside of the trade-unions. 

I want to relate to you cne instance which is a typical example of the 
dominant attitude of the Party towards this trade-union work which was 
expressed in the Central Executive Committee about September 3rd of last 
year, when I reported to the Central Executive Committee and Comrade Borden 
reported to the Central Executive Committee on the First Congress. And 
after making our report about the plans laid down in: the: First: Congress for 
the work in the United States, and after outlining what we intended to do 
and what we wanted to establish as one coordinate part of the movement 
under the control of the Communist Party, and after stating to that committee 
that one of the principles laid down was that the trade-union work, should 
have some administrative autonomy, but working in connection with the 
Party, what was the issue then raised by the Central Executive Committee? 
Did the Committee take up the question of the policies involved? |The 
Committee accepted the report, after having raised one issue. 

It never took up any practical question involving the Trade Union Eduea- 
tional League except when it had become a major issue or one of inaugurating 
a new move. All questions which involve matters of the party were immedi- 
ately referred to the Committee for decision. ‘The decision was received, taken 
back, and carried out by us. The Central Executive Committee at no time 
attempted to interfere with the trade-union work. (Report of Comrade Ward.) 

Norre.—Comrade Borden (Wm. Z. Foster). 


WARD’S REPORT 


It was agreed that a resolution be adopted on the rule of the workers, and 
the overthrow of capitalism, as the only final solution of the class struggle, 
and that this can be reached only through the working class will and not 
through a play with the democratic institutions. 

On the question of the organization of the Trade Union Educational League 
it was agreed that the present executive board of the Trade Union Educational 
League, considering the present formative stage of the organization, should 
be continued for the coming year with the understanding that the formation of 
an Executive Board according to the rules outlined, that is, one Secretary 
from each industrial center constituting the Executive Board, shall be: pro- 
ceeded with as quickly as these secretaries can be found, with the under- 
standing that this shall be done at ihe next conference, on the basis of indus- 
trial representation. 

A resolution on the relation of the party to the Trade Union Educational 
League was adopted as follows: 

1. The Party recognizes that the Trade Union Hducational League is the 
most important instrument in revolutionizing the trade-union movement and 
it is the most important field of party activity. 

2. That the Party Convention and the Central Executive Committee shall 
formulate the general trade-union policies that are to be carried out by the 
Trade Union Educational League. 

3. That formulation of policies must be based upon Communist principles 
of the Red Trade Union International Program, the general American condi- 
tions and new knowledge of our party or experience of our nuclei. 

4, Organic connections between corresponding committees of the Trade 
Union Educational League and the Communist Party should be established 
wherever possible. 

The formulation of trade-union policies as contained in the report of the 
Adjustment Committee was tinanimously indorsed by the Industrial Committee. 


From. the report of Jay Lovestone, made’ under the name, of 
“Wheat,” to the illegal convention of the Communist Party of 
America, at Bridgman, Michigan, on August 21st, the ie 
are quoted : 


TRADE-UNION ACTIVITY 
2. The organization of Trade Union Educational League, a task which was 


accomplished with the full support and consideration of the Central Executive 
Committee, is one of the most valuable achievements. 


7 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 3871 
Z 
¢ 


8. The Central Executive Committee laid out a complete plan of activity for 


_ the present. miners’ struggle and the national industrial organizer was placed 


( in complete charge of phases of the coal situation. He was empowered to 


utilize to the fullest extent all his connections in the unions with a view to 


i uniting all the left elements. 


4, Through our Workers Party press we waged a campaign to win the rail- 
road workers. to the idea of refusing to carry scab coal. Throughout the 


_ struggle all our papers in the Communist Party and Workers Party actively 
_ propagated the cause of the strikers. 


ey * * * % ok * 


One of the most notable activities of our industrial activities has, been the 


organization of the Trade Union Educational League. There are now over 50 
active units of the Trade Union Educational League, in operation. .The Trade 


Union Educational League has been formed with the full support of the Central 


' Executive Committee and a thorough consideration, of. the Central Executive 


Committee of all. its plans and; policies. .The party press was put at the dis- 


posal of the Trade Union Educational League to render it the strongest support 


possible. We have also helped it to a considerable extent organizationally and 


financially, (“Report of Jay Lovestone,” p. 5.) 


Excerpts from the Resolutions of the Adjustment Committee, 
adopted at the illegal convention of the Communist Party at Bridg- 
man, Michigan: 


TRADES-UNION WORK 


To multiply tenfold the activities of the whole membership of the Communist 
Party in the trades-unions is not only a question of the life and death of the 
party, but alongside of another form of work among the masses the best 
counterbalance against controversies that tear the party to pieces. 

2 The road to revolution in America leads over the destruction of the power 


of the yellow leadership of the American Federation of Labor.” This aim can 


be accomplished only through work within the American Federation of Labor 
for the conquest’ of this organization., Therefore it is the main, task of the 


7 Communist to work in the American Federation of Labor. 


8. The main goal of the Communists in their trades-union work is the unifica- 
tion of all organized labor into one federation. 
4. The work in the independent unions must be carried on in the above spirit. 


The necessary and ripe amalgamations (not artificial ones) of. independent 


unions within a certain industry or in local councils should be influenced by 
the Communists so that they are not carried through in a separatist spirit 
against the American Federation of Labor, but as a step toward the general 
unification of labor and in support of the work within the American Wederation 


- of Labor. 


5. The tendency for the formation of a national federation of independent 


unions or the amalgamation of local councils into a, competing federation 
against the American Federation of Labor. is harmful. 


f 


4 


| 


*~, 


6. The existing councils wishing to affiliate with the Red ‘Trades Union 
International should not be discouraged but should be attracted under the con- 
dition that they support the trades-union program of the party. (Resolutions 
of the Adjustment Committee. ) 


“The Communist,” the official organ of the Communist Party of 
America, dated August-September, 1922, “ Report of the Conven- 
tion,” states as follows: 


The Director of the Trade Union work gave a masterly survey of industrial 
conditions in America. As the convention oceurred at the time of the most 
serious and widespread labor struggles that America has witnessed, his lecture 
was replete with examples taken from these struggles. This address went 
into minute details, the main idea of his analysis being that the American labor 
movement merely waits for radical leadership, since the conservative leaders 
have betrayed and defaulted.. The comrades appreciated the gigantic: task 
before the Party and asked numerous questions on policy and tactics. . (The 
Communist, p. 6, August-September, 1922.) 1 


372 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Among the papers seized at 170 Bleeker Street, New York City, 
on April 29, 1921, was a document entitled “ Instructions,” which 
reads, in part, as follows: 


The American Council of the Communist International shall appoint Com- 
mittees in the United States, Canada, and Mexico, to be known as ‘“ The 
American, Canadian, Latin-American Bureau of the Red Labor Union Inter- 
national, acting under authority of the Provisional Council, Moscow.” 

2. These bureaus shall act under the direct control of the American Council 
of the Communist International, until direct control is established by the Pro- 
visional Council itself. Until this is decided upon all activity, instructions, 
ete., shall be through the American Council of the C. I. The Bureaus shall 
work in close cooperation with the Communist Party, but not under its control. 

3. The Bureaus shall carry on the work of the Provisional Council, the 
fundamental consideration being to secure an adequate representation from 
the American to the first Congress of the Red Labor International. 

4. The American Bureau shall publish an English edition for the United 
States and Canada of the central organ of the provisional council; the Latin- 
American Bureau a Spanish edition. These editions, while giving the gist 
of the central organ, shall publish original material adapted to the labor re- 
quirements of the Americas. In addition the Bureau may publish other 
papers, supplements in already existing papers, pamphlets, ete., as well as 
eall conferences of labor organizations to discuss the Red Labor International, 
etc. 

5. The Bureaus shall immediately develop means for sending out books, maga- 
zines, papers, and also all the publications, circular letters, etc., published 
by the Council of Moscow dealing with the labor movement, as well as prob- 
lems of technique and industrial management. A comrade shall be engaged 
to specialize on this work. 


Under the caption “ The United States” in this same document 
the following appears: 


The variegated character of the labor movement in the United States 
requires a flexible and variegated propaganda. A survey shall be made of the 
unions dividing these into groups; and, in addition to the general propaganda, 
a specialized and intensive propaganda shall be developed for each group. The 
following rough grouping will convey the meaning: 

a. The I. W. W. * * * There seems no doubt of this organizations’ 
affiliation, the propaganda here must combat syndicalist prejudices and empha- 
size Communist concepts not abstractly, but concretely. 

b. Independent and secession unions not affiliated with the A. F. of L. The 
antagonism of these to the A. F. of L. must be utilized. In addition, an agita- 
tion should be carried on for the Unity of these unions with the I. W. W., and 
the One Big Union Movement in the A. F. of L. into an independent, national 
industrial union organization. 

e. The Jewish unions, some of which belong in group, others being in the. 
A. F. of L. These are Socialistic and under the influence of the reformistic 
Socialist Party, although this should be done judiciously. . 

d. The Steel Workers, miners, and railway workers—in the latter two un- 
official movements and extra-union organizations are developing revolts against 
the bureaucracy; these movements must be encouraged and developed on the 
lines of British Shop Stewards’ movement, and induced to send delegates 
to the Congress. In the former, mostly Slavic, the Russian revolution must be 
utilized psychologically. 

e. The Seattle Federation of Labor and the Chicago Federation of. Labor, 
particularly the former, both of which have expressed their solidarity with 
the British Council of Action. These can be particularly used as a base to 
stir the whole A. F. of L. to controversy. 

f. Another group of the A. F. of L. consists of unions which for the mo- 
ment are hopelessly reactionary; these must be discredited. In this connec- 
tion emphasis must be laid on the antagonism between the upper layers of 
the working class aristocracy of labor corrupted by social-imperialism, and the 
broad masses of the industrial proletariat. Where it is impossible to secure 
official union representations, unofficia] representation must be the object. 
Eixtra-union organizations must be encouraged and developed. (See Cha. D.) 
in the Socialistic Jewish trades unions. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA ats 


3. A particularly severe campaign must be carried on against Gompers and 
Co., not only in connection with his national policies, but also the International, 
no affiliation with any international labor organization, connection with the 
Labor Bureau of the League of Nations. The counter revolutionary Character 
of the Labor Bureau of the League of Nations must be emphasized. 

4: Sympathy for Soviet Russia, in active form, is now manifesting itself 
among organized workers; this must be fully utilized. 

5. Movement is the most important thing, not doctrinaire discussion. To 
pry the unions loose from their conservative moorings that is the fundamental 
task. ; 


CANADA 


Problems in Canada, although on a vastly smaller scale, approximate those 
in the United States. The One Big Union must be especially utilized. 

2. The financial statement should be prepared by the American Council and 
reports sent to Moscow at regular intervals. 

According to the “ Izvestia,” official organ of the Russian Soviet 
régime, three delegates from America spoke at the Second Con- 
gress of the Red Trade Union International, held at Moscow on 
November 28, 1922. They were Johnson, Hardy, and Kucker. 

The meeting in Moscow in June, 1923 (Red Trade Union Inter- 
national), was of especial interest. Much attention was devoted to 
the question of the revolutionary reeducation of the working masses, 
the coming world revolution under the guidance of the Communist 
International; why the Communist International and the Prof- 
intern are one in spirit and aim. At the Fifth Session, June 28, 
the second American delegate, Israel Amter, spoke on the question 
of the struggles with Fascism and the Ku-Klux Klan. (‘“ Izvestia,” 
June 29, 1923.) | 

Confidential sources report that the Trade Union Educational 
League has received, on two specific occasions, from the Profintern 
at Moscow funds for work in the United States. William Z. Foster 
brought to the United States $40,000 from Moscow on one occasion, 
and on the other occasion in April, 1923, the Trade Union Educa- 
tional League received $90,000 from Stockholm. In September, 1923, 
the Trade Union Educational League not only was in good financial - 
condition, but was able to support financially other revolutionary 
and professional organizations. A large amount of money was 
spent by the Trade Union Educational League in connection with 
the One Big Union movement in Canada. 

In December, 1923, on the stationery of the Workers’ Party of 
America and signed by C. E. Ruthenberg, the following information 
was transmitted in a communication addressed to Joseph Zack, of 
New York City: 


The information which you state you have received to the effect that I 
have in my possession a letter which you sent to Moscow criticizing the policies 
of the T. U. E. L. is incorrect. I have no such letter and never have had 
such a letter. The facts about the matter are that some time ago, Comrade I. 
Amter, our representative in the Executive Committee of the Comintern, called 
our attention to the fact that the International Propaganda Committee of 
the Needle Trades had received such a letter from you and this report by 
Comrade Amter, was mentioned in one of the meetings of C. E. C. of the 
Party. The suggestion in Amter’s letter to us was that you did not criticize 
the T. U. E. L., but you had suggested the liquidation of the T. U. E. L. 
in the needle trades. This is all the information we have on this subject. 


There was procured one of the original copies of the instructions 
addressed to the American Bureau of the Red Labor Union Inter- 
national, dated February 27, 1921. The following excerpt with 


374 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


regard to the policy of the official organ is taken from: the instruc- 
tions: 


The policy of the paper ‘shall be to develop vei: einsctobeneas and soli: 
darity of the American working class. “To carry on a campaign for affiliation 
to the R. L. U: I. according to the written instructions of the Provisional 
Council and supplementary instructions from the: American Council: To co- 
ordinate the activities of the radical and revolutionary elements in the regular 
trade-union movement. ‘To discourage secession) and artificial or premature 
splits and to emphasize the necessity of remaining within the regular trade- 
union movement. To agitate for the shop-delegate system, industrial unionism, 
workers’ control of industry, the dictatorship and Soviet power, and interna- 
tional solidarity thru the R. L. U. I. ) 


With regard to the general organizer, the following appears § 


The General Organizer shall take charge of the organizing work of the 
Bureau and direct the .activities of the field organizers. He shall. coordinate 
the activities of the trade-union nuclei and sympathizers, organize speakers 
and lecture bureaus, arrange tours for. organizers and special ‘lecturers; 
arrange lecture ,courses in the unions, send speakers. to union meetings. and 
executive boards of unions,;arrange mass meetings under. union auspices. 

The General Or ganizer and Secretary shall. work in close cooperation, 

The following organizers shall be appointed: 

One Organizer for New England States, with headquarters in Boston. 

One Organizer for Eastern States, with headquarters in N.Y. 

One Organizer for Detroit, Cleveland and, district, with. headquarters in 
Cleveland. 

One Organizer for Milwaukee, Chicago, and Minnesota district, vee head! 
quarters in Chicago: 

The General Organizer shall make. periodical alias throughout tHcy districts 
and keep in.close contact and receive regular reports from the organizers. 


With regard to agitation and propaganda, the following np lat E 


PERMANENT, AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA 


The Bureau shall work in close cooperation with both parties, utilizing all 
party machinery. It shall also build’ up its own machinery thru sSympa- 
thizers by organizing, them into permanent, agitation, centers, under, Com- 
munist control and directed by the Bureau, for, distribution of literature, 
papers, leaflets, and appeals in the unions; arrange for. lectures,. mass meet- 
ings, and in general carry on an agitation for the R. L. U. I.) The Bureau shall 
hold periodical ‘conferences with radical labor leaders and work out plans for 
agitation. It shall organize auxiliary machinery out, of the likely. material 
among the radical labor leaders. 

11. Addendum.—The Bureau, in utilizing the members dra machinery of 
the Communist Party, must strictly keep within the limitations of the condi- 
tions set forth by the C: BE. C. of the Communist Party, as follows!) | 

(1) The Communist Party will distribute the literature of your, American 
Bureau. 

(2) Field organizers of the American Bureau will be put in touch with our 
District Organizers for information and connection, and those of them who 
are members, of the C, P: and recommended by our C. E. C. may be put in 
direct touch with our nuclei in the shops and unions. 

(3) In case of necessity our, District Organizers may permit and arrange. 
joint conferences between representatives of our nuclei and the representatives 
of the U..C. P. nuclei, the decisions of. these conferences not to be binding 
upon our nuclei if they conflict and interfere with the regular Party work or 
the discipline of our Party or the general plans and policies of our nuclei. _ 

12. The, members. and employees of the American Bureau are instructed 
under no circumstances to permit the Bureau to participate or allow itself to 
be driven to participate in the struggle between the two, Communist. Pyprties. 
The Bureau must maintain absolute neutrality. Should the C. BE. C. of either 
Party make any demand upon the Bureau, the Bureau is to answer that it 
has no power of decision, that it will refer the whole matter to the American 
Council, which will settle the matter directly with the C. E, C. of the par- 


) 1 : 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 375 


ticular party and with the Executive ‘Committee of the Communist Inter- 
national. 

_, 13. The report that Comrade Dixon is preparing for Moscow on the American 
Trades Union situation must be submitted to the American Council before 
transmission to Moscow. The report should be ready within two weeks. 


Among the resolutions of the Industrial Department of the 
Workers’ Party are several, statements of considerable interest; 
namely, the fact that the Workers’ Party. members must not pursue 
other tactics than those outlined in the resolutions adopted except 
with the specific sanction of the Industrial Department. Among 
the resolutions adopted the following appears: 


Resolved that our members in the American Federation of Labor or Inde- 
pendent Unions accept, agitate and propagate for: the following industrial 
program: 

4 te Amalgamation of craft unions into Industrial unions. 

2. Independent Political action and United Front of Labor. 

3. Demand recognition and trade with Soviet Russia. 

4. Labor’s ultimate aim at Workers’ Republic in America. 

5. Affiliation with the International Labor Movement. (Wherever advis- 
able advocate for the Red Trade Union International. ) 


There appears to be going on within the Workers’ Party of Amer- 
ica at the present time a very vigorous campaign for the alignment 
of the labor element in the United States with the Communist move- 
ment. In the report of Manuel Gomez, Executive Secretary of Dis- 
trict No. 8 of the Workers’ Party, appear detailed statements con- 
cerning the proceedings of the convention of that district’ held in 
Chicago at Northwest Hall on December 23, 1923. The following 
resolution introduced at. this convention Malattie to the reorganiza- 
tion of the Party and the shop units is of interest : 


Under the question of Reorganization of the Party and the Shop Units Com. 
Browder reported, offering the following resolution in the name of the District 
Executive Committee: 

“The question of the reorganization of the party upom shop and industrial 
lines is one of the most burning questions on the agenda of the coming conven- 
tion. There has been little discussion on the question, either among, the mem- 
bers, in the press, or in the leading committees. No one is clear as to just 
how this measure is to be carried out. The proposal made for the convention 
by the Central Executive Committee published in “The Worker,” Dec. 8th, 
does not meet the situation. It is not clear,.and, it definitely, shows that the 
question has not been studied, sufficiently. . It cannot be adopted as it stands, 

“The Communist International has laid down the principles upon which 
cur Party should be organized and there can be no question that the Party 
will indorse those principles. The proposed application, however, is another 
matter, and promises to do little to solve the problem. But there is a more 
sensible and commonsense way of settling this matter than for everyone at 
once to begin writing theses about it. There is no dispute in principle. There. 
fore, the following proposal is made: . 

“That the convention of the Workers’ Party immediately upon organization 
shall form a commission on Party reorganization, to include representatives of 
the federations, which commission shall work out a plan of application of the 
principles laid down by the Communist International, and that the plan shall 
then be submitted to the Fifth Congress in March.” 


It will be noted that the members of the districts of the Workers’ 
Party of America recognize the directing force of the Communist 
movement, namely, the Communist International. 

It would seem appropriate to make reference at this point to the 
instructions issued by Zinoviev, President of the Communist Inter- 
national and addressed to the Workers’ Party of America. 


376 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
ZINOVIEV INSTRUCTIONS OF AUGUST, 1923 


These instructions, received in this country in August, 1923, and 
addressed to the Workers’ Party of America. read as follows: 


The Communist International notes with great satisfaction that the work 
of the W. P. A. for the past year has been expressed in a satisfactory, broad, 
and real revolutionary work. Particularly pleasing to us is the fact that all 
dissensions existing up to the present time in the ranks of the Party have 
finally been liquidated and we hope that the W. P. A., the advance guard of 
the revolutionary proletariat of the United States of North America, will now 
more successfully conduct its revolutionary work among the millions of Ameri- 
can proletarians. : 

For more intensive revolutionary work we suggest that the following in- 
structions be adhered to: 

1. All the activity of the Party must at the present time be directed among 
the workers of the large industries, such as the railroad workers, miners, 
weavers, steel workers, and similar workers engaged in the principal indus- 
tries of the United States. . 

2. Among these workers in the factories, mills, plantations, clubs, ete, there 
must be organized units of ten. The head of this unit of ten must in so far 
as possible be an old trusted member of the Party, who must once a week, 
together with his ten, study the Communist program and other revolutionary 
literature. 

3. These units of ten must be organized by occupation and nationality. 

4. The head of the unit must know intimately each individual member of 
his ten—his character, habits, the degree of his revolutionism, ete., and report 
everything direct to the Central Committee of the Party. 

do. Each of these units of ten must have their own fighting unit of not less 
than three men, who are appointed by the leader of the unit with the ap- 
proval of the Central Committee of the Party. The members of the fighting 
unit in addition to all other matters must once a week be given instructions 
in shooting and receive some instructions in pioneer work (sapper work). 

6. All the unit leaders of each district must meet once every two months 
to discuss the progress of their work and their plans for further activities 
in the presence of a member of the Central Committee of the Party. 

We are firmly convinced that work in the direction designated by us will 
give enormous results in the sense of preparing thousands of new propa- 
gandists, future leaders of the military forces of the Party and faithful fighters 
during the social revolution. 

With reference to the organization by the W. P. A. of the Federated Farmer 
Labor Party, the Communist International expresses its complete satisfaction 
and its approval to the Central Committee of the Party for its boldness and 
tact in putting this idea into effect. We hope that the Party will step by 
step conquer (embrace) the proletarian forces of America and in the not 
distant future raise the red flag over the White House. 


There is no question as to the authenticity of these instructions. 
Information in reference to their procurement will be given to the 
Committee in confidence if the Committee so desires: 

The important section of the Zinoviev instructions is No. Dy 
wherein it is directed that units of ten should be formed, of which 
three members should be instructed in shooting and sapper work. 
This instruction is not in any sense unusual, for throughout the 
various documents relating to the activities of the Communist Party 
in the United States there is continued mention of armed insur- 
rection, civil war, and the fact thatthe ballot is not to be used as a 
means of effecting the end desired. In the very first enunciation 
of Communist principles carried in the Manifesto and Program of 
the Third International, already referred to in detail in the memo- 
randum, there is specific reference to the necessity for the arming of 
the workmen and the creation of a Communist army. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA BET 


Included in the conditions set. forth by the Second Congress of the 
Communist International in 1920 for admission to that revolu- 
tionary body are numerous references to the necessity for a revolu- 
tionary overthrow of all capitalist governments, and, in the Theses 
and Statutes of the same Congress, the Third International stated 
that its aim was “to put up an armed struggle for the overthrow 
of the international bourgeoisie.” In fact, the Theses of this Second 
Congress are filled with references to the necessity for an armed up- 
rising. 

In the reports of the Third Congress of the Third International, 
held in 1921, there is reference again to the necessity for civil war, 
and in the Fourth Congress of the Third International, held in 
1922, Lenin again emphasizes the necessity for the world proletariat, 
to overthrow capitalism. It is unnecessarary to refer to the many 
statements of official spokesmen of the Communist International 
wherein the use of force and violence has been advocated. 

In documents taken from a Bolshevik courier apprehended in 
1920 in Latvia there was found a most significant appeal of the 
Executive Committee of the Third International to the I. W. W. 
In this document, already referred to, Zinoviev states that “ Com- 
munists do not think that it is possible to capture the State power 
by using the political machinery of the Capitalist State.” 

Again, in the same document, Zinoviev states: 

The Communists also advocate the general strike, but they add that it must 
turn into armed insurrection. 

This appeal was addressed to an American organization, urging 
it to join the Communists and to merge with the Communist Party 
in America. 

In 1921, among the documents seized at the Conspirators’ head- 
quarters of the Communist Party of America, at 170 Bleecker Street, 
New York City, there was found the report of William Morgan, a 
delegate to Moscow to the Second Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national. In this report the following statement appears: 

The Communists have to be acquainted with the technique and strategies of 
modern pwarfare. At least every Communist has to know how to handle a 
gun and how to form a fighting line. This is calling for the establishment of 
gymnasiums and shooting galleries for services. 

In 1922, at Bridgman, Mich., a document was seized containing 
the instruction of the Communist International to the Communist 
Party of America to form a legal political party. In this document 
it is stated that the party weapons should be manifold and should 
extend from entirely legal propaganda and from peaceful demon- 
strations “to the revolutionary strike and to the various forms of 
armed revolutionary class struggle.” 

The same document states that the Communists should partici- 
pate in election campaigns “ not in order to fight violent revolutions 
but in order to use the election campaigns to ascertain the class con- 
sciousness of the workers.” 

In a letter addressed to the membership of the Workers’ Party, 
referred to in this memorandum, one of the official spokesmen of that 
Party stated: 

‘We (Communists) differ from Socialists because we do not believe that the 


Capitalist class will allow the workers to gain the political power peacefully 
or establish socialism through the ballot box. 


378 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The above references are to but a very few of the instances already 
cited in the memorandum showing the intention of the Communists 
to use force and violence. Throughout their publications, whether 
they be leaflets or periodicals, and in their spoken word, both at Con- 
ventions and from the public platform, they have repeatedly stated 
that the struggle must ultimately resolve itself into civil war with 
the use of force and violence. It is, therefore, not in any way 
unusual that the Zinoviev instructions of August, 1923, should have 
referred to the necessity for military training. 

The Workers’ Party had accepted the principles and tactics | of 
the Third International and had affiliated itself with that inter- 
national revolutionary body, and accordingly was engaged in the 
same work which the Third International has directed im all coun- 
tries of the world, namely, the attempt to overthrow the ‘so-called 
Capitalist 2 sovernments by force and violence. 


PROPAGANDA AMONG MINERS > 


The large number of miners in this country, particularly those 
engaged in the coal industry, have always been considered by the 
radicals a fertile propaganda field for Communist, influence. The 
general nature of this propaganda may be fully understood by refer- 
ence to the following excerpts from leaflets, manifestoes, et cetera, 
issued by the Communist Party of America, and its successor and 
contemporary, the Workers’ Party of America, addressed to those 
engaged in the coal fields. While these leaflets were undated, the 
period at which they were published may be easily determined by 
reference to the events and conditions covered therein. 


MINERS OF AMERICA, RESIST THE TERROR OF *\ YOUR MASTERS! 


Again you are faced with the alternative of seeing yourselves and your 
families reduced to a condition beneath any other group of workers on earth 
or the absolute necessity of fighting the mine barons and their bloodthirsty 
henchmen. * * * 

Already the daily press of the nation is spreading lies broadcast about. 
and branding you as beasts, yet they never utter a word about the degenerate 
thugs and gunmen of the private detective agencies (the murderous mine 
guards), who assassinate you and your families, who rape your wives, 
daughters, and mothers as they did in 1912 at Paint and Cabin Creek, W. Va., 
in 1913 at Calumet, Mich., in 1914 at Ludlow, Colo., where men, women, and 
children were burned alive by the hirelings of John D. Rockefeller, jr., the 
owner of the Colorado Fuel and Iron ‘Company, Again to-day in West 
Virginia the white terror of the thugs and gunmen of capitalism is in action 
against the miners; again your families are driven from the company houses 
onto the public highways and compelled to exist in tents; while the State 
constabulary, the militia, and other vicious elements assist the paid. gunmen 
of the corporations in their crimes against you. * ;* * 

The Communist Party of America, a revolutionary working class organiza- 
tion, calls upon you to rally to the struggle and to exert every ounce of energy 
you have against your enemies. * * * When you have been on strike be- 
fore, you have been crushed by the state constabulary (cossacks), by the state 
militia, and by the armed forces of the United States Government. All these 
forces are the tools of the capitalist class which are used to crush you. and keep 
you in slavery. You must fight these organizations; they are your mortal 
enemies. You can not resist the power of the army by armed’ force for the 
simple reason that you haven’t the equipment to fight with, but you caf prevent 
them entering the coal fields if you can reach the railroad workers with your 


:- RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 379 
message and convince them that to run trains carrying constabulary or militia- 
men or soldiers is an act of treachery to the working class. * * * 
_ Let the jay-bird lawyers sitting on judges benches in the court rooms of the 
nation issue their injunctions and charge treason against you, as they have 
done in West Virginia. The Communist Party of America tells you that no 
worker can be guilty of treason against the capitalist government and the capi- 
talist class which it serves. There is only one treason a worker can commit, 
and that is treason against his own class. * * * Resist the terror of the 
mine guards by defending your homes and your dependents with any force at 
pe ha yeoman They are worse than rattlesnakes and should be treated as 
such! 

Ask the railroaders and the transport workers to refuse to handle coal! 

Stop the cossacks; the militia, and the soldiers! 

Act and victory will be yours! 
Issued by the Communist Party of America. 


SOLDIERS! SOLDIERS! 


- Do not shoot your brothers, the railway and mine strikers! 

. They are not your enemies! They are fighting in order to obtain a scrap of 
bread for their families. They are useful citizens; workers who have produced 
millions of dollars’ worth of wealth for the war profiteers., Many of: them 
fought on Flanders’ Field. They are now trying to collect some of that democ- 
racy and freedom they were promised, just the same as thousands of ex-service 
men are fighting for the bonus that war profiteers are opposing because it would 
compel them to disgorge some of the loot stolen from the workers of this 
‘country. : 

Soldiers! Whether you are in the U.S. Army or the militias of the various 
‘states, do not shoot at the strikers! You did not enlist to engage in the in- 
famous occupation of strike breakers and scab herders. Refuse to do it! Do 
not help the profiteers take the last crumb from the mouths: of ‘the helpless 
women and children of the working class. 

Remember this, the workers are never your enemies! 

Soon you may be in their ranks, and you would not want to be crushed by 
armed force! ; 

’ Perhaps, even now, in some other part of the country, your father or your 
brother may be in the ranks of strikers! Would you want them to be mur- 
dered because they ask a mere existence? 
. It is not treason to refuse to become an assassin of the workers! 
‘ CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
- OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF A. 
J. Davis, Hxeecutive Sec’y. 


“ HANDS OFF !”’—UNCLE SAM! 


~ Proclamation of the Workers’ Party of America. 
The government machine is in motion to help the bosses cut down wages 
and reduce the standard of living of the workers of this country. The govern- 
ment is preparing to strike down the resistance of the workers by using in- 
junctions, courts, soldiers. - 
' Six hundred thousand miners are on strike. 
_ Six hundred thousand railroad shopmen are on strike. 

One hundred thousand textile workers are on strike. 

The government is preparing to attack these workers to help the bosses 
peat them into submission. * * * 


THE GOVERNMENT AND THE STRIKERS 


‘The bosses are preparing to play their strongest eard against the striking 
syorkers. They are planning to break the strikes through the power of the 
‘government. They propose to beat the workers into submission through use of 
injunctions, courts, soldiers. Already scores of injunctfons have been issued, 
the militia is out in Illinois, Kansas, and other States. ‘The use of United 
States soldiers is threatened. * * * 


S2395—24—-pr 2-15 


380 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


KEEP THE GOVERNMENT OUT 


Workers! You must use your strength to keep the government from breakin 
the strike of the miners, the textile workers, and the railroad shopmen throug 
use of force, through injunctions and court action backed by soldiers. * * 

Let’ us build a United Front against the bosses, their injunctions, their courts 
and their soldiers. 


THE ARMED STRUGGLE AT HERRIN 


Proclamation of the Workers’ Party of America: ; ) 

At Herrin, Illinois, striking miners have been engaged in an armed strugg] 
with the gunmen and scabs in the employ of the bosses. °* * * 

For once the workers have put up a victorious defense. At Berrin the gun 
men and scabs were obliged to run up the white flag! 

Workers of the United States!) Do not permit the lying capitalist news 
papers to deceive you. It is the bosses who are responsible for the sheddin; 
of blood at Herrin. It is their effort to make the wage slavery of the worker: 
even worse than in the past which is driving the workers to resistance—eyve1 
to armed resistance. | 

Workers of the United States! The Workers’ Party of Ameriea ealls upor 
you to unite for the struggle against the bosses.. The armed struggle at Herriz 
shows how bitter the struggle against the capitalist drive to reduce wages anc 
smash the unions is growing. To win in that strugglé we must build a unitec 
front of labor. * * .* | 

The Workers’ Party of America has in its manifesto “ Workers! Unite t 
fight the Bosses!” offered a program for the building of the United Front. 

Workers! Rally to the support of that program. Rally to the support. 0! 
the miners. : | 

Beat down the capitalist attack. 

Build the United Front of Labor. | €( 
C. E. RUTHENBERG, 

Executive Secretary Workers’ Party of America. 

Among the methods employed to spread Communist influence and 
propaganda in the various coal fields may be mentioned the organiza- 
tion of temporary committees, such as the Union Defense Leagues. 
Labor Defense Leagues, et cetera, at points where arrests had been 
made for disorderly conduct, assault, and other infractions of local 
or state laws, the organization of the so-called Progressive Miners 
Committee by prominent Communists and Workers’ Party leaders 
and the distribution in the coal field of the two organs of the Com- 
munist Party of America, Minority Section, i. e., “The Workers’ 
Challenge ” and “ The Miner’s Voice,” the latter being specifically di- 
rected to the development of radical theories among the mining 
populations, particularly of Western Pennsylvania and West Vir- 
g1nla. > 
5 } Bf Oly Yet F 

Under date of April 17, 1922, J. P. Cannon, on the stationery of 
the Workers’ Party of America and writing as National: Chairman 
of that organization, directed a communication to T) R. Sullivan at 
St. Louis, Missouri, requesting to be furnished with reports by him 
covering his activities in the coal fields, and instructed Sullivan, 
organizer for the Workers’ Party of America, to state exactly what 
had been done and whether the work would materially benefit the 
Workers’ Party of America. 

Under date of April 22, 1922, Sullivan replied to J. P. Cannen, 
outlining the result of his work in the Illinois coal fields and em- 
phasizing the particular attention that was being given by him to 
boring from within in the United Mine Workers of America. The 
closing paragraph of Sullivan’s letter is as follows: 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 381 


' Needless to say, some of the work which we are doing in the way of building 
‘a machine inside the United Mine Workers can not be given publicity without 
bringing down, upon our as yet incomplete organization the attacks of a power- 
ful reactionary machine. I can say, however, that we have good reason to 
believe that by next winter we will have a very strong position in the U. M. W. 
of A, District 12. We are off with a splendid start on this work, and there is 
going to be no let up until we have thoroughly intrenched ourselves. Hoping 
that this answers your request, I am— 

A report received from Pittsburgh, Pa., dated February 20, 1928, 
covers a meeting of “ Progressive Miners” held on that date, at 
which there were present Tallentire, Foster, Sullivan, and Mer- 
rick, all representing the Progessive Mine Workers, as well as the 
Workers’ Party of America. At this meeting the above named dis- 
cussed plans for the organization of a national movement to over- 
‘throw the United Mine Workers of America. The seat of these 
activities appeared to be in and around Pittsburgh. Arrangements 
‘were made for the holding of a Convention. At a meeting at Car- 
negie’ Hall, on the same date, Foster, Sullivan, and ‘Tallentire spoke. 
They stated openly that they were communists and that they now 
‘stood indicted for having taken part in the Bridgman, Michigan, 

Convention. Foster at this meeting stated that his hearers should 

‘become accustomed to the word Communism, as they were going to 
‘hear more of it. Foster further stated that “ Socialism and Commu- 
‘nism had combined and had crossed the ocean, established a foot- 
hold in the United States; and were sweeping forward with leaps 
and bounds.” 

A, letter from Pittsburgh, dated Feb. 19, 1923, reports on a 

meeting of Progressive Miners, District 5, U. M. W., at which Tal- 
lentire, Foster, Sullivan, and Merrick were present. At this meet- 
ing a discussion ensued relative to the organization of a national 
‘movement to overthrow the United Mine Workers of America, Pro- 
‘posals were also made for the calling of a General Convention. 
A report, New York City, dated May 22, 1923, refers to a meeting 
of the Miners’ Relief Committee, N. Y. C., addressed by Alexander 
Howat, who is reported as having referred approvingly to the prog- 
ress of the Workers’ Party, stating that the day would come when 
the jails in America would, not be large enough to keep all. of the 
capitalists and government officials who are supposed to protect the 
people but who protect only the capitalists. He stated that this 
“¥orm of Government must be destroyed whether by ballot or by 
force to make a workers’ government which is the only government 
‘under which the Communist should live. He further stated “it is 
‘time for the Workers to act and to act quickly for the government is 
jumping on your backs and when they get so far, I don’t. give a 
damn for government or anyone else.” | 
Av report from Pittsburgh, dated February 27, 1923, refers to 
the Pittsburgh Miners’ Relief Association, and the local branch of 
the Miners’ Relief Association, the latter organized and controlled by 
the United Toilers’ of America, the legal organization ofthe former 
“Minority Group of the Communist Party of America. The Miners’ 
Relief Association was firsti known as the Pittsburgh Relief Confer- 
ence for Soviet Russia, and at its inception solicited contributions 
for the relief of the famine sufferers in Russia. It was controlled 
by Fred Merrick and J. E. Hamilton, active Communists connected 
with the Minority Group and later with the Workers’ Party of 


(382 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


America. This organization was responsible for the distribution o 
copies of “ Miner’s Voice” and “ The Workers’ Challenge,” periodi 
cals published by the Minority Group of the Communist Party o 
America, as well as pamphlets and leaflets of a similar nature. 

A Pittsburgh report for May 7, 1923, refers to Ella Reeve 
Bloor, well-known Communist, Bridgman Convention conferee, wh: 
represented American Communists in Russia on various occasions 
and who had cooperated with Myerscough in the development of th: 
Progressive Miners’ Group. In July: 1921, she attended the Con 
gress of the Red Trade Union International in Moscow and claimed 
to be the bearer of instructions from the III International to the 
working class of America. | 

A report, dated June 5, 1923, on the Progressive Miners’ Conven 
tion, held June 2-3, 1923, at Jewish Labor Lyceum, Pittsburgh, state: 
that 100 delegates were present representing 10 of the 24 Districts o1 
the United Mine Workers; and that they unanimously adopted. the 
program dictated by Wm. Z. Foster. Foster, Joseph Manly, and 
Myerscough controlled the convention. Foster in an interview 
admitted that the Progressive Miners’ Movement. had been started 
for the purpose of boring from within in the United Mine Workers 
and to gain’ control thereof. Alexander Howat also’ addressed the 
Convention. Headquarters of the Progressive Miners’ International 
Committee of the United: Mine Workers of America are located 
at Pittsburgh. At the convention the Workers’ Party of America 
was endorsed, and the delegates urged to attend the next Workers’ 
Party Convention. A resolution was adopted providing for the es- 
tablishment of a periodical to be called “The Progressive Miner,” 
the periodical to be published in English, Polish, Hungarian, Ital- 
ian and Lithuanian. Others prominent in Progressive Miners’ Move- 
ment included Max Lerner, one of the delegates to the Bridgman un- 
derground Communist Convention. 

It should be noted that Joseph Manly and one J. B: McCarthy 
were expelled from the tri-state Convention of the United Mine 
Workers of America held at Wilkes-Barre, Pa., July, 1923, and that 
the Convention denounced * The Worker,” the official organ of the 
Workers’ Party of America as unfriendly to the miners’ cause. It 
also denounced the activities of the Progressive Miners Committee 
and the activities of Wm. Z. Foster in connection therewith. 

According to the convention report of the American Federation 
of Labor, Portland, Oregon, October 8, 1923 (seventh day of the 
convention), Delegate Murray of the United Mine Workers, re- 
ferred to the activities of Communist advocates in combating the 
influence and organization of the United Mine Workers in various 
districts. He stated that his experience had shown that the advo- 
cates of the Communist cause were never found in unorganized 
fields. At the same convention Delegate Green of the United 
Mine Workers’ of America reviewed at length the activities of 
Wm. F. Dunne (delegate to the Bridgman, Michigam Underground 
Convention C. P. A.) and pointed out that Dunne’s wages, railroad 
fare, and other expenses were, according to a letter sent by the 
chairman of the Workers’ Party to local representatives in Pitts- 
burgh, to be paid during his stay in Pennsylvania by the Workers’ 
Party and that the Workers’ Party had affiliated with the Third 
International in Moscow. ty 


f 


iz RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 383° 


L 


: 
_ A Pittsburgh report, December 24, 1923, refers to Thomas Myers- 
jough and Fred H. Merrick, members of the Communist Party of 
America and Workers’ Party of America who were out on bail, 
vith eight others, awaiting trial, charged with violation of the 
Pennsylvania Sedition Act. The report refers to the distribution 
yf the “Progressive Miner,” the official organ of the Progressive 
International Committee of the United Mine Workers of America. 
[his is published by Fred Merrick, at Pittsburgh. The Secretary of 
he Committee is Thomas Myerscough, Chicago. The “ Progressive 
Viner ” is printed in English, but it also contains articles in various 
foreion languages. ! 

_ Reports received from Indianapolis, Indiana, December 26, 1923, 
state that Progressive Miners will hold a Convention or caucus in 
[ndianapolis, on January 22, 1924, at the same time as, the United 
Mine Workers of America, and adds that the Progressive Miners Or- 
yanization is concentrating activities in West Virginia, Illinois, 
and in and around Bellaire, Ohio. 


ACTIVITIES AMONG THE FARMERS 


As early as April, 1921, the Communist organizations in_ the 
United States were according attention to the penetration of the 
farming sections. Not, however, until 1923 did the result of their 
efforts take definite form. In 1923, as will be pointed out later, 
the Workers’ Party, upon instructions from Moscow, seized a fac- 
tion of the Farmer-Labor Party and formed what is now known 
as the Federated Farmer-Labor Party. 

One of the documents taken at 170 Bleecker Street, in April, 1921, 
in connection with the arrest of Edward I. Lingren, Israel Ampter, 
and Jakira, prominent Communists, was entitled “The Agrarian 
Report.” The original of this report is submitted herewith to the 
Committee. The report, which is of much interest, is in the nature 
of a study, from the point of view of the proletarian revolution, of 
the agricultural industry in the United States. The report refers 
to the various agricultural sections of, this country and in respect 
to the “ great producing empire stretching from the middle Atlantic 
and including the middle West.” says that “This section must be 
won over to the side of the City Proletarian. All others are second- 
ary to the vital importance of this section as a factor in the success 
of the proletarian revolution.” ? 

The report contains the following summary of the recommenda- 
tions of its author: 


_ *4. Emphasize the necessity for work. among the largest element of the 
Agrarian mass—the Small Farmers. 

2 To use the common interest in the struggle against Capitalism which exists 
‘between the Small Farmer and the Proletariat-as a wedge to separate them as 
‘a class from the Capitalist and Petty Capitalist elements. 

| 8. To use the farm organizations of the Small Farmers as a field for prop- 
aganda, teaching them to strike rather than arbitrate. 

-4.To organize the Agrarian Proletariat wherever possible to further the 
‘work of preparation and separation of the agrarian elements. 

. 5. Lo recognize the literal necessity for, the City Proletariat to give up some 
of its members to Agrarian work. 


‘The document is an excellent example of the thoroughness with 
which the Communists study the situation that faces them and the 
avenues through which they direct their propaganda, 


: 


384 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
FEDERATED FARMER LABOR PARTY 


The capture of the Farmer Labor Party convention held in the 
city of Chicago July, 1923, by the Workers’ Party of America is in 
line with the propagandist theories of the Communist International, 
whereby all true Communists are to endeavor in every pogsible way 
to become members of and eventually control various sects, parties, 
and organizations in order that the principles of communism may be 
the more effectively introduced and spread. 

In this connection the following is quoted from the abridged report 
of meetings held at Petrograd and Moscow, November 7 to Decem- 
ber 3, 1922, Fourth Congress of the Communist International (page 
51), Report of the Executive Committee: 


With regard to the demand for a Workers’ Government. A Workers’ Goy- 
ernment is not a Proletarian Dictatorship; that is clear. It is one of the 
possible transitory stages to the Proletarian Dictatorship. The possibility of 
such a transitory stage is due to the fact that the working masses in the West 
are not So amorphous politically as in the Hast. They are members of parties, 
and they stick to their parties. In the East, in Russia, it was easier to bring 
them into the fold of Communism after the outbreak of the revolutionary storm. 
In your countries it is much more difficult. The German, Norwegian, and 
Czecho-Slovakian workers will more readily declare against coalition with the 
bourgeoisie, preferring a coalition of labor parties which would guarantee the 
eight-hour day and an extra crust of bread, ete. A Workers’ Party usually 
arises in this manner, either through preliminary struggles. or-on the basis of a 
parliamentary combination, and it would be folly to turn aside the opportuni- 


ties of such a situation in stubborn doctrinaire fashion. 


It should be noted that at the second conyention of the Workers’ 
Party of America, held in New York City December, 1922, a resolu- 
tion was adopted for participation in the Labor Party, being 
adopted, however, with reservations, as will be seen from the 
“ Worker,” official organ of the Workers’ Party, for January 6, 1923: 


The formation of the labor party does not mean that we will liquidate the 
Workers’ Party. The Workers’ Party will enter the labor party aS an autono- 
mous body, maintaining its own organization and carrying on its own distinctive 
work, 


Several previous attempts had been made by the leaders of thé 
Workers’ Party to capture labor organizations, conventions, etc., but 
without success. _However, in May, 1923, an invitation was received 
by the Workers’ Party to participate in a convention of the Farmer 
Labor Party of the United States. The invitation was transmitted 
by one J. G. Brown, secretary of the latter organization, and read, in 
part, as follows: | 


In view of the above facts and in response to the earnest request of many 
individuals and organizations the Farmer-Labor Party of the U. 8. is ealling a 
national convention to which will be invited all “labor, farmer, and political 
groups” for the purpose of devising means for the knitting together’ of the 
many organizations of this country in such a manner as will enable the workers 
to really function politically. Be vet 

Invitations to send representatives to this convention of the Farmer-Labor { 
Party have been sent to all the national organizations in the country, but the 
National Committee felt the rank and file Should also be represented, and it was 
therefore voted to send credentials to all locals and central labor and farm. 
bodies in the U. S. and urge that delegates be sent’ to this most important 
convention. ' 

Where funds are low or the expenses great local unions and other groups 
should combine in meeting the expenses of a delegate, but in no case should any 


city in the country fail to have at least one delegate in attendance. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 385 


The expense of holding the convention will be considerable, and all local labor 
unions, where possible, should make as liberal and prompt a donation as pos- 
‘sible to help the Farmer-Labor Party meet this cost. Send all contributions to 
the National Office of the Party. 

FarMER-LABOR PARTY OF THE U..S., 
J. G. Brown, Secretary. 


This invitation was eagerly accepted, as is evident from the 
following communication sent by C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Sec- 
retary of the Workers’ Party of America, to all branches of the 
Workers’ Party in May, 1923: 


The second annual convention of the Workers’ Party declared that the 
formation of a Labor Party was the next step in advance by the workers and 

working farmers of this country, and pledged all its strength in support of 
the movement for a Labor Party. ® 

The opportunity for concrete work to realize this point of our program now 
presents itself. The Farmer-Labor Party of the U. S. has issued a eall for 
a National Convention to be held beginning July oe 

The Party will send delegates to this convention and give its full support 
to make the convention a success. The Central Executive Committee has 
decided that during the months of May and June all the energies of the 
Party shall be put into the work of agitational education, to secure the 
election of delegates to this convention by trade-unions, central labor bodies, 
cooperative organizations, Sick and death benefit organizations of labor, and 
other working-class bodies. Every party unit is instructed to immediately 
begin this work. 

Inclosed are three copies of credential blanks for use in’ sending Party 
Delegates. One copy should be sent to the National Office of the Workers’ 
Party, one copy to J. G. Brown, Sec., at above address, and one copy sent 
with the delegates. 

Comrades of the Party: The opportunity to render effective service to the 
American working-class movement presented in the Farmer-Labor Party called 
convention is the greatest which has presented itself since our organization 
has been in existence. We must prove in this campaign by our energy and 
the effectiveness of our work that we are entitled to the confidence of the 
workers of this country. 

Every Party unit must participate in this campaign. Every Party member 
must give his services. The American workers are about to take their first 
real step forward. Let us be in the vanguard in clearing the way and making 
it a great step forward. 


The attitude of the Workers’ Party executives toward the forth- 
coming convention of the Farmer-Labor Party may be seen from 
the following, quoted from “The Worker,” official organ of the Work- 
ers’ Party of America in its issue of April 28, 1928. This was 
published as a May Day manifesto. 


A political party of Labor—a labor party, uniting both industrial workers 
and working farmers, must be the answer to the open use of the Government 
to erush labor. : 

Within the power of Labor thus organized the way is open’ to establish, in 
place of the present capitalist government, which openly uses its power to 
dictate to the workers in the interests of the bosses, a workers’ Government 
which will use the government power to dictate to the capitalists in the 
interest of the workers. 

Workers of the United States! The way to fight the capitalists effectively 
is through amalgamation and a Labor Party. The goal of the struggle must 
be a workers’ government. 

Forward in the struggle! Make this May Day count in the strengthening 
of the workers of the United States. 

Forward to amalgamation! A Labor Party and a workers’ government.— 
(The Worker, April 28, 1923). 


The convention was held July 3-6, 1923. The Workers’ Party 
element, which in reality captured the convention, was deserted by 
certain of the less radically inclined leaders, headed by John Fitz- 


386 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


patrick, of the Chicago Federation of Labor, and Robert Buck, 
editor of the “ New Majority.” The nature of the control exercised 
by the Communists (W. P.) may be judged from the following, 
quoted from the report of the convention: 


Immediately after the convening of the afternoon session of the conference, 
July 5th, Delegate Manley read the report of the Committee on Organization 
which recommended naming the new organization the ‘“ Federated Farmer 
Labor Party” and provided for the election of a national executive committee 
by the conference on the recommendations of the various groups along. lines 
similar to the representation of the committee on organization, together with a 
declaration of principles * °* .*. Delegate Buck, one of the members repre- 
senting the. Farmer-Labor Party on the committee * * #* presented a mi- 
nority report, setting forth the objections of the Farmer-Labor Party, which 
might be summarized as follows: That the constitution was a duplication of the 
constitution of the Farmer-Labor Party; that it was beyond the power of the 
convention to legislate for the groups represented except by unanimous consent ; 
that only by resort to technicalities could the delegates assembled be regarded 
as constituting the Farmer-Labor Party. * * * At 8.30 Delegate Buck re- 
ported a substitute for the matter before the house and moved its adoption. It 
stated that the Farmer-Labor Party, as at present constituted, furnished a suf- 
ficient vehicle for united independent political action, providing for, urging and 
accepting affiliation from economic and political groups indorsing its program, 
but declaring that it would be suicidal to, attempt to bring into affiliation any 
organization which, accepts the leadership of national or international bodies 
striving to overthrow the government by other than constitutional means and 
that. the adoption by one group of the name of another could not but bring 
prejudice to bear against the organization so appropriating another’s name. 

A motion was made,to, table, the substitute, which was seconded and carried, 
(Summary proceedings, National Convention Farmer-Labor Party held Chi- 
cago, Ill., July 3-6, 1928.) a eel 

The framer and mover of the above-mentioned substitute resolution 
was Robert Buck, editor of the “ New Majority,” official organ of the 
Chicago Federation of Labor... Buck, was connected. with the old 
Farmer-Labor Party for several years. He has also-been connected 
with the Federated Press. "The substitute resolution in question: di- 
rectly accused the Workers’ Party Group of affiliation with national 
or international bodies striving to overthrow the government. by 
other than constitutional means. The objections of Buck, relative to 
the appropriation of the Farmer-Labor Party name, were also over- 
ridden. ne ? iat ots 

A. pamphlet. was issued by C. E, Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary, 
entitled “The Federated Farmer-Labor Party and the Workers’ 
Party, A Statement and Instructions to the Membership by the Cen- 
tral Executive Committee.” It refers to the Convention at which the 
Federated Farmer-Labor Party was organized, and contains the fol- 
lowing statement: hh pis» | 

At the same time that we carry on the campaign to increase the membership 
of the Workers’ Party through bringing into it the individual workers who are 
ready to join the Communist Party we must carry on a campaign for affiliation 
with the Federated Farmer-Labor Party. stile oy. 

The Federated Farmer-Laber Party does not. depend upon individual members 
for its strength. It is a federation of organizations. It gains its strength 
through uniting already existing organizations of workers and farmers. " 

Every member of our party is charged with the responsibility of securing new 
support for the Federated Farmer-Labor Party. Every party member who is a 
member of a trade union, of a cooperative organization, 4 labor fraternal or- 
ganization, or, other workers’ group should carry on a systematic campaign to 


affiliate such organizations with the Federated Parmer-Labor Party. nf) B. 
The statement of principles and organization rules of the Federated Farmer- 


Labor Party, should be, brought. before such organizations., Its purpose, of 


a } RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 387 


uniting the masses of industrial workers and farmers in one great political 


party should be explained. 
Our efforts must be directed, first, to secure affiliations with the Federated 


-Farmer-Labor Party, and, second, where such affiliations can not be secured 
an indorsemeit of the Federated Farmer-Labor Party should be secured. The 

Federated Farmer-Labor Party organization rules provide for a convention to 
be held about January ist for the nomination of candidates for president and 
vice president and the adoption of a platform for the 1924 election. If neither 
affiliation or euidorsement can be secured, an effort should be made to secure 
support of the next convention by sending delegates to it. 

A letter requesting subscriptions, issued over the signature of 
“ Joseph Manley, National Secretary,” on the letterhead of the Fed- 
erated Farmer-Labor Party, 800 North Clark Street, Chicago, 
gives the following as the membership of the National Executive 
‘Committee: S. Alanne, Cooperative Organizations; E. Backus, 
Non-Partisan League of California; Anna M. Brady, Non-Partisan 
League of South Dakota; Wm. Bouck, Western Progressive Farmers 
League; Mary B. Brite, Farmer-Labor Party of Ohio; Alex. Boyd, 
‘Fairmont, W. Va., Central Labor Council; Anthony Capraro, Amal- 
-gamated Clothing Workers; Jas. Campbell, Buffalo Trades & Labor 
Council; I. L. Davidson, Int. Ladies Garment Workers; Wm. Z. 
Foster, Brotherhood Railway Carmen of America; H. L. Franklin, 
‘West Virginia State Federation of Labor; David A. Gorman, Labor 
‘Party of Los Angeles; W. H. Green, Progressive Party of Nebraska ; 
‘E. GC. Hoebel, Wisconsin Progressive Women’s Association; C. A. 
Hathaway, International Association of Machinists; M. Jenkins, 
Ind. Workmen’s Circle; John C.'Kennedy, Farmer-Labor Party of 
Washington; M. J. Loeb, Mise. Trades: Ludwig Lore, Workmen’s 
Sick & Benefit Association; Noah. London, Workmen’s Circle; Jos. 
Manley, Workers Party of America; F. W. McKee, Brotherhood of 
Locomotive Engineers; Jas. McCullen, United; Mine, Workers of 
America; Thos. Meyerscough,, United Mine Workers. of America; 
©. E.|Ruthenberg, Workers Party of America; J. W. Wassmiller, 
Order of Railway Conductors; Richard Swift, Farmer-Labor Party 
of Illinois; I. G. Scott, Socialist Party of Minnesota; Franklin 
Shoemaker, Farmer-Labor Publishing Co.; C. P. Stephens, Farmetr- 
Labor Party of Kentucky; Geo. M. Tries, Detroit Federation of 
Labor; 0. H. Wangerin, Minn. R. R. Shop. Crafts Legislative 
Com.; Harold M. Ware, United Farmers Educational League; W. E. 
Zeuch, Non-Partisan League of Wisconsin. 

The following information relative to some of these individuals 
is believed to be accurate: | 

Wm. Bouck, who during the war was found guilty of violation of 
the Espionage Act, is chairman of the Federated Farmer-Labor 
Party in the State of Washington; is a member of the Executive 
Board of the All-American Cooperative Commission and was one 
of the leaders of the People’s Legislative Service. 

Wm. Z. Foster is Executive Secretary of the Trade Union Educa- 
tional League, was one of the delegates to the Bridgman, Michigan, 
Communist Party Convention, delegate to the Red Trade Union 
International, and is a prominent Communist agitator for the 
Workers Party and other radical organizations. 

David A. Gorman is a member of the National Executive Com- 
mittee of the Federated Farmer-Labor ‘Party, is head of the ‘Trade 
Union Educational League in Los Angeles, and is an active member 
of the Workers Party of America. 


388 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


W. H. Green was a member of the so-called Progressive Party in 
Nebraska and recently attended the Workers and Peasants Congress 
in Russia. 

Ludwig Lore is a member of the Communist Party of America, 
is editor of “ Volkzeitung,’ German official organ of the Workers 
Party of America, and is a prominent agitator for that organization. 

Jos. Manley, associate of Wm. Z. Foster and son-in-law of the 
latter, is engaged in propaganda work for the Trade Union Educa- 
tional League and is one of the organizers for, and a prominent mem- 
ber of, the Workers’ Party of America. 

Thomas Myerscough is a member of the Communist Party of 
America, is one of the organizers of the Progressive Miners Com- 
mittee, a member of the Workers Party of America, ete. 

C, E. Ruthenberg is Executive Secretary of the Workers Party of 
America, a former member of the Communist Party of America. 
He was convicted for violation of the Michigan Syndicalist Act, ete. 

Harold M. Ware is a Director of the Society of Friends of Soviet 
Russia; in 1923 was in Russia as a member of the Technical Aid Unit 
of that Society. He is a member of the National Executive Com- 
mittee of the Federated Farmer-Labor Party, and Assistant Secretary 
of the American Federated Russian Relief Commission. 

As evidencing the attitude of the leaders of the Workers’ Party 
toward the Federated Farmer-Labor Party, the following is quoted 
from an article by John Pepper, one of the more prominent leaders: 

The 600,000 workers and farmers who have formed the Federated Farmer- 
Labor Party are not as yet Communists. It would have been a blunder if the 
Workers’ Party had proposed a Communist program, because a big part of the 
workers and farmers would have simply run away. * * * (The Worker, 
July 21, 1923.) 

The issue of The Worker from which the above is quoted prints in 
heavy type an appeal signed by the Executive Secretary of the 
Workers’ Party, seeking support for the Federated Farmer-Labor 
Party. The following statements appear therein: 193 

Our party has proven itself a real Communist party in its work for the Fede- 
rated Farmer-Labor Party. It has proven its strength and discipline. Every 
party member who saw the party at work in Chicago was proud of his party. 

Let us prove that we are worthy of the name Communists even more definitely 
in the now great task that lies ahead of us. * * * 

The following is quoted from an official pamphlet published by the 
Workers’ Party over the signature of C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive 
Secretary, “ Why every worker should be a Communist and join the 
Workers’ Party.” | 


FOR A LABOR PARTY 


The Workers’ Party of America is the leader in the struggle to build a farmer- 
labor party which will include the trade-unions, the farmers’ organizations, and 
all existing labor political organizations. The Federated Farmer-Labor Party, 
organized in Chicago on July 5th, is the beginning of such a great farmer-labor 
party which will unite the industrial workers and farmers for a political 
struggle against the exploiters. | 

The Workers’ Party is affiliated with the Federated Farmer-Labor Party. 
While maintaining its automony as an organization and its right to carry on a 
campaign of education and organization for Communism, it supports the Feder- 
ated Farmer-Labor Party in its political struggles and the campaign for a 
farmer-labor party which will include all the industrial workers and farmers. in 
the United States. 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 389 


| Join the Workers’ Party ” is the invitation to those workers who are ready 
to become part of a Communist political party. 

*“ Affiliate with the Federated Farmer-Labor Party” is the appeal to all in- 
dustrial workers’ and farmers’ organizations which are ready to unite in a 
.great farmer-labor party and fight the capitalists for control of the governmental 
power. ° 


In a report dated December 14, 1923, information was submitted, 
obtained from a confidential source, covering an address delivered by 
“©. E. Ruthenberg, National Secretary of the Workers’ Party of 

America, on December 12, 1923, at the House of Masses in Detroit, in 
which Ruthenberg made the following statement: 


The new Farmer-Labor Party is a big blow to the capitalists, when they are 
organized under one party. Capitalists must be broken. When the Farmer- 
Labor class is organized they can go to such big men as Morgan, Rockefeller, 
cand Schwab, and demand that the big industries be turned over to the working 
class, because they belong to them, and if they refuse we can organize a red army 
and take over these industries. 


In a mimeographed leaflet issued over the signature of Manuel 
Gomez, Secretary of District Convention No. 8, Workers’ Party of 
America, which was held in Chicago December 23, 1923, at North- 
west Hall, appears a full report of the proceedings of the convention. 
Charles E. Ruthenberg introduced the following resolution which 
‘shows the interest maintained by the Workers’ Party in the Federated 
_Farmer-Labor Party: 


3. The question of the development of a mass Communist Party out of the 
Mederated Farmer Labor 'Party, which was proposed in the, August theses, is 
mot considered in the November theses, which is the only statement of the labor 
party policy of the party. It is of course at all times the duty of our party 
to permeate the Federated Farmer-Labor Party or a mass labor party when 
it is formed with a Communist ideology.’ The question of development of a 
mass communist party out of the Federated Farmer Labor Party is to be con- 
sidered as a new question upon which the party must declare a policy before 
such a policy is undertaken. 


FRIENDS OF SOVIET RUSSIA 


This organization, which was established August 7, 1921, has for 
its purpose, according to its constitution, the collection of relief 
funds and supplies for Soviet Russia. The first two articles of the 
constitution read as follows: | | 


The name of this organization shall be “ Friends of Soviet Russia.” Its pur- 
pose shall be to collect relief funds and supplies for direct transmission to 
Russian Soviet authorities as promptly as is consistent with effective whole- 
sale purchasing and shipping, and otherwise to extend aid through friendly 
acts to the Workers Soviet Republics of Russia, basing all appeals upon dis- 
tinectly working class interest. 

Membership in the Friends of Soviet Russia shall be entirely through mem- 
bership in affiliated organizations. 

Working class organizations may become affiliated with the national organi- 
zation by declaring their adherence to its two principles, namely, (1) a working- 
‘class appeal, and (2) direct transmission of relief, through the Soviet authori- 
ties, by actively participating in the work of the national organization and by 
‘sending all funds collected for relief through the national organization and 
accounting for such funds fully in the manner prescribed by the national 

executive committee, Provided, however, That such affiliations shall be subject 
to the approval of the national executive committee. 


The program of the Friends of Soviet Russia, which was published 
in part in the March, 1923, issue of “ Soviet Russia Pictorial,” con- 
tains the following statements: 


390 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Towards this end the Friends of Soviet Russia advoeates the extension of 
credit to, trade relations with, and recongition of the government’ of Soviet 
Russia as the government of the workers and peasants who, in five years of 
self-sacrificing military defense and unswerving political support; have shown 
their choice very clearly. 

The Friends of Soviet Russia believes in fhe spirit of the Declaration of 
Independence, that the people of a country have a right to determine their 
own form of government without direct or indirect interference by other gov- 
ernments; and that the workers of a country which infringes upon this basic 
right of a foreign people have a right to agitate and demonstrate for the cessa- 
tion of such interference. 

In conformity with these beliefs and these purposes, the Friends. of Soviet 
Russia will raise funds for food and clothes for the destitute in Russia, as well 
as for tools for the impaired factories, machinery for agriculture, and other 
reconstructive assistance. It will disseminate truthful news about Soviet Rus- 
sia and its great struggle by means of the platform, the press, and film screen. 
It will develop sympathetic sentiment that America may debate its economic 
boycott. 

We eall upon all workers, farmers, and other sympathizers, upon labor 
unions and other workers’ organizations, to support the Friends of Soviet 
Russia in this program morally and financially. Such support is the most 
direct method available for bringing concrete help to the first Workers’ Re- 
publie in the world. 

In August, 1921, representatives of the American Labor Anti nee 
Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, and others met for the 
purpose of coordinating these relief activities. The conference re- 
sulted in the organization of the “ Friends of Soviet Russia.” “Later 
this society subsidized a publication known as“ Soviet Russia.” This 
is the publication which was established by L. C. A.’ K. Martens, the’ 
Soviet “representative ” in the United States, This publication, ac- 
cording to its announcement, endeavored “to present, its readers 
with the most recent available information concerning the Russian 
Socialist Federated Soviet Republic in the form of official: documents: 
and authoritative articles.” Controlled and published by the Soviet 
representative and his associates, it served as the “ official” organ of 
the “ Soviet Government” in the United States, published numerous 
articles by prominent Communists, and, in general, was more political 
than commercial in its poliey and ‘articles, although Martens claimed 
to be engaged in purely commer cial activities. 

The publication “ Soviet Russia” became the official organ of the 
Friends of Soviet Russia in February. 1922, and continued as such 
until the end of 1922, when its name was changed to “ Soviet Russia 
Pictorial.” It has continued as the official organ of the Friends of 
Soviet Russia under the new name up to the present. 

The November 15, 1923, issue of “Soviet Russia” carried an article 
entitled “ For the ’ Proletatian Reconstruction of Soviet Russia.” 
This article was, written by Max Barthel and contained the follow- 
ing statement: 

It is within the power of the working class to avert this danger and to begin 
the Proletarian work of reconstruction. Soviet Russia is not the country of 
the capitalists. It is the international country of the working class. The 
Proletarian reconstruction of Soviet Russia prepares the way for proletarian 
world reconstruction. Proletarian reconstruction is at bottom a part of the 
class struggle. Every new machine sent to the working class of Soviet Russia 
is a cannon trained against fortresses of capitalism. 

Since the change of name of the publication an_article has ap- 
peared containing the following description of the Commnsy Uni- 
versity of the Toiling East: | 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 391 


The University is not, as one might imagine from its title, primarily an 
institution for spreading revolutionary unrest throughout Asia. This cer- 


' tainly is one side of its work; the students from such foreign countries as 
_ China, Japan, India, Persia, and Turkey, are most of them accepted upon the 


recommendation of the Third International. They are undoubtedly expected 
to go back to their native countries and work for the triumph of the Communist 
Idea. 


An editorial in the July, 1923, issue states in part: 


It need not be emphasized that a general defeat of the working class in 
Europe would have sinister effects upon this country too, where the “ interests a 
have hailed the advent of fascism with enthusiasm and are craving for an 
opportunity to “teach labor a lesson.” The Workers’ Republic thus appears as 
the bulwark of the working class of the world. Should it fail, the capitalist 


_over-lords of Europe would have in the millions of still ignorant Russian peas- 


ants an inexhaustible reservoir of cannon fodder with which to help beat 
back every attempt of the workers to shake off their masters. The Workers 
Republic must not fail: It must live and grow stronger in order to inspire 


‘the workers of the world with renewed courage for their struggle. 


There are submitted photostats of a circular put out by the 
American Labor Alliance entitled, “ Workers of America.” This 
circular solicits contributions for the Friends of Soviet Russia. 


There are also submitted herewith photostats of a circular signed by 


the Friends of Soviet Russia soliciting contributions., This circular 
is entitled “ Stand by Soviet Russia ” and like the above mentioned 
circular it is of a distinctly communistic propaganda nature. 

A circular entitled, “ Russian Famine” issued by the Friends of 
Soviet Russia, contains the following: : 


THE WORKERS’ INTERNATIONAL RUSSIAN FAMINE RELIEF, COMMITTEE 


The activities and achievements of the F. S. R. are a reflection of those of the 
W. I. R. FE. R. G. (Workers’ International Russian Famine Relief Committee), 
of which the F. S. R. is an integral part and through which the funds and collec- 
tions are directed to fight the famine and aid in building up Soviet Russia. 

The W. I. R. F. R. C. is an association of the Chief workers’ organizations 
throughout the world for fighting the Russian famine and for the extension 
of such material help to the workers and farmers of Soviet Russia as will 
enable them immediately to put their agricultural and industrial reconstruction 
program into action. The slogan of the W, I. R. F. R. C. has been “ effective 
relief, relief to cure and prevent the famine and hunger evils ” not charity. 

The headquarters of the W. I. R. F. R. C. are at Berlin, the most convenient 
point for international meetings, which are held periodically to promote the 
efficient pooling of all the available resources of the Committee and to devise 
policies. All the work is administered by an Executive Council of seventeen, 
composed of one delegate from each important country represented. 


_ ACTIVITIES OF THE F. S. R. 


In the United States, the representative organization of the W. I. R. F. R. C. 
is the F. S. R., which was organized immediately after the news of the Russian 
famine reached the workers of America, on August 9, 1921. 


SOCIETY FOR TECHNICAL AID TO SOVIET RUSSIA 


The Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia is a national organization, 
having about 70 branches in various cities in the United States and Canada. 
Tt is engaged in sending well-organized and technically equipped industrial 
and agricultural groups to Soviet Russia for the purpose of aiding in the work 
of economic reconstruction. Immediately after the organization of the F. S. R. 
this Society affiliated with the F. S. R. and has made substantial contribu- 


tions to relief work. 


392 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


FIELD ORGANIZERS 


Karly in its famine relief appeals, the F. S. R. had as many as ten organ- 
izers and six lecturers traveling in the field and organizing new branches. 
Many prominent labor leaders addressed the workers of America. under the 
auspices of the F. 8. R. in the interests of the Russian Famine relief. Wm. Z. 
Foster, Hulett M. Wells, Edgar T. Whitehead, James H. Fischer, P. P. Cos- 
grove, George Hardy, Henry Sara and Floyd Ramp are some of those who 
have been received enthusiastically wherever they spoke. At the present 
time, the national F. S. R. has three organizers in the field and three are 
traveling with lantern slides showing pictures of the Russian famine that 
reveal in line and form the horrors that no pen or voice can portray. 


INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES 


In order to centralize the relief work of all its national organizations, the 
W. I. R. F. R. GC. holds periodical ‘international conferences, to which the 
I’. S. R. sends its representatives. Tats s ve 

The first conference was held last December, at which the F) & R. was 
not represented, owing to tardy notification.’ A second» conference was held 
in May to which the F. S. R. sent a delegate. On July 9th, a very important 
international conference was held, at which decisions of great international 
Significance were reached—particularly in regard to the néw mode df helping 
Soviet Russia. fhO2 . Sent 

This personal contact with the leaders of the W. I. R. F. R. C. facilitates 
the American relief work and makes for speedier fulfillment of the demands 
made upon the American section the F. S. R. 


The August, 1923, issue of “Soviet Russia Pictorial” contains an 
article by Willi Munzenberg. This article is entitled, “ Retrospect 
and Prospect.” It carries in small type under the title of the article, 
the following: 


In connection with recent World Congress for Russian Relief and Reeon- 
struction our readers will be interested in the report of the General Secretary 
of the International Workers Relief Committee, with which the F. 8. R. is 
affiliated. 


The article itself reads in part as follows: 


The center around which all the work revolved has been and had to be 
the propaganda work for Soviet Russia. Bven though the fables about Soviet 
Russia as spread by the bourgeois and social democratic press agencies, may 
not be so absolutely clumsy and silly as during the first years of the Soviet 
government they have not grown less numerous. The International Workers 
Relief regarded it as one of its first tasks to dispel the false ideas prevailing 
as to life in Soviet Russia, and to enlighten the widest circles of the popu- 
lation as to the actual economic, political, and cultural situation in that country. 
** * At particularly, critical moments the I. W. R. has summoned its 
committees to engage in specially zealous activity, and, as.on the occasion of 
the last Anglo-Russia incident, it has Successfully contributed to the mobiliza- 
tion of wide sections of the working class against imperialist war tendencies 
and for the defense of Soviet Russia. 

This propaganda work done by the I. W. R. must be continued in the future. 
The increasing tension between Soviet Russia and the western capitalist 
states—a result of the growing anxiety roused in western capitalist circles by 
the progressive economic improvement in Soviet Russia—renders it an im- 
perative necessity that well-organized and Systematic enlightenment work, 
dealing with Soviet Russia, be continued everywhere, especially in those coun- 
tries where there are no political parties for the fulfillment of this task (North 
and South America, Japan, Australia, etc.). Now as before, propaganda work 
for Soviet Russia remains the most urgent and important task of the I. W. R. 


The following is a list of the officers of the Friends of Soviet 
Russia, with information as to the various positions which these per- | 
sons have held during their connection with the radical movement: 


Elmer T. Allison, Executive Committee F. §. R., Editor of the “ Toiler ;” 
National Secretary of the American Labor Alliance; signed Workers’ Party 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 393 


Statement accusing Albert Verblin of being a spy; business manager of “ Lib- 
erator ;” Constitutional Committee Second Annual Convention W. P. A.; Di- 


rector of Lyceum and Literature Department of W. P. A.; Sent out letters 


_to various college professors asking them to place radical books in their schools. 


Dennis E. Batt, Advisory Committee, F. S. R., I. W. W., member of Seattle 
Trades Council; organizer for Communist Party of America; editor of “ The 


Communist ;” on Manifesto Committee of National Conference of Left Wing; 


member of National Executive Committee of Left Wing; on Program Com- 
mittee of Communist Convention; Secretary of the Proletarian Party; on 
Provisional National Committee of National Labor Defense Council. 

J. O. Bentall, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. 


' Billa Reeve Bloor, Advisory Committee, F. 8: R. Active in campaigns for 


release of so-called political prisoners. Under the name of Skate was a Com- 
munist Party delegate at the Bridgman, Mich., Convention, 1922. 
Jay G. Brown, Advisory Committee, F. 8. R.. National Secretary Farmer- 


Labor Party; President International Union of Timber Workers. On _ con- 


trolling Committee of Brookwood College, Katonah, N. Y. 
Jack Carney, Advisory Committee, fF. 8. R.. Editor of ‘ Class Struggle.” 


Minnesota member on Executive Committee of Communist Labor Party; 
Labor Committee for left Wing National Conference... Attended Bridgman, 


Mich., Convention, 1922. With Peter Larkin organized James Larkin Defense 


' Committee at Chicago. Editor of ‘“ Voice of Labor,” 1921... Executive Board 
member of Workers Party. Editor of “Butte Daily Bulletin.” Former I. 


WwW. W. ry| 
H. W. L. Dana, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. Former -Professor Columbia 


University, Chairman of a conference at Convention of League for Industrial 
' Democracy, Lake Tamiment, 1923. On Executive Committee of Workers Edu- 
. eational Bureau. 


Wm. F. Dunne, Advisory Committee, Fr, Ba aks Honorary member Labor 


‘Party of America; Committee on Resolutions, Workers Party of America; 
Central Executive Committee of Workers Party; elected Chairman of Second 


Annual Convention of Workers Party; Industrial Head of English Branch, 
Workers Party; editor of “The Worker,” 1922; now editor of ‘“ Butte Daily 
Bulletin.” Attended the Communist Convention at Bridgman, Mich. 

Max Hastman, Advisory Committee, F. 8S. R. Delegate Conference for 
Democracy. Former editor of “The Liberator” and “ The Masses”; Execu- 
tive Committee American Civil Liberties Union; organizer for the Peoples 
Council. Now reported to be residing in Paris, France. 

Marion L. Emerson, Treasurer, I’. 8. R. Member Executive Committee, 
F. S. R. Believed to be Marion L. Sproule. Was Chairman of meeting to 
welcome Wm. Z. Foster, May, 1923, Webster Hall... Member Central Execu- 
tive Committee, Workers Party. Believed to have been member of Central 
Executive Committee, Communist Party. 

J. Louis Engdahl, Advisory Committee, F. 8. R. National Secretary of 
Workers Council of the United States; Executive Committee of American 
Labor Alliance. Was on the Executive Committee for the Third International 


in the Socialist Party. Arrested and convicted for violating the Espionage 


Act. Editor of ‘The. Worker.” Has: addressed numerous Workers Party 

meetings. Sent copy of ‘The Worker” to each Congressman, demanding in- 

vestigation of private detective agencies. On ©. HE. C. of Workers Party. 
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Advisory Committee, F. S..R.' Addressed ‘conven- 


tion of League for Industrial Democracy, Camp Tamiment, 1923. Radical 


speaker; member Workers Defense Union; On Committee of Defense of Labor 
Party of America; trustee of I. W. W. Defense Fund Mesaba Range Man- 
slaughter Cases; active in all radical defense activities. 

William Z. Foster, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. Former organizer for 


American Federation of Labor; I. W. W. agitator; organizer for F.'S. R.; 


organizer for American Labor Alliance; Secretary-treasurer of Trade Union 
Educational League; Went to Russia as correspondent of Federated Press, 
May, 1921. Toured the U. S. addressing meetings for relief on behalf of the 
Workers Republic of Russia. Staff writer of Federated Press. Attended 
Convention Farmer-Labor Party, 1923. Attended Communist Convention at 
Bridgman, Michigan. 

Caleb Harrison, Executive Committee, F. S. R. Arrested at Bridgman Con- - 
vention, 1922. Delegate from Cleveland to Communist Party Convention; on 
Resolutions Committee of Second Annual Convention Workers Party; Secre- 


_tary of Workers Party, National Office; National Secretary-Treasurer, May, 


1922. 


394 RECOGNITION’ OF RUSSIA 


Ellen Hayes, Advisory Committee, F. 8S. R. Intercollegiate Socialist Society. 

Paxton Hibben (Capt. O.'R. C.), Advisory Committee, F. 8. R. Secretary 
of American Relief Committee for Russian Children. Now with Nansen Re- 
lief Mission, New York Office; speaker for various Russian Relief agencies. 
While with Near East Relief placed wreath on grave of John Reed in Moscow ; : 
very sympathetic toward Soviet Russia and Communist movement. 

Alice Riggs Hunt, Advisory Committee, F. 8. R. 

Rose Karsner, Executive’ Committee, F. SS. R. Member of new Central 
Bureau Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia; elected Feb., 1923. 

Helen Keller, Advisory Committee, I. S. R. Contributing Bditor ‘ Liber- 
ator,” 1921. American Civil Liberties Union. 

Ludwig Lore, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. Editor “ Volks#eitung: r eleated 
to Executive Committee of new Federated Farmer-Labor Party; member of 
C. E. C. of Communist Party of America, delegate New York City District 
Convention, Local 2 W. P.; on Provisional City Executive Committee W. P. 

A. B. Martin, Executive Committee, F. S. R.. Correct name Alfred Wagen- 
knecht; former executive Secretary of Communist Labor Party; prominently 
identified with Communist Party of America and Workers Party of America; 
was international delegate of Communist Labor Party; international delegate 
of Left’ Wing; member of National Executive Committee, American Socialist 
Party; on Organization Committee, National Conference Left) Wing; served 
term in prison, now out on bail on charge of violating U. S. Passport Law. 
Believed to be organizing Workers Party District in Connecticut. Attended 
Communist Convention at Bridgman, Mich., 1922. 

Robert Minor, Executive Committee, F. S. R. Member of Central Executive 
Committee, Workers Party of America. On editorial or managing staff of 
“ Liberator.’ Attended Communist Convention at Bridgman, Mich., 1922. | 

Edgar Owens, Advisory Committee, F. 8S. R. National Secretary of National 
Defense Committee; Alternate on Communist Labor Party and Executive Com- 
mittee American Labor Alliance. Indicted Grand Larceny Second Degree in 
Kuzbas ease; on American Organization Committee of Kuzbas Industrial 
Colony. To be District Organizer for Workers Party in Chicago; National 
Secretary of Communist Party, 1922; Secretary National Defense hades 
Attended Communist Convention at Bridgman, Mich., 1922. 

Upton Sinclair, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. Writer. 

Chas. P. Steinmetz, Advisory Committee, F. S. RR. Member new Advisory 
Group Kuzbas Industrial Colony. Socialist. 

Rose Pastor Stokes, Advisory Committee, F. S. R: Lecturer, speaker, and 
organizer of I. W. W., American Labor Alliance, and Friends of Soviet Russia ; 
Treasurer of the Left Wing in the U. 8.; toured for Labor Defense Council; 
visited Soviet Russia; Elected to Central Executive Committee of W. P. A.; 
Delegate to N. Y. C. Distr. Convention Local 2, W. P. A.; attended ©. P. A. 
Convention at Bridgman, Mich.; National Secretary of Women Friends of 
Soviet Russia; President of the Boro of Manhattan Workers League. 

Mary Heaton Vorse, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. Contributor to “ Nation ” 
and ‘ Call.” 

Hulet M. Wells, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. Labor Leader; writer for the 
“Seattle Labor Daily”; speaker on Communism; delegate to the Third Con- 
gress of the International Council of Trade Unions for the Labor Council of 
Seattle. Went to Russia as special correspondent of the Seattle Union Record, 
April, 1921. Vice President of Seattle Workers’ Council; former delegate to 
Third International. Reporter for London “ Daily Mail.” 

H. M. Wicks, Editor F. R. 8. Pictorial. Organizer of W. P.; arrested Bellaire, 
Ohio, in May Day demonstration; member of Central Executive Committee of 
C. P. A.; on Committee of Resolutions, W. P. A. Industrial District Organizer, 
W. P. A. Editor of the Workers’ Challenge; member of Proletarian Party 
of Detroit. 

Albert Rhys Williams, Advisory Committee, F. S. R. American correspond- 
ent in Russia during Revolution; on Amnesty Committee, Peoples Freedom 
Union; author of “76 Questions and Answers about the Soviets and the 
Bolsheviki ”; propagandist of Bolshevism in U. S. 


On July 26 and August 1, 4, and 12, 1922, the “ Jewish Daily For- 
ward,” of New York City, published articles making serious charges 
against the Friends of Soviet Russia. A committee consisting of 
Robert Morse Lovett, Timothy Nealy, Norman M. Thomas, Roger 


I RECOGNITION OF. RUSSIA 3995 


t 


N. Baldwin, and Walter Nelles was appointed by the Friends of 
‘Soviet Russia to investigate these charges. The report published 
by this committee reads m part as follows: 


: CHARGES RELATING TO THE USE OF FUNDS FOR COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA 

' 1. It is charged that the Friends of Soviet Russia are using funds collected 
for relief for the’ maintenance of an official organ, * Soviet Russia,’ which 
‘is, in fact, a communist paper. — 

; Soviet Russia has been’ published every two weeks since January 31, 1922, 
“as the’ official organ of the Friends ‘of Soviet Russia. Before that time the 
magazine was published independently. The Friends of Soviet Russia first 
“published its reports in bulletin form at considerable expense, and took over 
the magazine in the belief that an official organ, appearing regularly, would 
‘furnish a better means” of reaching all contributors and others interested in 
“this work and at a relatively less expense for the results achieved. 

The total cost to the F. 8S. R. for the eight months up to May 31, during 

which they published the magazine, was $7,600 for fifteen issues, which makes 
“the cost of each issue to the organization a little over $500. Of the total 
expense of the magazine the organization bears less than half (40 per cent). 
i Subscriptions and deaiers’ sales make up the rest. Conclusion: The committee 
finds that Soviet Russia is published openly as an official organ, and believes 
“that an official organ of this character is a proper expense. The cost to the 
organization is moderate. ‘The policy of the magazine is not communist in the 
‘sense that it promagtes the communist movement in the United States or 
political propaganda here or abroad: It is of course friendly to. the Soviet 
Government of Russia, as would be expected for a publication owned by an 
“organization calling itself “ The Friends of Soviet Russia.” It is natural and 
“proper that such an organization should state its friendship for and approval 
‘of the working-class government of Russia. — 
- 2, It is charged that the Friends of Soviet Russia virtually subsidized eom- 
munist papers through advertising. 
The Gommittee has been furnished with a list of all papers in which’ the 
organization has carried paid advertisements, together with the amounts and 
‘dates of payments. The total amount spent for advertising in periodicals up 
to June 30 is $16,719.63 which seems to the committee a moderate amount as 
‘related to other expenditures. That covered a period of 11 months and aver- 
‘aged, therefore, $1,519.16 a month. It is obvious that that is not enough, even 
‘at best, to subsidize more than a few small papers. As a matter of fact it 
‘was distributed over 27 papers, of which 14 were published in Hnglish and 13 
‘in foreign languages. Out of 27 papers in which the advertisements ap- 
peared, 6 are liberal, religious, or labor periodicals without political connection, 
4 are socialist; and 11 are communist or have communist tendencies. By that 
we do not necessarily mean that they are official organs of the Communist 
‘Party, but that their obvious political and economic bias is communist. The 
‘politics of 6 small foreign-language papers have not been ascertained by the 
- committee. | " 

Judging by the number of cominunist papers in this list it would appear 
that an undue proportion of the advertising has gone to them, but an examina- 
tion of the cost of advertising in the various papers shows that they received 
less than $5,000 of thé total of almost: $17,000 spent in advertising. The; 

largest amount paid to any of the communist papers was $1,255.90, paid to 
a daily, which is of course a small amount for advertising in a daily paper. 
Conclusion: It seems to the committee natural that the Friends of Soviet 
Russia should have distributed its advertising as it has, in view of+ the people 
whom it is endeavoring to reach witht its appeal for funds. The organization 
considered that the liberals and the radical working-class groups: were those 
‘most likely to help, and placed their advertising accordingly. The committee 
does not know what discrimination may have been made among the foreign- 
language papers, but they are unimportant. It is perfectly clear that no com- 
~ munist paper was subsidized by advertising and that the communist press as 
a whole received but a small and proportionate share of the total amount spent 
in advertising. 

8 Tt is charged that the agents of the Friends of Soviet Russia engaged in 
i communist or Workers’ Party activities while on speaking or organizing trips 


- $2325—24—pr 2-16 


4 


396 . RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


paid for in the interests of famine relief. The committee has secured a con 
plete list of the organizers for the Friends of Soviet Russia. It comprise 
forty-one names. Most of the persons on the list are members of the Worker: 
Party or are known sympathizers. This, by the way, is also true of, th 
executive and advisory committee of the Friends of Soviet Russia. The o1 
ganization is frank to admit that it is pro-Soviet and its activities are carrie. 
on by those who politically share in general the views of the present govern 
ment in Russia. This fact in itself would not be cause for any charge agains 
the organization. Such persons: could properly collect funds for famine re 
lief without any political significance whatever. What is charged is that the. 
used their connections with the Workers’ Party to promote the interests o 
that party and presumably also the underground propaganda. Our inquiry o 
Dr. Hartmann on this point brings the reply that any organizers were at libert: 
to engage in political work in their “free time,” after. discharging all thei: 
functions as employees.. Dr. Hartmann maintains that the organization has ni 
right to interfere with their personal liberty in that respect if they render ful 
service to the organization in the work for which they are paid. Workers wh: 
were not successful in raising funds for famine relief were promptly dis 
charged. 

There is no evidence offered to show that anyone of the organizers of. the 
Friends of Soviet Russia did not faithfully discharge his duties in collecting 
funds for famine relief and in turning in all such funds to the organization 
There is no evidence that any one of them diverted such funds collected fo: 
famine relief to political purposes. It is clear, as Dr. Hartmann Suggests, that 
organizers for the Friends of Soviet Russia did engage in Workers’ Party ac. 
tivities in what he calls their “free time.’ Being partisans, there necessarily 
has been this confusion between a disinterested general work for relief abroac 
and the promotion of a political program in this country. , Indeed, Dr, Hart. 
mann states that “if it had not been for the active cooperation of the members 
of the Workers’ Party in the collection of funds for the Friends of. Soviet 
Russia it is very probable that the sum collected would have aggregated far 
less than the present figure, about $750,000.” ; 

The confusion which has resulted from appointing leaders in the Workers’ 
Party as organizers for the Friends of Soviet Russia, and from allowing organ- 
izers to engage in political activities, seems to the committee chiefly responsible 
for the charges. We do, not see how similar difficulties can be avoided in the 
future as long as this condition obtains. We suggest that the Friends of Soviet 
Russia in the future prohibit its representatives from engaging in political 
activities while employed by that organization, and that it make a public decla- 
ration of such change/in policy. This will interfere with the personal freedom 
of some representatives, but it is the only remedy for the unfortunate con- 
fusion of political and relief functions. Under this head a specific charge was 
made in an article in The Forward that certain agents of the Friends of Soviet 
Russia in Canada worked among the coal miners in the interest of the Workers’ 
Party and against the one Big Union. The committee examined the correspond- 
ecce concerning this and other matters which passed between the’ Toronto. office 
of the Friends of Soviet Russia and the Winnipeg Central Labor Council of the 
One Big Union, and has received a detailed statement from the Secretary of the 
Council. The agent charged with engaging in Workers’ Party activities has 
not denied them, and in view of the policy of the Friends of Soviet Russia they 
Inay well be true. The substance of the charges in Canada, however, concerns 
local difficulties between Russian famine relief bodies: in Winnipeg. They are 
based upon the political activities of representatives of the Friends of Soviet 
Russia in their “ free time” and apparently undertaken solely on their personal 
responsibility. a 

Conclusion: The above constitute the specific charges against the Friends of 
Soviet Russia on the ground of a diversion of money and effort to communist 
propaganda. The facts about each have been stated. In general, the committee 
finds that the charges are not borne out by the facts, although it is perfectly clear 
to anyone who looks at a letterhead of the Friends of Soviet Russia that it 
is pro-Soviet and controlled by members of the Workers’ Party. But it must 
be remembered that the organization is committed by its very name. to the 
Soviet régime in Russia. The nature of the Friends of Soviet Russia has been 
so clear all along that anyone who objected to giving to an organization friendly 
to the Russian Government could easily have gotten the facts: Those who gave 
should not now criticize its motives. Its work has been conducted with real 
and single-minded devotion to the cause of famine relief. * 


} 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 397 


' The general conclusion reached by the investigators reads in 
por as follows: 


The committee regards the charges against the Friends of Soviet Russia as 
Bhe product of the unfortunate conflicts in radical working-class movements 
‘throughout the world. When men are moved by factional interests it is diffi- 
“eult for them to see clearly even the good work of their opponents. Their 
‘feeling is frequently more bitter and their prejudices more profound than 
“against their common enemies. While none of the members of the committee 
“has any factional interest’ in these conflicts, they believe that such conflicts 
‘have played a large part in promoting these charges against the Friends of 
“Soviet Russia, which is naturally open to attack on political grounds because 
‘of its partisanship for the Soviet Government and its identification with the 
“ Workers’ Party, unofficial and indefinite, to be sure, but none the less real. We 
recommend that the organization minimize the difficulties of that connection by 
‘prohibiting the agents from engaging in political activities. 


» An instruction bulletin issued by the Friends of Soviet Russia, 
‘designated as Bulletin No. 1, contains the following, under the title 
“The Organization ”: 

) ‘ 

__ The Friends of Soviet Russia is composed of working-class oragnizations. AS 
its name suggests, its purpose is to unite all those who by helping to feed the 
“starving, aim to give aid in saving the first Workers’ Soviet Republic. Its appeal 
‘is frankly to working-class interests rather than humanitarian pity, and it in- 
sists that all relief supplies shall be distributed through the accredited repre- 
sentatives of the Russian Soviet Republic. 


_ A circular letter dated November 1, 1923, on the letterhead of the 
Binicads of Soviet Russia and. directed “to all Workers’ Party 
Branches,” reads in part as follows: 

i 


‘This is the first official communication we have ever addressed to Workers’ 
Party Branches. This letter is going forward to 800 such branches. We ask 
for 800 replies. 
_ Let’s get right down to business. What we want of you is this: We want 
‘you to elect a Friends of Soviet Russia director at your next meeting. We want 
you to send us the name and address of this director as soon as he is elected. 
BDlect a comrade who shows signs of life. You know what we mean. Our 
workers must know how to step lively. 
. This director-whom you will elect will receive from us all bulletins, news, 
‘cables from Moscow and Berlin, literature, etc. In this way we hope to keep 
your branch informed as to all we are doing. We expect to receive from your 
‘branch, through the direetor, your cooperation in our work. 
_ Now, then (1), elect an F. S. R. director at your next meeting; (2) send us 
Ais name and address at once. 

Fraternally, 
A A. B. MARTIN, 
National Seer etary. 


P. §.—The National “Office of the Workers’ Party approves of this letter. 


C. E. RUTHENBERG, 
National Secretary, W. P. 


| auwceinge circular letter issued by the New York local office of the 
F. S. R., dated June 24, 1922, reads in part: 


: Ata es conference of the Friends of Soviet Russia on Tuesday evening, 
June 13th, the Conference authorized the local executive committee to elect a 
successor to comrade Miller, who is leaving. The local executive committee 
has selected comrade Harry Winitzky, who has just been released from a capi- 
“talist prison, where he served for several years for having rigorously defended 
‘the rights of the workers. Comrade Winitzky will now devote the same energy 
and courage which characterized his work in the past to the aid of our Russian 
comrades. We urge all our affiliated bodies to cooperate in every possible 
way with our new Secretary. 
Bert MILwter, Local Secretary. 


398 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The Friends of Soviet Russia Press Release bulletin for Decembe 
9, 1922, gives the following: 

The action for economic aid which has been so well begun by the Inter 
national Workers’ Aid should be. strongly furthered by the workers o 
the whole world. Besides continual strong. political pressure upon the gov 
ernments of the bourgeoise countries with the demand for recognition of. th: 
Soviet Government, a broad activity for economic aid by the world proletaria 
is at present the best and most practical assistance to Soviet. Russia in he 
economic war against the imperialist concerns and the best support in th 
socialist construction of its economy. 

When the Friends of Soviet Russia was organized, or shortly 
thereafter, another organization was created pursuant to instruction: 
from the Soviet Russian Red Cross Saciety, known as the Ameri. 
can Federated Russian Famine Relief Committee.. The purpose o: 
this society was to organize and pool all the resources for direc’ 
relief, to make purchases wholesale, and. to ship the supplies for 
distribution through the Russian Red Cross. According) to th« 
April, 1923, issue of “ Soviet Russia Pictorial ” the American Fed. 
erated Russian Famine Relief Committee was absorbed by the 
Friends of Soviet Russia, National Office, on January 22, 1923, anc 
the accounts of the two organizations were consolidated as of that 
date. The American Federated Russian Famine Relief Committee 
had operated as a separate organization since September 20, 1922 
The F. S. R. from the date of its organization on August 9, 1921, ur 
to January 31, 1923, received through the A. F. R. F. R. C. $45,318.87. 
Of the business office expenses of the F. S. R. $6,587.56 have beer 
charged against the A. F. R. F. R. C., and of the publicity and 
appeal expenses of the F. S. R. $21,117.63 are charged against the 
A. F.R. F. R. C. Of the total sum reported to have been expended 
for the relief of Soviet Russia by the F. S. R. there was expended 
through the A. F. R. F. R. C. $498,503.48. 

According to the original plan, the Friends of Soviet Russia were 
to collect. money, clothing, etc., from the public, which would’ be 
turned, over to the American Federated Russian Famine Relief 
Committee, which was to forward the shipments to Russia, presum- 
ably along with relief from other agencies. + In Russia this’ relief 
was to be distributed by the Russian Red Cross. However, the 
records of the F. S. R. would indicate that a large part of this relief 
passed through the International Workers’ Relief, an organization 
with offices in Berlin and Moscow. This is the organization which 
is mentioned elsewhere in this memorandum as engaging in propa- 
ganda activities. The F. S. R. sent delegates to the conferences of 
this organization. In an article describing one of the conferences of 
the International Workers’ Relief in “Soviet Russia Pictorial,” 
April, 1923, the I. W. R. is referred to as “ The Red Russian Relief 
International,” 

The Friends of Soviet Russia have engaged in the motion-picture 
industry on an extensive scale, their largest’ venture in this line 
being “ The Fifth Year.” No better description of the picture could 
be, given than that by the F. S. R. in the August, 1923, issue of 
“ Soviet Russia Pictorial”: 

The Fifth Year depicts in the most vivid manner present-day conditions in 
Soviet Russia. Industrial and Agricultural reconstruction; the Russian masses 


at work and at play; the Red Army in thrilling maneuvers and military drill; 
Congresses of the Communist International, Red Labor Unions, Young Commu- 


' 4 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 399 


ti 
i 


nist Organizations, and the Peoples of the Far East at Baku; the world- 
famous Social-Revolutionary trial; Moscow and Petrograd May Day Demon- 
‘strations; the splendid orphan school homes and the thousands of happy 
orphans; the celebration of the Fifth Anniversary of the Revolution. 

From this description if is obvious that the picture is as much 
Communist propaganda as it is relief appeal. Whether this picture 
was exhibited at a profit or a loss can hardly be established except 
by an analysis of the audit of the F. S. R. accounts. 

' While Article I of the Constitution does not specify the exact 
nature of the relief and aid to be furnished Russia nor the particu- 
lar class or group of people to be aided, it is evident from the liter- 
‘ature of the F. S. R. that most of the funds collected were procured 
‘on the strength of the appeal for the relief of orphans. In one of 
the circulars issued by the F. 8. R. advertising the motion picture, 
“Russia Through the Shadows,” the following paragraph appears: 
_ All proceeds from this film go to buy food and clothes for over.a million little 
orphans who have survived the scourge of’ War and Famine. ‘They are being 
cared for in big, beautiful school homes, the palaces of the former nobility. 
The Russian Government gives over these buildings for the use of the children. 
‘The workers of the world are asked to help feed and clothe them. 

- On February 2, 1923, a dance recital was given by Isadora Duncan, 
‘assisted by the Russian Symphony Orchestra, at the Lexington The- 
ater, New York City. The program for this recital prominently 
‘carried the statement that the recital was being given for the “ benefit 
‘of Russian orphans.” 

The financial statement of the Friends of Soviet Russia covering 
the period of August 9, 1921, to June 30, 1923, shows that the F..S. R. 
received from contributions, etc., and interest on deposits, $935,- 
790.60. 

A letter from A. V. Martin (Alfred Wagenknecht), who was :a 
delegate from the F. 8. R. to the Third World Congress of the 
Workers’ International Committee, dated August 18, 1922, reads in 
part: 

There is then before us a variety of work which requires the immediate 
attention of the F. S. R. Executive: (1) The International Corporation has 
already issued a manifesto calling upon all countries to take part in the sale 
of loan bonds, three milion dollars’ worth, guaranteed by the Soviet Govern- 
ment; (2) details of the campaign for the support of the thousands of orphans, 
providing them with homes, bedding, food, etc., are at hand; (8) details re- 
quired to carry the package action to a successful issue are also at hand. 
The organization of a stock-selling corporation in America has been  post- 
poned—in fact, practically given up—and the aim is to become a part of the 
Russian American Industrial Corporation organized by the Amalgamated 
‘Clothing Workers. 


Some of the funds of the F. S. R. are being used for a “ Recognize 
Soviet Russia” campaign. | 
Lists are being circulated as follows: 


RECOGNIZE SOVIET RUSSIA—-NO WORLD RECONSTRUCTION WITHOUT SOVIET, RUSSIA 


_ We, the undersigned, believing in the right of Peoples to decide for them- 
‘selves the form of government they are to live under, and therefore in the 
‘rights of the Russian workers and farmers to decide for themselves , their 
form of government, do hereby petition Congress in the name of those rights 
to recognize the government of Soviet Russia. 

By its successful existence for six years the Soviet-Government has proven 
‘that it is the choice of the Russian Workers and farmers. 


400 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Here follows a space for signatures and addresses. 
Underneath the space for signatures and marked “ Detach before 
returning,” the following appears: 


Please get. your friends and neighbors to sign this petition. When filled, 
return it to the Friends of Soviet Russia, 32 South Wabash Avenue, Chicago, 
Ill. If you want more blanks, we will be glad to send them to you upon 
request. All petitions must be in by February 15, 1923. 


During 1922 it was reported that Jay Lovestone, of the Workers’ 
(Communist) Party, had brought from Berlin, Germany, about 
$40,000 for Party use. The F. S. R. files show that Jay Lovestone 
acknowledged receipt of $650.00. His voucher, dated May 26, 1923, 
reads: 


On account of trip to Europe, $650. Received. 
JAY LOVESTONE. 


The general report found among the papers of the illegal conven- 
tion of the Communist Party of America at Bridgman, Michigan, 
entitled “ General Report of the Activities of the Friends of Soviet 


Russia ” to December 31, 1921, reads in part as follows: 


Affiliated with the local branches are thousands of locals of all important 
labor unions in the United States. This includes the American Federation of 
Labor, Amalgamated Clothing Workers, I. W.'W., Workers International 
Industrial Union, and other smaller Independent labor unions. . The following 
central labor bodies, which, in the different towns are the central unions of the 
important bodies affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, have in- 
dorsed and are affiliated with the Friends of Soviet Russia: 

Chicago Federation of Labor. 

Detroit Federation of Labor. 

Seattle Central Labor Council. 

Tacoma Central Labor Council. 

Minneapolis Trades and Labor Council. 

Illinois State Federation of Labor. 

Montreal Trades and Labor Council. 

Portland Central Labor Council. 

Trenton Central Labor Union. 

Denver Trades and Labor Assembly. 

Ogden, Utah, Federation of Labor. 

Utah State Federation of Labor. 

Central Labor Union of Mansfield, Ohio. 

Richmond, Va., Central Trades and Labor Council. 

Washington, D. ©., Central Labor Union. 

Hartford, Conn., Central Labor Union. 

Binghamton, N. Y., Central Labor Council. 

Rockford, Ill., Central Labor Council. 

San Diego, Calif., Federated Trades Council. 

Toronto Trades and Labor Council. 

The Central Labor Union of New York, which hitherto has remained in- 
different to famine relief, voted unanimously on January 6, 1922, to support 
famine relief, after a speech by ,Foster, who is touring for the Friends of 
Soviet Russia. 

In the field of literature, the Friends. of Soviet Russia has issued a large 
number of propaganda leaflets (500,000) and two attractive posters (one in 
colors). During the Holiday Drive we issued a special appeal folder, which 
reached every part of the country, more than 300,000 being sent out. It sends 
out a mimeograph bulletin of activities every week to its 140 branches, the 
language hureaus, speakers, and the labor and capitalist press. It has already 
issued three printed bulletins in editions of 20,000 to 30,000. It has issued 
hundreds of thousands of picture post cards depicting the famine situation. 
Among the books which have met with special favor is Foster’s Russian 
Ktevolution, of which more than 6,000 copies have been sold. Among other 
works that have been or are being issued in special Famine Relief Wditions 
are Albert Rhys Williams’s Through the Russian Revolution, W. M. Brown’s 


i RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 401 


Communist and Christianism, John Reed’s Ten Days that Shook the World 
(in special edition with preface by Lenin). The following pamphlets have been 
issued: “An American Report on the Russian Famine,” by Paxton Hibben; 
the “ Russian Famine” (pictures and appeals), which has been very success- 
ful. There wlil soon be another pamphlet compiled by Dr. J. W. Hartman, 
aditor of Soviet Russia, entitled “The Russian Famine and the Capitalist 
World.” No meeting is held at which literature or our special Friends of 
Soviet Russia buttons are not sold. 

Pursuant to the instructions of the organization committee in Berlin and 
sf the Communist International, we shall continue the relief work with the 
same energy. and believe that, with the recruiting of further large bodies to 
dur cause, results can not. but increase. 


_ It should be noted that all of the above books are distinctly revolu- 
Jonary, particularly the book by Bishop Brown on Communism and 
Christianity. ) 

The following is quoted from a‘report received from confidential 
sources dated November 21, 1922: t abo 


__A conference of the F. 8. R. was held at the Labor Temple, 243 E, 84th St., 
N. Y. C., on Sunday, Noy. 12, 1922. One hundred and forty delegates were 
present who represented 28 branches of the “ Arbeiter Ring”  (Workmen’s 
Circle), 12 Unions, 2 branches of Socialist party. The rest of the delegates 
were from the Workers’ Party of America. 
_- The following questions were discussed : 

1. Next year’s work. . 

2. Campaign to sell shares in the Russian-American Industrial Corporation. 

3. Attitude toward the ‘ Yellow press.” , 

The report on the year’s activities of the F. S. R. was. made.by Bert Miller. 

He pointed out that the New York local of the. F. S.. R. collected $82,000 cash 
and $50,000 in clothing and made the statement. that all of this had gone to 
Russia. . During his report several delegates (mensheviks from the Arbeiter 
Ring and Socialist delegates) began to question him and demanded from him an 
accounting for the money, but as all the other delegates were communists, or 
sympathizers, the hecklers were deprived, of the privilege of a question and 
later entirely removed. The work of the conference then went along,as the 
FE. S. R. desired it should. Allen Broms in his speech at the Conference stated 
that the F. S. R. decided to help the Soviet Government, not because there was 
famine in Russia, but because by conquering the famine and destruction, the 
Soviet Government would succeed in introducing Communism. Miller pointed 
out that the Communist International demands assistance from the F. 8S. R. and 
the F. S. R. will render same without asking where, who, or how. This work 
will be increased and all labor organizations, unions, societies, etc., will be 
drawn into it. Even the most conservative labor circles will be brought into 
it. He finished by saying: “As long as we Communists control the entire 
machine, no mensheviks or Gompers can terrify us. And for the present we 
will utilize every effort, as the Soviet Government will utilize the New Hco- 
nomic Policy. 
- A resolution was next adopted stigmatizing the Jewish newspaper “ Forwaerts” 
for its attack on the F. S. R. and the desire to thereby harm Soviet Russia. 
A cablegram was sent to Russia containing congratulations on the fifth anni- 
versary of the Communist revolution, and assurances that the American 
workers would support the Russian revolutionary people. 

With reference to the Russian-American Industrial Corporation, it resolved 
that all the delegates present at the conference were to obligate themselves 
to support the above corporation, both morally and materially. They are to 
introduce resolutions in their unions and organizations to the effect that every 
member is to purchase at least one share. 

The delegates also take it upon themselves to support the F’, 8. R. in collect- 
ing money on the streets, in houses, and by subscription lists. It was decided 
to hold a bazaar in the latter part of December in New York City for the pur- 
pose of collecting funds. No exact date has as yet been fixed. In view of the 
fact that it has been resolved to bring into its activities all labor organiza- 
tions, it has been decided to call another conference of the F. S. R. in about 
one month in New York City. At this conference an Executive Committee will 
be elected, which is to meet not less than three times a year. 


402 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The F. S. R. is making its activities broader than before, ‘The labor or- 
ganizations are being invited to participate on ‘the supposition that the Com- 
munists will spread their control over these organizations and utilize them at 
the necessary time. This is part of the tactics and program of the Communist 
International for a Single Front under the direction of the Communist Party 


in each country. 
The following is quoted from a report received ati confidential 
sources dated December 26, 1923: . 


The Second Conference of the F. 8S. R. was held on siinday, Dee 17, 1922, at 
Hungarian Hall, Hast 81 St., N. ¥. C. Seventy-five delegates were present from 

various unions, Arbeiter Ring Branches, and other organizations. ~ 

The delegates were variegated—-Jews, Hungarians,, Americans; ‘Russians, 
Poles, ete. The Conference was opened by the Secretary of the Russian Branch 
of the Friends of Soviet Russia, Comrade Svetloff (true name Bernstein). 
He is also at the present time Secretary of Local New York of the F. 8. R. 
He pointed out that “ we must render Russia proletarian help anda not as, it is 
being done by the Bourgeois representatives, ete.” 

After that various delegates spoke, all in the same spirit. Only one e delegate, 
from the Machinists’ Union, spoke against the F.’S. R. and sided with the “ For- 
waerts.” However, he was not allowed to finish and he finally left the Confer- 
ence, After all the speaking it was resolved that the F. S. Ri is not a tem- 
porary organization. This organization must last for years and therefore it 
must enter into close contact with all the labor organizations and conduct its 
work in them. It was resolved to establish in Russia a colony: of 100 chil- 
dren to be supported at the expense of the F. S. R. 

To arrange for a Tag Day during the middle of Febtuary: To. wath an 
election for a new committee of 15 members. “The election was arranged (in 
accordance with a caucus) in the following form: The following eight men were 
elected or selected by the Conference: 

Dr. Glouberman, Vosh, Berg, Agnell, Moiseliev, Keppel, Gitlow dinot Ben- 
jamin), Chalevsky. Seven men are to be elected or selected by the F. 8. R. 
This is for political control. Of the eight men selected six or seven are Com- 
munists. 

One thousand dollars was appropriated for Christmas dinner fbr children in 


Russia, ete. 
The following is quoted from official leaflets issued by the Friends 


of Soviet Russia. 
STAND BY SOVIET RUSSIA 


The capitalists of the world have suddenly become tenderhearted. th 

They want to apply some of their blood- stained money to the “relief” of 
the hungry masses of Russia. 

Lloyd George, and Briand, Nitti, and Hughes, are giving their precious time! 
to the problem of how to save the Russian people from what they ‘term the’ 
consequences of bolshevik misrule. 

The capitalist papers all over the world lay the blame for the hunger in’ 
Russia upon. the shoulders of the workers’ government, utilizing | Naa famine 
to foster counter-revolutionary plots. 

To the illustrious statesman of the bourgeoisie we say: i Neb F 

We, the workers, do not believe in. your good intentions.’ you are trying 
to deceive us. 

To the hirelings of the bourgeoisie, the yellow newspapermen and | ‘the jour- 
nalists, we say: . 

We, the workers, lay the blame for hunger in Russia, for ruination of 
Europe, for stoppage of industry, for unemployment, for privation, and star-" 

vation of the workers throughout the world, where the blame belongs, upon” 
the shoulders of the capitalist class. 

They have plunged the world into a bloody war; they have wiped out 
millions of lives; they have destroyed the wealth which workers have created 
through eenturies of hard, tireless labor. 3 

They have blockaded Russia, starved her people, and ruined her industries. 

They have sent armies against the Russian workers, and having done alt 
this, they now pretend to be the saviors of the Russian people. 


Hh 2 


ae RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 403 


We say to the Russian workers, and to the workers’ government of Russia: 
Beware of these international brigands, even if they bring you gifts! 


' These gifts conceal poison. 


We say to the workers of Russia: Beware! The capitalists of the world 
could not conquer you in open fight. They now come to you disguised as 


' friends in order to betray you. 


They want to make capital out of hunger, which they themselves have 
caused. Lify Ua OE 

They want to restore icapitalist oppression in Russia. 

We, the workers, therefore refuse to mix our gifts with the gifts of the 
bourgeoisie. (, tian 

Our motives for helping the workers of. Russia are entirely different from 
those of ‘the capitalists: Ly as Laat 

We are helping ‘the Russian workers: because ‘they are fighting our battles. 

We are helping them because they are struggling for the emancipation of 
the workers throughout the world. | | 

We are helping them because they are struggling against the enemies of 


| the workers, those who are responsible for the destruction of industry, for 


unemployment and for misery of the workers everywhere. 


We are helping them because they are fighting our enemies, those who are 
trying to crush American labor. 
Weare helping them because we realize that theirs is the fight of the 


- valiant, struggling coal miners of West Virginia, of the downtrodden workers: 


in mills, and shops throughout the land, as well as of the workers in other 
countries who suffer, and struggle for the emancipation of their class. 
We are helping them because we know that if they, who fill the masters” 


hearts with fear, are crushed, then the masters will reduce us to a condition 


of abject slavery. 

We are offering our help to the Russian workers unconditionally, but to our 
hypocritical masters we say: 

You know that the most-effective way of relieving famine in Russia is to 
encourage trade with Russia, and to recognize the workers’ government of 
Russia; but this you will not do. 

You are not willing to feed the hungry children of Russia, whom you have 
starved, unless the workers’ government agrees to release a few. counter- 
revolutionary plotters, and this at a time when your jails are filled with 
American workers, when the bullets of your gunmen kill the strikers in Chi- 
cago and West Virginia, and when you are preparing to assassinate two 
innocent workers in, Massachusetts. 

You will not deceive us as to your intentions. Your aim is not to relieve 
famine. Your aim is to crush the Russian Workers’ Republic, to restore 
the capitalists and the landowners to power. 

You will not succeed! 

The Russian workers will weather the storm and come out of it victorious. 

‘We pay our tribute to their great sacrifice and heroism. They inspire 
the workers all over the. world. 

And this is why the workers everywhere spontaneously came to the aid of 
their. Russian brothers. 

Even the unemployed bring their last coins, while those who work. give 
their daily wage. 

The workers of America are also responding generously. 

These efforts should be centralized.. A relief organization must be built, 
controlled entirely by the workers. 

This organization should have a clear purpose—not only to collect funds 
but also to combat any attempt on the part of the ruling class to exploit the 


- present famine in Russia for counter-revolutionary purposes, and to expose the 


lies of the yellow capitalist sheets concerning the actual conditions in Russia, 

Not a cent of our hard-earned money should go to the charitable institu- 
tions of the bourgeoisie. 

An organization built on these principles is already in existence—Friends 
of Soviet Russia—having branches throughout the country, with headquarters 
in New York. 

Workers, act. 

Union men, send your delegates to the conference of Friends of Soviet 
Russia. 

Unorganized workers, form branches of Friends of Soviet Russia and 
affiliate with the local organization. 


404 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Contribute generously. 

Act in the name of international solidarity of labor. 

In the name of emancipation of labor from all oppression. 
Long live the Workers’ Soviet Republic of Russia ! 


DELEGATE CONFERENCES 


Delegate conferences are to be held from time to time and will be announced 
by the secretary. All working-class organizations that agree with the prin- 
ciples stated below are invited to send delegates. 

1. The appeal for relief of the famine ghall be issued on a basis of class: 
solidarity with the Russian workers. . ye it 

2. All funds collected shall be sent directly to the Soviet Government or. its 
official agents through the National: Executive Committee of the Friends of 
Soviet Russia. | riynt 

Make all remittances payable to Dr. J. W. Hartman, Treas.; Friends of) 
Soviet Russia, 201 West 13th Street, New York City. 


WORKERS OF AMERICA 


Workingmen and Women! The Executive Committee of the Third Inter- 
nationale have appealed to the workers-of the world to come immediately to 
the aid of the starving people of Soviet Russia. 

Workers! You must respond most vigorously to this appeal, It is your 
sacred duty—the duty of working-class Solidarity. Soviet Russia’s strug- 
gle for freedom is your struggle. The misfortune that has befallen Soviet Rus- 
sia is a misfortune of all of us workers. hile, 

Workers of America! You must do all in your power to prevent the enemies 
of the world proletariat and the social revolution from taking advantage of 
the famine. You should break up all attempts to stir anew the flames of civil 
war in Red Russia. The workers’ Soviet republic must not be crushed. Don’t 
let the imperialists sail into victory at the eleventh hour on a sea of blood! 

Brothers! Counter-Revolution with all its darkness and brutality is again 
raising its ugly head. The French government is all ready preparing to let 
loose on famine stricken Russia the Mad Dogs of war—the Polish and Rouw-' 
manian mercenaries. Guns and ammunition are on the way. Briand and 
the entire Capitalist Press of France openly boast of their desire to cruelly 
take full advantage of the sad plight of Russia in order to destroy the Workers’ 
Republic and set up a czaristic debt-collecting government. . 

All the other capitalist governments are busy plotting. Their plans to ’come 
to Russia’s aid reek with sinister motives. Our own Mr. Hoover, leader of 
the worlds counter revolution, the hero of the overthrow of the Hungarian 
Soviet Republic, has now proclaimed himself a friend of the Soviet Govern- 
ment. Our own Mr. Hoover who only yesterday branded Bolsheviks’ as brig- 
ands would rather deal with the Workers’ Government than with the Non- 
Partisan All-Russian Relief Committee. This arch-enemy of Soviet’ Russia 
now demands guarantees for full freedom of action from the Workers’ Govy- 
ernment. 

This demand is nothing else but an attempt to hand Russia over to Ozarist. 
and capitalist oppressors. The lesson of Hoover’s treachery in Hungary is 
still painfully vivid in our memories. Workers! This is the purpose behind 
Hoover’s plans and demands. Hoover wants a free hand to incite rebellion 
and counter-reyolution. What is your answer, workingmen? Will you allow 
him to condemn the Russian Workers to slavery and slaughter. kh dere 

Brothers! The “humanitarian” Hoover is imposing the most insolent po- 
litical conditions on famine stricken: Russia. ‘The Soviet Government, being 
most anxious to relieve the tragic situation, has yielded to conditions unheard 
of in the relation between independent governments. wie VO 

Workingmen and Working Women! ‘The policy of Hoover is the policy of 
the American Government. This is the policy of all other capitalist govern- 
ments. It is up to you to do all in your power to see to it that your brothers 
and sisters, the workers of Russia, should not pay too dearly for the “ philan- 
thropy”’ of your oppressors and exploiters—the capitalist class. You must be 
on guard against the philanthropy of those who have blockaded, invaded, and 
starved Red Russia for Four long years. Jey; 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 405 


In this hour of trial, of anguish, of pain, of famine, bleeding but unconquer- 


: able proletarian Russia calls upon you, workers of America to come to her de- 
_fense. Now is the time to show your solidarity with the workers of Russia— 


the vanguard of the world army of proletarian freedom! Now is the time for 


' action! There can be no delay! It is a matter of life and death not only for 


the hard-won freedom of the Russian workers but for the most simple rights 
of the workers of every country! 

Brothers! The Austrian and German workers, themselves in a most needy 
condition, are pointing the way. They have set the pace! They are already 
rushing aid! What will be your answer? Workers! You can give only one 
answer! You can not lag behind! You must give your all to aid starving 
Russia! You must give until it hurts your oppressors who are doing their best 
to crush your Russian Brothers. 

Workers! For years have our Russian brothers been compelled to give them- 
selves over to war in order to repel the invader and put down insidious re- 


' bellion. Our Russian brothers have been wonderfully successful to date in 


_ protecting their revolution! They have weathered many a storm! They have 


gone thru many a trial! They have shown marvelous courage and selfsacri- 
fice in their battle for the rights and interests of workers of every country on 


- the face of the earth! They can not be crushed! They must not be crushed— 


_ famine or no famine! 


Workingmen and Workingwomen! We must at once come to the rescue of 


- our starving Rusian brothers whose fight is our fight, whose suffering is our 


suffering, and whose defeat will be our defeat! With all our energy, devotion, 
and loyalty we must set ourselves to this most urgent and holy task of ours! 
Save Soviet Russia! Let us pledge our all for Russia’s starving millions! Let 


' our unsurmounting waves of enthusiasm and vigilance drown the sinister plots 


. of the capitalist wolves prowling in the Baltic countries and preparing to de- 
your Russia! We dare not trust our freedom to our masters! 


Workers of America! It is now your turn to show your solidarity! Show 
your loyalty to the working class! Arise to Red Russia’s defense! Comrades, 
Workers, friends, men, and women, make a most energetic drive for funds 
in your shop, mine, mill, and factory! Start the ball a rolling! Put your 
shoulder to the wheel! Rally around the banner of the Friends of Soviet 
Russia. 

Your funds and contributions will be forwarded directly to the Soviet Gov- 
ernment—free from the bloodstained hands of your capitalist exploiters. To 
your task! To work! AlJl as one! 

. AMERICAN LABOR ALLIANCE. 


Send All Remittances To’ Friends of Soviet. Russia, 201 W. 18th St., New York 
City. 


ACTIVITIES AMONG THE NEGROES 


In a preceding portion of this memorandum reference was made to 


“The Agrarian Report ” prepared for use at Moscow by the American 


Communist delegate. .A large part of this report is devoted to the 
negro farmer and to the negro question in general. 

The negro population in the United States has occupied the atten- 
tion of Communist and Workers’ Party agitators for some years, 
and every possible advantage has been taken of occurrences and 
conditions which would tend to develop race feeling with a view 
to utilizing racial antagonism. As an instance the following 1s 
quoted from a leaflet issued by the Central Executive Committee of 
the Communist Party of America at the time of the Tulsa troubles: 


THE TULSA MASSACRE 


By the time this leaflet is in your hands all the horrible details of the mass 
murder of the helpless Negro population of Tulsa, Oklahoma, will be known 


to the entire world. 
There are no words vivid enough to describe the action of the well-dressed 


- armed mob of business men, who with automobiles and airplanes, surrounded 


the Negro quarter in Tulsa on June 1st, setting fire to their homes, destroying 


406 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


ten city blocks, and rendering homeless more than ‘ten thousand Negro workers, 
ruthlessly slaying men, women, and children, killing over 90 and wounding 
more than 200. 

There is only one appeal that will stop these fiendish and bloody outrages— 
that is, the appeal to organized force. The only language that the bloodthirsty 
capitalist of America can understand is the language of Organized Power, 
Only by reprisals—by answering force with force—will the business mobs and 
their White Guards, the Klu Kiux Klan, ‘ete., be restrained from continuing 
their brutal and cowardly assaults upon the Negro and working-class popula- 
tion of this country. 

If there is any red blood in the veins of the working class of America, it will 
come to the defense of its colored brothers, who are the victims of the same 
bloody capitalist class that exploits and murders the ‘workers regardless of 
color or race. * * 

Our Negro fellow Hor dees were supposed to have-been ‘‘ emancipated ”’ dur- 
ing the American Civil War. The Constitution of the U. S: is supposed to guar-. 
antee their ‘‘ freedom.” Since then they have been herded into separate dis- 
tricts, segregated in Jim Crow cars, ‘their women ‘subject to the assaults of 
white men, their children deprived of elementary: education, their men denied 
the right to acquire trades or professions, their whole ‘race kept in ignorance 
and degradation. They have been burned alive, lynched, murdered, and 
brutally assaulted upon the slightest provocation. The hideous accusation of 
rapine has been fastened upon their entire race. This is the kind of ‘“ freedom ”’ 
that Capitalist Constitution guarantees to the working class. This is the only 
kind of ‘‘ freedom” ‘that the workers can expect from the Capitalist Govern- 
ment of the United States. For the Government of the U: S. is nothing but 
the organized expression of the will of the Capitalist Class. The Government 
of the U. 8. is nothing else but a ruthless dictatorship of the rich over the 
poor. 

It is in the interest of both the Negro and the White workers to destroy this 
capitalist government, root and branch. .Shoulder..to sheulder and heart to 
heart the workers of all races must unite to establish in this country. a workers’ 
government—the Soviet Republic of America. . 

The Communist Party of America calls upon: our colored comrades to or- 
ganize and with arms in their hands to resist the murderous armed assaults 
upon their homes, their women, and their children. 

The Communist Party of America calls upon 'the White workers to assist 
their colored brothers and with arms in their hands to help them,to repel such 
armed attacks upon them ‘by the wealthy business men as occurred in Tulsa, 
Oklahoma, and in hundreds of other places. 

Their fight is our fight. The Communist Party of America recognizes no 
artificial division between the working class. We call upon all workers of 
all races to unite against ‘their common enemy—the Capitalist Class and the 
Capitalist State. 

In Russia, under the Tzar’s Government, the Jews were the victims of race 
riots and pogroms. In Russia the workers and peasants overthrew the Capi- 
talist Government of Russia and established a Workers’ Government—the Soviet 
Republic of Rusia. The workers of all races in Russia are united. Race 
prejudices and race wars have disappeared. 

Only by following our Russian Comrades’ heroic example and by establishing 
in this country the Soviet Republic of America. will White and Black workers 
be able to live and work in peace and enjoy the fruits of their labor. — 

Workers of America, organize! Wipe out the “color line”! 

Hail to the proletarian revolution ! 

Down with the capitalist system and the capitalist state! 

Long live the Workers’ Republic of America. 

CENTRAL HXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, 
COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA. 


A number of papers found in the raid of 170 Bleecker Street, New 
York City, in April 1921, are of interest in this connection. Excerpts 
from some of these are quoted : 


Bulletin No. 1, 1921: Recent C. HE. C. decisions and Party news. Communi- 
eation received from III calling for immediate work among trade-unions to 
secure affiliations for Red Trade Union International. Also advice from same 
source as to gathering information regarding the Negro question in the U. S. 


s 


one ee —— 


RECOGNITION. OF RUSSIA 407 


A document, dated November 1, addressed to the Central Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist Party and the United Communist 
Party, was found among the papers seized. It reads as follows: 


NOVEMBER 1. 

To the C. HE. C. of the C. P. and U. C. P. 

Drar Comraves: The instructions herein are transmitted to you officially ; 
_ they are to be carried out in conjunction with comrades Katayma and Jan- 
BSC rea cee 2, 

2. The Negro.—A. committee of two is to be designated (Stokes, C. P., and 
Ruthenberg, U. ©. P.), the purpose of which is to secure all the available 
information on the basis of which can be developed a campaign for holding 


| a Negro Congress. 


The Congress is not to be a Com. one, but a general radical. Negro Congress, 
at which all radical Negro organizat ons are to be represented, to mobilize 
them against American Imperialism. 

A complete survey is to be made of Negro defense societies, unions, ete. 
Particular attention isto be paid to ascertaining what groups and individuals 
we could rely upon to impose our point of view upon the Congress; such 
as the Messenger-Randolph group, for example. f 

This committee must secure information alone, upon which a plan can be 
_ based for the Hxecutive Committee of the C..I. Absolutely no propaganda 

until instructions from the Hxecutive. 

With fraternal greetings, 
Yours, ——_—__ ——_—_—.. 


PROGRAM AND METHODS OF APPROACH 


General Statement.—The Methods of Approach outlined for the Program can 
only be suggestive and must be developed or modified to fit the wide variations 
of conditions which will be found in the different organizations and sections 
of the country. The suggested methods are based upon the belief that any 
_ public call, demonstration, or general press publicity: regarding ‘representation 
in a Pan-African Congress to be held in Moscow and issuing from the Executive 
Committee of the Third International would be met with the most intense 
and widespread race persecutions which in turn would bring great difficulties 
to the task of reaching the Negro masses. It is suggested that all publicity 
be aimed at organizing and educating the Negro. Through such publicity 
individuals and small groups will be found who can be worked with more 
intensively; from among: which Communist party members and sympathizers 
capable of cooperating and aiding in the necessary work in connection, with 
the call to the Congress, can be developed. 

(1). A Negro Committee.—Should consist of an equal number of White and 
Negro party members who: should take full charge of the work in connection 
with the Call subject to’ Party or Council control. | 
(2) Field Organizers.—Should be Negro Communists and work in such 
- organizations as the Black Ku-Klux Klan, the African Blood Brotherhood, 
the Association’for the Promotion of Labor Unionism among the Negroes, the 
Friends of Negro Freedom, etc., to develop Communists and sympathizers 
through whom credentials can be secured and underground arrangements for 
delegates made. The same approach should be, used in industrial organiza- 
tions such as the I. W. W. Longshoremen, the Negro miners. and. timber 
workers in the South (A. F. of L.), the Brotherhood of Negro Workers of 
America, the National Marine Cooks, Stewards, Head and Side Waiters As- 
sociation and the three or four smaller railroad workers unions. The work 
in each organization should follow the general formula; reach hopeful groups 
or individuals either as the result of personal introductions, educational. con- 
tacts or through interest developed through conferences with groups or in 
mass meetings. An Educational Campaign should be arranged by the Negro 
Committee and carried through by the Field Organizers in the general or- 
ganizations, such as the N. A. A. c. Pp. the fraternal organizations, the 
churches, educational associations, etc. 

(3) Special Organizers—Should be sent to the American ‘ Protectorates ” 
and to other Islands in the Carribbean to do similar work in the West Indies, 
ete. For this field work West Indians familiar with the Island conditions 


should be sent. 
* * % uk * * * 


408 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


(5) Mass Meetings——Should be planned by the Negro Committee, staged 
in Negro Communities by the field organizers together with local. Communists 
or radicals. Especially should advantage be taken of any current event that 
agitates the race, such as the Williams Peonage Murder Case to focus atten- 
tion of the Negro masses. Speakers who are Communists should wherever 
possible or advisable discreetly broach the subject of the call to a Pan-African 
Congress in Moscow as being rumored and express the “opinion” that the 
American Negro should be strongly represented. 

* * * * * * * 


(7) A Call to the American Negro.—The American Section of the Call to 
a Pan-African Congress should serve as a basis for a Call to be issued by 
the Negro Committee and should be distributed in leaflet form through party 
and Negro channels on a plan of distribution outlined by the Negro Committee. 

(8) A News Service.—Should supply labor and race news from the revolu- 
tionary standpoint and carry on publicity on Soviet Russia, ete., through the 
entire Negro press. It should supply plate matter to create a strong induce- 
ment for its use on the part of impecunious publishers. The News. Service, 
the Lecture Board and the newspaper should be conducted from a single 
office and the services combined, thus saving operating costs, each complement- 
ing the other, and making possible closer cooperation with the educational plans 
of the Negro Committee. . 


APPENDIX TO THE PRoGRAM 


(Minority Report signed by Sascha) 


The American Negroes, even those who are most radical, show racial con- 
Sciousness. When color by universal dogma becomes a badge of inferiority, 
a man of color is not permitted to forget it. Resentment against this dogma 
has been the chief cause of the strong racialism which dominates the Negro 
in America. There are also Negro radicals who express or imply the hope 
that in the collapse of the white man’s world “ as-it is,” the African race will 
find its opportunity for domination. -Even Owen and Randolph in the radical 
Messenger have recently expressed themselves in the following terms: The 
object of a race is not to seek merely relative rank but the highest place and 
the highest rank. I have seen a flashing forth of racial fire in a Comrade of 
the clearest class-consciousness because from a white Communist there came 
just that shade less of the true fellow feeling he looks for in a Comrade. 

* * * * * * * 


We can have nothing to fear in any surviving race consciousness in the 
darker workers who join us in the revolutionary struggle on the proletarian 
field. We know that the revolution which will set all workers free will 
eliminate the causes of conflict between races. * * * It is necessary that 
the White Communist meet the colored Communist on exactly the same foot- 
ing, with exactly the same feeling as he does the White comrade. * * * 


ORGANIZATIONS k 

Universal Negro Improvement Association.—International, more influence 
than any other, according to Briggs. Extremely large membership; claim 
four million. Probably greatly over-estimated strength. Strictly racial; pur- 
pose, to “free Africa.” Fraternal features for holding the membership. 
“There are a few members who might go to the Congress unofficially.” Briggs. 

African Blood Brotherhood.—Secret, fraternal, defense. Claim membership 
of 7,000. Briggs, Organizer. 

Friends of Negro Freedom.—A defense group loosely organized. Claims 
largely on paper. Organized by Owen and Randolph of the Messenger. Fos- 
tered by the S. P. 


Other negro industrial and social organizations were listed as 
fields for propaganda. 
NOTES ON OUTLINE 


The majority of the negroes live in the southern states, but the greatest 
influence upon this’ majority, is the northern leadership of the northern Negre 
Press. The Chicago Defender, with a circulation of 200,000, and the Baltimore 
Afro-American, with a cireulation of 30,000, especially. Another strong influ- 


; ( 
| , | RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 409 
ence upon the southern negro is the letter he receives from some friend or 
’ relative: who has migrated North. A powerful lever for handling this problem 
would be a strongly organized class-conscious group of colored industrial 
workers. ,Undoubtedly the southern negro who is often little better than the 
peon, who is a hired laborer or tenant farmer, will side with the group which 
ts EB rives him the land, but his value to such a group would be enormously increased 
| it he could be ‘educated.' The intense enmity of the poor white to the poor 
_ negro in the rural districts of the south must be taken into account. * * | * 
_. The fraternal organizations constitute the social life and influence among the 
_ fairly well-to-do colored people. It should be noted, however, that the Knights 
' of Pythias have an armed, equipped, and trained military organization of 
P22 ;000. Sif! # 
The only radical publications are the Messenger and the Crusader. But 
_ propaganda, especially trades-union propaganda and general educational propa- 
is ganda aimed at the farm and industrial workers, could be gotten into almost 
' any of the negro papers, because, although they are pretty much controlled, the 
editors themselves are not keen enough to recognize the propaganda until it is 
ealled to their attention that they must not print any more of that sort of thing. 


_.. The following is quoted from another document procured from 
# the same. source: 


THE PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS 


The Negro Bureau has decided on a Pan African instead. of an American 
_ Negro Congress, because a Pan African Congress would inspire the oppressed 
| darker peoples of the entire world and.be of immeasurably greater value to the 
_ eause of the world revolution. 

The Negro Bureau suggests: (1) That several African and kindred signa- 
| tures be added beside those of the EK. C. of the C. I. in, issuing the Call to the 
_ Pan-African Congress;, (2) that.an attempt be made to get radical representa- 
tion at the yellow Pan-African Congress to be held in Paris in July (?) (this 
_ Congress is fathered by the American Negro, W. E. B. DuBois, a_ Social 

patriot) ; (8), that a Communist representing some of the darker peoples of 
_ Russia be sent to attend the Garvey African Congress in August (New York). 
_ Garvey could be easily persuaded to give him the platform at one of the ses- 

sions. This would make possible an appeal on behalf of the Moscow Congress 
_to African delegates from every corner of the earth. Since the Garvey Congress 
will contain large, though unrelated, radical elements, such an appeal is likely 

to yield excellent results. Besides, it woud be of immense propaganda value 
to the American section of the work. (4) That regular representation, at this 
Congress be also attempted. 


A CALL TO THE OPPRESSED AFRICAN PEOPLES OF THE WORLD 
(By Sascha and Armand) 


(American Section.) | 

Oppressed Negro Workers and Farmers of America: You are summoned by 
the Executive Committee of the Communist International to a Pan African 
Congress to meet in Moscow on What does the Communist Interna- 

_ tional represent? The Communist International is an organization of millions 
of revolutionary workers in Russia, Germany, Italy, France, England, America, 
China, Japan, Turkey, Persia, and many other countries who, aroused by the 
thunder of the world war, driven by hunger and increasing misery, have 
- organized for revolt in order that they may no longer have to work for the 
rich but only for themselves; in order that they may no longer have to bear 
weapons against their own brothers, the suffering and agonized workers of 
‘their own and other races, but that they may turn their weapons against their 
exploiters. These revolutionary workers have realized the fact that they can 
conquer only through unity, only through uniting their forces; and during the 
‘past three years they have created in the Communist International an organiza- 
tion which they have found to be indispensable and which, despite all persecu- 
tion of Capitalist governments, has become the soul of the war for liberation 
of the workers and peasants of the entire world. Why does the Communist 
International summon you oppressed Negro workers and farmers to a Pan 
African Congress? Why does it summon you from North, South, Hast, and 
West Africa, the West Indies, and North and South America, you the most 





410 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


oppressed elements of the world’s proletariat? What can it offer you?) What 
does it demand of you? The Fighting workingmen and peasants of Europe and 
America turn to you, since you, as well as they, are suffering from the yoke of 
world capital; since the landless, propertyless workers of all races and all 
colors are oppressed as a class by the privileged propertied exploiters, as a 
class; since you, as well as the workers of Europe and America, are foreed to 
fight against the world exploiters; and since the union of the Pan African 
workers and peasants with the great army of Huropean and American proleta- 
riat will strengthen this army, hasten the death of the common enemy, capital, 
and thus bring about the liberation of the workers and peasants of the whole 
world. 

Oppressed Negro Workers and Farmers of America: Three hundred years 
ago you were torn from your native African soil, brought in slave ships under 
fiendish conditions to the shores of America, and sold into slavery. For two 
hundred and fifty years you toiled under the lash of the overseer: Your labor. 
cleared the forest, built the roads, raised the cotton, laid the railroad tracks, 
and nurtured the Southern aristocracy. And what was your reward?—poverty, 
illiteracy, misery. You rebelled. Your history is rich in rebellion, insurrec- 
tion, underground railroads and the struggle for freedom. You had your. Nat 
Turners, your Denmark Veseys and Harriet Tubmans. * * * Then your 
sons were conscripted into the American army, Jim-Crowed into regiments. to 
fight for ‘‘ democracy” overseas. They made their sacrifices over there, you 
made your sacrifices here, and to what end? Is your life as a worker less 
insecure now than before the war? Are the capitalists less relentless, the 
landlords less grasping? Are your wives and mothers less overburdened? 
Are race riots, murders, lynchings, and violation of your womenfolk less fre- 
quent now? Has Jim-crowism, disfranchisement, race discrimination, and 
segregation been abolished since the war? Do you suffer less now trom the evils 
of peonage, wage slavery, child labor, and unemployment? Are your children in 
the South getting better schooling? * * * when you seek to protest and 
assert yourselves politically, you are met with intimidation; they steal or 
suppress or exchange the ballot boxes, remove the polls to unknown places, 
certify falsely against you and arrest you on the day before election, while 
ay, political tricks are practiced upon you to disqualify you as a voter. 

** *'.’ You are segregated, Jim-crowed, discriminated against and set apart 
as unclean things in the home, the school, the theatre, the restaurant, and 
other public places. They incite and lead mobs against you. They hang you 
and burn you at the stake. They terrorize your own people into murdering 
you. Not a week passes without one or two lynchings, which are advertised 
in advance by the bourbon press as a sort of free entertainment and recrea- 
tion. They charge you with rape and lynch you, while they themselves violate 
your wives and daughters with impunity. You live in the shadow of fear and 
face a stone wall of prejudice when you appeal for justice to the capitalist 
courts; but when you are haled into court, heavy fines and long-term sen- 
tences are imposed on you for the most trivial offenses and you are sent off 
to vile, disease-breeding prisons to work and suffer under unspeakable condi- 
tions. When radical leaders arise among you they are framed up, and with 
the connivance of the courts are taken from you. rae 

You go North in search of; freedom and. security, to, escape hunger and 
insult, oppression, and death, and what do you find?) Drawn by the thou- 
sands into industry over which you have no control, you are forced to work 
long hours at high speed and nervous tension for starvation wages, * * * 
You have race riots in the North. Blood has flowed freely on the streets of 
Ikast St. Louis, Chicago, and other northern cities; and, in Washington, in the 
shadow of the Capitalist White House. Relatives of your returned soldiers 
were beaten and killed. Fresh from the war for ‘‘ Democracy” and. while 
they were yet in their uniforms, your men were insulted and baited even 
lynched in their uniforms by the one hundred per cent »patriots, who, with their 
government, broke every promise made them. * * 

Oppressed Negro Workers and Farmers of Aanenirad these are some of the 
problems concerning, which we wish to confer with you in Moscow at the Con- 
gress. For years you have petitioned and appealed to the capitalist govern- 
ment at Washington for the redress of your wrongs, and all that that govern- 
ment did was to bribe your conservative leaders with an occasional politica) 
job and put you off with promises. You can expect little more than that 
from the government of your exploiters. The New Negro with a new spirit 


, RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA All 
_ has risen in America, and you are no longer willing to submit in silence. . You 
' are beginning to realize the power of united action. 

You see for yourselves that everywhere the workers are rising. * * * 
For over three years the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia have been 
waging a heroic fight against a whole world of enemies. * * * Oppressed 
African Workers and Farmers, wherever you are, in Africa, America, the West 
Indies, or in other parts of the world, you are struggling against the cruel 
and relentless exploitation of world capital. We, the representatives of the 
Communist International, who have already acquired valuable experience in 
our struggle, come to help you in yours. The Executive Committee of the 
Communist International which has already come to the aid of the oppressed 
workers and peasants of the Near East, of Persia, Mesopotamia, Armenia. 
Syria, Arabia, and other darker peoples will welcome you in Moscow, and to- 
gether we will discuss the question of uniting the efforts of the European and 
American proletariat with your struggles against the common enemy. Take 


_ every necessary measure so that you may come to Moscow on————, in the 
greatest poss ble numbers. On -———— large numbers of oppressed African 


peasants and workers from every part of the world will assemble at Moscow 

for the great council of liberation of the African people. May your Congress 

tell your enemies in your own countries and in all the countries of the world 

that you have set a period to your slavery. May it inspire the millions of 

‘enslaved Africans everywhere and renew their confidence in their own 
_ strength. May your Congress hasten the day of final liberation. 


EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


The attention of the Communist International was called to the 

possibility of Communist propaganda among the negroes as early 

_as its second Congress, by John Reed, who in an address at the Con- 
gress said: 


The return from the front of the American Army brought 4,000,000 of white 
laborers to the labor market. This resulted in a lack of work and an eyvi- 
dence of impatience on the part of the demobilized’ soldiers, who threatened 
the employers to such a degree and extent that the employers were compelled 
to direct this general dissatisfaction along another line, which they did 
by informing the soldiers that their places had been given to negro workers. 
They thus provoked the white laborers into starting a massacre of the negroes. 
The first struggle took place in the National Capital at Washington, where 
petty government officials after their return from the war found their places 
oceupied by negroes. The majority of these officials were from the South. 
They organized a night attack on the negroes of the city in order to intimidate 
them and induce them to vacate their positions. To the great surprise of all, 
however, the negroes appeared on the streets fully armed, and they fought 
with such bravery that for each negro killed three whites were killed. 


In the “ Workers’ Challenge,” organ of the Minority Group, Com- 
munist Party of America, issue of December 30, 1920, there appears 
in an editorial entitled “The Negro in America” the following: 


Many a scion of old New England families is living in luxury and euse 
upon fortunes founded upon the traffic in molasses, rum, and black slaves. 
* * * Denied an education, denied the right of association with his white 
fellow workers in the trade union, robbed of h’s franchise and his citizenship, 
herded into black districts: and Jim Crow cars, segregated and shorn of the 
respect and courtesy due to one human being by another, he was helpless to 
make any effectual protest or to protect himself. 

For years the South has spread a filthy slander against his entire race. 
Statistics will show as great a number of white men as of negroes, in propor- 
tion to the population, guilty of the crime of rape. * * * How many negro 
women have been raped by white men in the South? Or is an assault upon 
one of these women still considered one of the privileges of the superior white 
as it was in the days of chattel slavery? * * * 

We extend to our colored working-class brother the right hand of unequivocal 
fellowship. If he will associate with us for human freedom through workers’ 
control of industry under a workers’ government, he is our own, our equal 


82325—24—PTt 2—--17 


412 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


comrade, Join us and help make the world safe for humanity—white, yellow, 
and black. 


“The Communist,” Organ of the III Communist International, 
published by the Executive Committee of the Communist Party of 
Great Britain, in its issue of July 30th, 1921, contains an article by 
L. C. Fraina, of the American Communist, Party, from which the 
following is quoted: 


The third task is to mobilize the Negro workers in the struggle against 
Capitalism, to make the Communist Party the representative of this oppressed 
race (numbering about 12,000,000), to divert the fight of the Negro from a 
race struggle into a struggle for the proletarian revolution. : 

And then we must unite with the revolutionary workers of Latin-America 
in a joint struggle against American Imperialism, the most dominant and 
brutal in the world. The American Revolution is a revolution of the whole 
united proletariat of North and South America. 

Those are the tasks of the American Party. And they will be done. 


Among the organizations which have received special attention 
from Communist sources is the African Blood Brotherhood which 
in The Communist, official organ of the Communist Party of Am- 
erica, issue of October 1921, was referred to as follows: 


The African Blood Brotherhood, headed by Briggs, is more militant than any 
of the others. Its slogan is ‘“ Immediate protection and ultimate liberation for 
Negroes everywhere.” It preaches cooperation with white radical forces. 
It is an organization of defense against lynching and terrorism. 


On December 5, 1922, the following information was received by 
the Government : iat ah 


There are now in Moscow certain negroes from the United States who are 
taking part in the Congress of the Third International. They are Sayesh, 
Johnston, Claude MacKay, and J. Billings. These men reached Moscow by 
way of Siberia. MacKay will stay there as chief of the negro section. The 
others expect to go back to the United States by the Siberian route. About 
December 10 they expect to leave Moscow. It is probable that those going 
back to the United States will attempt to ship on vessels at Shanghai. The 
head of the delegation is Billings, who is an ardent communist. He is an 
advocater of the policy that the negroes and communists in the United States 
should take joint action. sillings introduced a resolution. at the Congress 
which was adopted 6n November 25, declaring that in 1923 there is to be held: 
in Moscow a world Congress of negroes. The resolution also calls for the adop- 
tion of propaganda of an energetic character to invite negroes in the United 
States to adopt the views of the Third International. 


The following is from a letter by Trotzky, published in the Mos- 
cow Izvestia of February 15, 19238: , 


fTReE TRAINING OF THE BLACK AGITATORS IS THE MOST IMPORTANT REVOLUTIONARY 
PROBLEM OF THE MOMENT 


(5) This problem becomes more complicated in the United States of America: 
on account of the abominable stupidity and race hatred among the privileged 
circles of the working class itself, which do not want to recognize negroes as 
brethren in labor and struggle. Gompers’ policy, is based entirely’ on this 
prejudice, and up to the present time is the best guarantee for the enslavery of 
the white and black workmen. Deadly struggle against this policy must be 
carried on everywhere. One of the most important methods of struggle 
against this capitalistic corruption of minds is to wake up the human dignity 
and revolutionary protest among the black slaves of American capital. This 
work can be best carried on by the devoted and politically educated negro 
revolutionists. Naturally the work must not assume the character of “ black: 
chauvinism,” but must be carried on in the spirit of solidarity among all 
laborers regardless of the color of their skin. J, am at a loss to say what are 
the most expedient organization forms for the movement among the American 


i! 
| 
I 


1 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 413 


“negroes. because I am not familiar with the concrete conditions and possibili- 


) ties. sut the organization forms will be found as soon as sufficient will for 
“action is displayed. 
With communistic greetings, L. TrorzKy. 


The Negro question was discussed at the 22nd session of the Fourth 


Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, November 25, 


1922. The speakers were Billings and McKay, both of America. 
The Chairman of this session was ‘Kolar off, of Bulgaria. 
Billings said in part: 


The three most impor tant negro organizations operating to-day are, firstly, 
what is known. as. the Natiorial Association for the, Advancement of. Colored 
People, an organization which is composed of a large proletarian element led 
by bourgeois intellectuals, *  *  * Then we come to the other more interest- 
ing form of organization, which is known as the Garvey Association, an organi- 
zation that is ultranationalist, yet composed of a rebel rank and file element. 
It is an organization which, in spite of the fact that it has drafted on its pro- 
gramme various cheap stock schemes, is influencing the minds of the negroes 
against imperialism. * * * The third organization is’ the African Blood 
Brotherhood, a radical negro organization which bases its programme upon the 
abolition of capitalism. It was the one organization which during the time of 
a race riot in Tulsa, Oklahoma, put up a splendid and courageous fight, and the 
one to which the capitalist class in America is going to turn its attention next. 

We have also in Africa certain small organizations which get their direct in- 


'spiration from America, the headquarters and center of political thought among 


_negroes. These organizations are stretching out and developing as far as the 


Sudan. These can be utilized by Communists if the means of propaganda are 
carefully, deliberately, and intensively used to link up these movements. We 
see in them a sort of organization which will react against imperialism through- 
out the world. 

There are in the United States about 450 negro newspapers and magazines. 
and, while they are mostly strictly racial, they have a great influence upon the 
negro masses everywhere. There is, for instance, the Chicago Defender, which 
issues 250,000 copies weekly, which are spread all over the world, wherever 


there are large groups of negroes. Then there is the Crisis, a monthly magazine 
S e = 


which has a circulation of over 600,000. These papers, and especially the Chi- 
cago Defender and others with a smaller circulation, have constantly used 
radical propaganda material that we sent out. 

The negroes feel the impending crisis which will break out in the south 
between black and white. It was in the south that the seed was sown, and the 
results are bound to come in some way. It will probably take the form of race 
rioting on a very large scale. (Fourth Congress of the Communist Interna- 
tional, 1922, Abridged Report, pp. 258 and 259.) 


McKay made the following statements in the course of his speech: 


* * * However, regarding the negroes themselves, I feel that as the sub- 
ject races of other nations have come to Moscow to learn how to fight against 
their exploiters, the negroes will also come to Moscow. In 1918, when the 
Third International published its Manifesto and included that part referring 
to the exploited colonies, there were several groups of negro radicals in America 
that sent this propaganda out among their people. When in 1920 the American 
government started to investigate and to suppress radical propaganda among 
the negroes, the small radical negro groups in America retaliated by publishing 
the fact that the Socialists stood for the emancipation of the negroes, and that 
reformist America could do nothing for them. Then, I think, for the first time 
in American history the American negroes found that Karl Marx had been 
interested in their emancipation and had fought valiantly for it. 

I hope that as a symbol that the negroes:of the warld will not be used by the 
international bourgeoise in the final conflicts against the world revolution, we 
shall soon see a few negro soldiers in the finest, bravest, and cleanest fighting 
forces in the world—the Red Army and Navy of Russia—fighting not only for 
their own emancipation, but also for the emancipation of the whole world. 
(Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922,, Abridged Report, pp. 
261 and 262.) 





414 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The Chairman, Kolaroff, made the following statement on the 
Negro Question: 


I call your attention to the fact that this is the first time that the Negro 
problem has been brought before the World Congress of the Comitern. I do not 
believe it necessary to prove the importance of this question. We have to win 
over to our side a. race which has lived till now in a ‘state of oppression. The 
Negro Commission has adopted the resolution which is somewhat too theoretical 
in form and may not be wholly understood by the working elass and the lower 
section of the black race. The Presidium therefore decided to refer this reso- 
lution back to the Commission to be altered and simplified. (Fourth Congress 
of the Communist International, 1922, Abridged Report, p. 262.) 


The resolution eventually adopted and circulated reads in part: 


. The history of, the negro in America fits him for an important role in 
pea liberation struggle of the entire African race. *. *. * 

5. It is. with intense pride that the Communist International sees the ex- 
polited negro workers resist the attacks of the exploiter, for the enemy of his 
race and the enemy of the white workers is one and the same—Capitalism and 
Jmperialism. |The international struggle of the negro race is a struggle against 
Capitalism and Imperialism. It is on the basis of this struggle that the world 
negro moyement must be organized. In America, as the centre of negro culture 
and the erystallization of negro protest; in Africa, the reservoir of human labor 
for the further development of capitalism; in Central America, Costa Riea, 
Guatemala, Colombia, Nicaragua, and other “ independent” republics, where 
American imperialism dominates in Porto Riea, Haiti, Santo Domingo, and 
other islands. washed by the waters of the Caribbean where the brutal.treat- 
ment of our black fellow-men by the American occupation has aroused the pro- 
test of the conscious negro and the revolutionary white workers everywhere; 
in South Afriea and the Congo, where the ‘growing industrialization of the. 
negro population bas resulted in various forms of uprisings; in Hast Africa, 
where the recent penetration of world capital is stirring the native populations 
into an active opposition to imperialism, in all these centres the negro movement 
must be organized. 

+. It is the task of the Communist International to point out to these negro 
people that they are not the only people suffering from oppression of capitalism - 
and imperialism; that the workers and peasants of Hurope and Asia and of the 
Americas are also victims to imperialism; that the struggle against imperialism 
is not the struggle of any one people, but of all the peoples of the world; that 
in India and China, in Persia and Turkey, in Egypt and Morocco, the oppressed 
coloured colon al: peoples are struggling heroieally against their imperialist 
exploiters; that these people are rising against the sameevils that the negroes: 
are rising against racial oppression and discrimination, and intensified indus- 
trial exploitation—that these people strive for political, industrial, and social 
liberation and, equality. ; | 

The Communst International, which represents the revolutionary werkers 
and peasants of the whole world in the struggle to break the power of imperial- 
ism, is not simply the organization of enslaved white workers of Europe and 
America, but equally the organization of the oppressed coloured peoples of the 
world, and feels it to be its,duty to encourage and support the internationalist, 
Baraat riapee of the negro people in their struggle against the common enemy. 

The negro problem has become a vital question of the world revolution 

Bi the Third International, which has already recognized what valuable aid 
can be rendered to the Proletarian Revolution by colored Asiati¢ peoples in semi- 
capitalist countries. likewise regards the cooperation of our oppressed. black | 
fellow-man as essential to the Proletarian Revolution and. the destruction, of . 
capitalist power |The Fourth Congress accordingly declares it to be a special. 
duty of Communists to apply the * Thesis on Colonial Questions” to the negro 
problem. é 

6. The Fourth Congress recognizes the necessity of supporting every form 
of negro movement which tends to undermine or weaken capitahanin or im- 
perialism or to impede its further penetration, 

ak % * oo % % * 

2. The Communist International will fight for race equality of the negro 
with the white people, as well as for equal wages and political and social 
rights. 


a * * * * * * 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 415 


4. The Communist International will take immediate steps to hold a general 
Negro Conference ov Congress in Moscow. (Resolutions and ‘Theses of the 
Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922, pp. 84, 85, 86, and 87.) 


It may be noted that the individual referred to previously 
as “Sasha” or “Sayesh” is known to be Rose Pastor Stokes, the 
prominent Communist and Workers’ Party propagandist, one of the 
defendants in the trial arising from the Bridgman, Michigan, under- 
ground Convention of the Communist Party, et cetera. ; 

There are submitted herewith photostat copies of two photographs 
procured by the State Department: from confidential sources. One 
shows Rose Pastor Stokes, with Billings, Katayama, and McNay. 
The second photograph shows Rose Pastor Stokes as the center of 
a group of thirteen, Directly behind her stands Claude McKay 
(negro delegate), on her right is seated Katayama (Japanese), and 
second from her on the left is “Bill” Haywood. Billings and, 
Johnston, other negro delegates, are also included in this photograph. 


(Photographs not printed.) 

I. Amter, who is now in Russia as a delegate of the Workers’ 
Party to the Cominunist International, is the author of an article 
n The “Communist International.” Nos. 26 and 27, entitled * The 
Black Victims of Imperialism,” from which the following is quoted : 


The negro problem is one of, the burning problems of the day. Wherever 
negroes are to be found they are heing kept in a state of ignorance and help- 
lessness in order that capitalism may have an abundant supply of cheap labor. 
In the United States. where the most cultured section of the negro race lives, 
the negro suffers endless diseriminations and restrictions. 


m p 
% 2k 


k * 4 * 
The beastial treatment in America, where, despite the Civil War, the negro 
is still without rights; the beatings, reduction to peonage, the disfranchisement 
of most of the race, the lynching, and periodical race riots; amd, finally, the 
subjection of the predominantly negro States of the West Indies to the rule of 
American imperialism with its accompanying massacres-—these are further 
chapters in the crucifixion of a whole race. 
4 * a * < * 


es 


There is a radical negro organization in the United. States, “ The African 
Blood Brotherhood,’ which is sympathetic to the Communist International 
and is endeavoring to organize the colorecd. workers for a united front with 
the white workers against capitalism. Raider 

What is the answer of the Communist International to the negroes? 

The Communist International points out to the 150,000,000 negroes, of Africa 
and America that their problem is merely a phase of the general problem of 
the emancipation of the working class of the world. 


NEGRO EXPLOITATION PHASE OF WORKING-CLASS EXPLOITATION 


he 150,000,000 negroes of Africa and America must learn to understand that 
as a race they must combine to fight not the white workers, but the capitalist 
system, which exploits the white workers as well as the negroes. Although 
the negro problem to-day is a race problem, in the final analysis it is a class 
problem and can only be solved when the working class as a whole unites in 
the struggle for power. 


UNITES REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS AND. OPPRESSED 
PEOPLES 


COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


The Conumunist International is closing the circle of the forces destined to 
fight against imperialism. The peoples of the East have joined, the revolution- 
ary workers and peasants of Europe, America, and Australia in the, struggle 
for liberation. Africa, the home of the most exploited people, must, be added 
to the battle line. The American negro by reason of his higher education and 


416 RECOGNITION ‘OF RUSSIA 


culture and his greater aptitude for leadership, and because of the urgency of 
the issues in America, will furnish the leadership for the negro race, 

The Negro World Congress decided upon by the Fourth Congress of the 
Communist International must soon be held. It will erystallize the negro 
sentiment and create an organization that will be representative of the whole 
negro race. 

The Communist International is the only international of workers that has 
squarely faced the issue of the colored races and sought a solution, The Second 
International has always evaded the question since it has been an international 
of the white workers alone and has not succeeded even in uniting them in 
international action. At the recent Hamburg Conference, no colored delegate:or 
representative of the colored races was present. 

The Communist International is the organization that alone can. unite the 
negroes with the revolutionary workers and peasants of the world for the 
struggle against exploitation and for the establishment of working-class power. 


The author of the above was a member of the Executive Committee 
of the Communist Party of America, and is a member of the 
Workers’ Party of, America. 

At the Workers’ Party Convention held December, 1921, there 
were present two delegates from the African Blood Brotherhood. 

The persistent and continuing propaganda to enlist. the negro 


- 


population in active efforts in behalf of Communism is shown by 
excerpts from the official press of the Workers’ Party, relative to 
negro activities, attached to and made a part of this memorandum. 
Further evidence is shown by the fact that at the Bridgman under- 
ground Convention of the Communist Party of America, held in 
August, 1922, Jay Lovestone. Executive Secretary of the Communist 
Party of America, and member of the Central Executive Committee, 
had in his possession what purports to be a “ brief statement of the 
progress and aims of the African Blood Brotherhood” which calls 
for a liberated race “ liberated not merely from alien political rule 
but also from the crushing weight of capitalism ” absolute race equal- 
ity, “political, social, and economic.” the fostering of race pride, 
“fellowship within the darker races and with the class conscious 
and revolutionary white workers” et cetera, 
Ihe document further reads: 


HOW TO ORGANIZE THE NEGRO 


In order that the negro may be reached with education and propaganda and 
that he may be organized for activity, the following methods are recommended : 

1. Nuclei shall’ be established in all existing negro organizations, such as 
fraternal, religious, and labor organizations, cooperatives, tenant farmers’ 
leagues, ete, 

2. Colored organizers and speakers: shall be sent among negroes in order 
to inform them and win their confidence. 

3. Newspapers and publications shall be established or, when this is not 
feasible, news service shall be established by friendly cooperation with colored 
hewspapers of liberal tenor. 

4+. Friendship of liberal-minded negro ministers shall be sought, as these men 
are at the present time the leaders of the negro masses and many of them 
are earnest but lack scientific knowledge. 

5. Conferences on the economic conditions among the negroes shall be held 
from time to time with these ministers, educators, and other liberal elements, 
and through their influence the party shall aim to secure a more favorable 
hearing before the negro masses. 

6. By means of its membership the party shall penetrate the existing forums, 
literary societies, lyceums, schools, colleges, teachers’ institutes, ete., of the 
colored people, and establish forums of its own for the enlightenment of the 


negro population. Bie 


oa 


~~ 
| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA Ags 


7. Where other forms of activity are impossible or impracticable, as in certain 


_ Southern districts, cooperatives may be formed. 


8. The party shall penetrate existing anti-Ku Klux Klan organizations and 
shall form organizations wherever none exist. As this is one of the most 
violent forms of suppression of the negro at the present time, the formation 
of such anti-Ku Klux Klan organizations shall be fostered with all energy. 


An active branch of the African Blood Brotherhood exists in 
Chicago, Illinois. Propaganda activities along Communist and 
African Blood Brotherhood lines are pronounced in New York City 
and in other large cities. 


COMMUNISM AMONG THE NEGROES 
‘PRESS SECTION 


In the Press Section of this report, under Foreign Language Com- 
munist. Press, 1923, attention is called to the speeches made by the 
Shh Ve, Vek Rees ee Pr) x i : X 
negroes, Billings and McKay, at the Fourth Congress of the Com- 
munist International, which drew forth the following remarks from 
Kolaroff, as Chairman, at the Congress: 


I call your attention to the fact that this is the first time that the Negro 
problem has been brought before the World Congress of the Comintern. T do 
not believe it necessary to prove the importance of this question. We have to 
win over to our side a race which has lived till now in a state of oppression. 


Turning first to the Communist press itself on Communist interest 
in the negro, it is to be noted that the “ Worker,” official organ of the 
“ Workers’ Party of America,” published in its December 2, 1922, 
issue, the Program of the Workers’ Party of America, in which it is 
declared that— 


The Workers’ Party will support the negroes in their struggle for liberation 
and will help them in their fight for economic, political, and educational 
equality. It will seek to end the policy of discrimination followed by the labor 
unions. It will endeavor to destroy altogether the barrier of race prejudice 
that has been used to keep apart the black and white workers and to weld 
them into a solid union for the struggle against the capitalists who exploit and 
oppress them. 


Rose Pastor Stokes, writing in the “ Worker ” of March 10, 1925. 
on “ The Communist International and the Negra,” refers to the two 
“ ouests ” of the Fourth Congress as follows: 


One of the most significant developments in the Fourth Congress of the Com- 
munist International was the creation of a Negro Commission and the adoption 
of the Commission’s Thesis on the Negro Question, which concludes with the 
declaration that “the Fourth Congress recognizes the necessity of supporting 
every form of Negro Movement which tends to undermine capitalism and 
imperialism or to impede their further progress,” pledges the Communist 
International to fight for race equality of the Negro with the White people, 
for equal wages and political and social rights,” to “exert every effort to admit 
Negroes into Trade Unions,” and to “ take immediate steps to hold a general 
Negro Conference or Congress in Moscow.” ; 

Two American Negroes were guests of the Congress. One, a poet, the other 
a speaker and organizer, both young and energetic, devoted to the cause of 
Negro liberation and responsive to the ideals,of the revolutionary proletariat. 
They charmed the delegates with their fine personalities. Both addressed the 
Congress and won prolonged applause, while Comrade Radek threw his arms 
about one of them as he came from the platform, delighted to find such a clear 
and able comrade representing the oppressed Negro workers. 


418 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


“The Worker “of April 28, 1923, published the following article 
by a contributor, O. E. Huiswood, an organizer of the African Blood 
Brotherhood, the negro communist organization: 


The Negro Problem is one of the most important problems facing the Workers 
Party. Fundamentally an economic problem, but intensified by racial antagon- 
ism it demands our special attention and careful study. 

The Negro population constitutes one-tenth of the population of the Country 
and is a most important factor for the success or failure of any working-class 
movement. It is overwhelmingly a proletarian mass. It is the most. ruth- 
lessly exploited of any working-class group. 

Kighty per cent of the Negroes live in the South. Here is where the class 
struggle rages in its most brutal form. Oppressed and exploited beyond de- 
scription in order to pile up huge profits for the landowning class, the Negro 
can barely eke out a miserable existence. Peonage is rampant. He is dis- 
franchised and segregated. Lynching and burning at the stake has become 
a famous American pastime. 

The gigantic butchery-—the World War—shook the very foundations of 
Capitalist Society and destroyed its equilibrium. It has also shattered the 
apathy of the Negro workers; they are now sharply conscious of their wrongs 
as Negroes. One may reflect upon the part played by the Negro in the Wash- 
ington and Chicago Race Riots. They did not Jet themselves be shot down 
as dogs; instead, they put up an effective and organized resistance. There is 
also developing a revolutionary element among the Negroes. This element 
recognizes clearly the source of their explo:tation and the reasons for their 
oppression, 

Disappointed and disillusioned by the constant failures of the political re- 
former to secure any redress of their wrongs, Many Negroes are turning to 
radical movements and are act ng as a leaven for the Masses. They are at 
present race conscious It is the duty of the revolutionists to turn this race 
consciousness into class-consciousness. But it. requires persistency and tact. 
It is the duty of the Workers’ Party to attract this section of the Amer can 
Working class. And the Party must in all seriousness undertake to win the 
support of the Negro workers. Just as they are used by the ruling class to-day 
as strike breakers, so will they be used in the future to crush any revolutionary 
attempt on the part of the white workers. And the capitalist class ‘s preparing 
for this event, They are building a new Armory in the Negro distriet—what 
for? Well, you may guess. 

Comrades, it is your duty to aid these masses in their struggle against peon- 
age, and against economic exploitation. It is your duty to rally the Negre 
workers under the revolutionary banner of the working class movement. Com- 
rades. go to the Negro Masses! 


“The Worker ” of August 11, 1923, published the following item 
with reference to O. E. Huiswood and the African Blood Brother- 
hood: 

HUISWOOD OUT TO ORGANIZE NEGRO LABOR 


CHIcAGO.—Three weeks of organization among the Negro workers of Chicago 
are ending with the departure for Pittsburgh of O. E. Huiswood, organizer 
for the African Blood Brotherhood, the radical Negro organization. 

Both new immigrants from the southern states and long settled residents of 
Chicago were urged to join trade-unions and resist the efforts of openshop em- 
ployers to make the Negro a weapon in breaking down standards of living. 

The African Blood Brotherhood was organized in New York in 1919. It now 
has many branches in many states as well as in British Guiana and Trinidad. 
Organization in Cuba is next on the program. Cooperation is sought between 
colored and white workers on the basis of their identity of interests as 
workers, Education of the negro along the line of the class interests as a 
worker is promoted and union organization urged. Class consciousness as a 
worker leads race consciousness in the brotherhood’s methods. 

Mob law and peonage in the south is opposed, together with industrial 
capitalist exploitation of the Negro in the north. 

The brotherhood maintains the Crusader press service, sent to over 100 
Negro papers twice weekly; sends organizers into the industrial centers, oper- 
ates forums and classes, watches for open-shop abuse of the Negro and exposes 


i 


; RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 419 


the conditions in the south that force the Negro to flee to the north for safety 
and a livelihood. 


“The Worker ” of August 18, 1923, contained an editorial entitled, 
* Organizing the Negroes,” which read as follows: 
q . 


The African Blood Brotherhood is carrying on an intensive educational and 
organizational campaign among the Negro workers in the nation’s great indus- 
trial centers. This is an important effort. It should be given every support, 
aot only by the Negro workers themselves, but by both political and economic 
organizations of the white workers. “All labor, both black and white must 
unite on the broad basis of common class interests. 


. The foreign language press shows itself fully aware of the poten- 
tialities of the negro situation. “Laisve,” Lithuanian Communist 
daily. organ of the Workers Party of America, of Brooklyn, New 
York, in the issue of January 19, 1923, for instance, says: | 


The only way out for the blacks is a common point with the white workers 

against the common enemy, the capitalist class. Nor will it be possible for the 
whites to overthrow the bourgeoisie without the aid of the blacks. 
Instead of fostering hatred for the oppressed and down-trodden Negroes 
the white workers should call them into the common fold, should open to them 
the doors of their organizations. We must accept the negroes into our ranks 
in a spirit of friendship and brotherhood. 


P And“ Laisve,” of May 8, 1923: 


| The Negro, no less than the white immigrant, must be met with agitation: 
propaganda, and class education. 


“The International Press Correspondence,” June 14, 1923, pub- 
lished an article on “A frica’s Awakening,” which was in large part de- 
voted to the negro in the United States. The hope was expressed that 
official Communism “ will devote special attention to the negro ques- 
tion and to the preliminary work necessary for the calling of a World 
Negro Congress under the banner of the Comintern.” 

“Freiheit,’ Jewish Communist organ of the Workers’ Party of 
America, in its July 22, 1923, issue takes up editorially the Negro 
Problem on the Order of the Day and states in part: 


The radical workers in this country unfortunately do not utilize properly the 
negro question. No enlightening activities are being carried on now among 
the negroes just arrived North, as well as among their comrades in Dixie 
Land who have not as yet found a chance of fleeing the lynch-ridden states. 
The negroes in the South ought to be pointed out that by fleeing to the North 
they can not improve their condition to a considerable extent, that through 
organization they could obtain treatment not worse than that meted out to their 
white-skinned comrades. The negroes in the North must be pointed out that 
by remaining unorganized they are enabling their employers to convert the 
“ naradise land” into something not much better than the South. Besides this, 
the negroes will arouse conscious white workers who will be regarding them 
as dangerous competitors. 


The Moscow “ Izvestia,” official organ of the Communist Interna- 
tional. for November 16, 1922 had two articles on the subject of the 
American Negro from which the following quotations are derived : 


The Communist International has a virgin field for its activities. It is true 
that the cultural level of the colored proletariat is stil low. But one must not 
forget that it, the colored proletariat, is subjected to unusual exploitations. It 
toils for starvation wages, its status is appalling, and its communion with the 
white proletariat—communion promising it emancipation from oppression and 
exploitation—must meet with enthusiastic response amidst the colored pro- 
letariat. And upon taking into consideration the fact that on the whole the 
pegro mass is healthy, little corrupted by the bourgeois civilization, and toil- 
some, we have all the reasons to believe that revolutionary, and particularly 


490 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Communist propaganda, bas all the chances of making progress amidst th 
colored proletariat. 

That is why the presence of the first negro delegates at the Congress of th. 
Comintern is to be acclaimed. They are the first larks to bring the spring 
Others will follow in their wake. It is true that the negroes of North Americ: 
only are so far represented at the Congress; the African Negroes constitutin; 
the bulk of the black race are not represented here. But it is to be hoped tha 
through the medium of the American Negroes the Communist propaganda wil 
penetrate the virgin lands of Africa. Something in that direction is bein; 
done by the white proletariat of South Africa. But this is very inadequat: 
in the light of historic conditions thanks to which the negro masses will heec 
the voice of their colored brethren in America rather than that of white prole 
tariat which they distrust. It is just the negroes of North America embrac 
ing representatives of various colored peoples and tribes who are able to anc 
must have'a negro Communist literature and press of their own, agitators anc 
propagandists to carry on the work not only in the United States but also in 
Africa through correspondence and through despatching special emissaries 
thither. 

The task is difficult in the light of the altogether specific conditions of folk- 
lore and culture. It is. however. one of the most grateful tasks confronting 
the Communist International. On the one hand it is bound to relieve the 
struggle of the white proletariat in those places where the white and black 
proletariat live alongside one another, for instance America. On the other 
hand, it will wake a race which hitherto slept a sound sleep while playing a 
Significant part in the world economy. However, hard the task may be in 
its initial phase, we must not get discouraged. As an example, let us point out 
to the vast communist movement which we have succeeded in developing amone 
the Malayan proletariat. It is true that the latter is by far superior to the 
Majority of the Negro race, but this means that the task will only be a little 
harder. The results of the work are so important that all the difficulties on 
its road must be removed through joint efforts of all the communist parties 
and through their active material and moral support. 

The colossal task of organization of the negro masses, the millions of farm 
workers and the hundreds of thousands of industrial workers, has not yet begun. 
After the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, where this question will be taken 
up by a special commitee, the Communist Party of America will have the task 
of developing the propaganda and the work of organization among the colored 
comrades, to overcome their distrust and to emancipate them from all vestige 
of prejudice, with a view to Swelling the Communist ranks with another militant 
factor—the toiling negroes of North America. We must create favorable con- 
ditions for the general struggle on the economic organizations. We must base 
ourselves in our activities upon the cooperation of the negro communists who 
can spread the Communist idea among the negro masses with more success than 
we, for the feeling of distrust in the whites has not yet been rooted out. We 
must organize among the comrade-negroes nuclei and make them functioning 
centers of our work. 

The question requires profound study. .The results of the task and their 
importance to the social revolution make the task worthwhile. 


From the negro press, the “ Crusader” of June, 1922, was “the 
Proletarian Number.” It carried a double-page advertisement of the 
Friends of Soviet Russia. It also carried an article on “ The Passing 
of the World Robbers,” the world robbers being the Christain Cauca- 
sian races, of whom we are told: 


From the ends of the world the whisper runs that the day of European van- 
dalism is nearing its end and the children of the Far East, together with such of 
Europe’s sons as are susceptible to reform, will again administer the affairs of 
mankind, and the civilization that was founded on fraud and deception will be 
ohne with Nineveh and Tyre. Beyond the Carpathians, Russia, mother of the 
New Day, sits nursing the Infant Era. Kgypt stirs uneasily in her sleep, and 
India shakes her chains furiously, while the litle Jap, himself a copyist of 
imperialistic ways, whets his sword for the drunken Cyclops of the western 
world. His house of cards tumbling through his own insane ravings, the sun of 
history is setting on the spiked helmet of Nietsche’s blond beast. 


World Brigands, humanity greets your passing with a sigh of relief. Good- 
bye, good luck, G —— you! 


eyes 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA A491 


An editorial in the June, 1922, “ Crusader” stated: 


solshevism and Mohammedanism are both vital factors in the Negro-liberation 
struggle for a free Africa and an emancipated race. *) * * 
' Bolshevism and Mohammedanism are easily the two greatest factors to-day 
‘moving for the liberation of Africa. The Ethiopian movement in South Africa 
‘is another great force. The liberation movement that has its origin and base in 
fe United States, while destined to be the great unifying and guiding force of 
e struggle for African freedom, is as yet, despite and perhaps because of its 
big noise and startling effects, in its infancy. However, the position of the 
‘American Negro at the heart of a great imperialist power, where he will be able 
i exert a tremendous political and economic effect. on world affairs as soon as 
is strength is properly organized, easily predestines him to leadership in the 
great struggle. It is therefore highly important that the leaders of the race in 
‘America who profess to be working for the liberation of Africa should have a 
clear grasp of world affairs and be both wise and courageous enough to be 
willing to cooperate with and utilize the tremendous forces represented by 
Mohammedanism and Bolshevism. 


_ From another editorial the conclusion reads: 


— * * * But the Scimitar is shining with the Hammer and Sickle of the East. 
and from Ind to Senegal the revolutionary pot is brewing..And: neither, anglo- 
Saxon cant and hypocrisy nor the combined might of the impoverished capitalist 
power of Europe can stop the birth of the New Era of Universal Peace based 
‘upon universal justice. 

. Hail the Revolution! Long live the People! Down with the capitalist domi- 
Nation and exploitation of Africa and Asia! The dawn ’s in the Hast! 

~ The“ Messenger ” (of April, 1923, in an editorial “* Why Not Recog- 
nize Soviet Russia?” states: 

What one group of workers has done, others can do, is not an unlikely sug- 
gestion of a workers’ government anywhere to other exploited and oppressed 
workers. The tendency to imitate in others that which is believed to yield 
power, pleasure, and happiness is strong in groups as well as in individuals. 
‘Thus, Soviet Russia stands as a practical, living suggestion to the submerged 
toiling masses to dispense with capitalist misrule. 


And arguing further for recognition of Russia : 


* * * the life of Russia is only secure in proportion as other workers’ 
republics rise throughout the world. 


_ Elsewhere in this issue of “The Messenger ” we read: 


The great issue in the United States is not Black or White but Robbers and 
Robbed. 
_ In connection with the different and differing negro factions, it 
ds said: 

With this section (the negro “ radical or left wing”) political and economic 
YTadicalism is the dominant note, treating race as an incident of the larger 


world problem of class conflict. The radical black and white leaders combine 
to unite black and white workers. 


I, W. W. ACTIVITIES 


Until 1919 the principal radical organization in the United States 
was the Industrial Workers of the World, composed almost entirely 
of dissatisfied elements 1 in American labor life which were agitating 
for a “ one big union” program and the capture of the state through 
the taaustrial field. This element was a branch of the labor move- 
ment in the United States, to which the authorities at Moscow first 
gave their attention. 


4992 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


EFFORTS TO ALIGN THE I. W. W. WITH COMMUNIST MOVEMENT 


In the original call of the Third International in 1919 an invita 
tion was extended to the I. W. W. to attend and participate in th: 
conferences of that organization. From 1919 to the present dat 
every effort has been made by the Communist International an: 
their sympathizers in the United States to align the I. W. W. witl 
the Communist movement. These efforts have met, in a measure, wit! 
success, as various leaders of factions within the I. W. W. have joinec 
the Communists, as, for instance, William D. Haywood and othe: 
men associated with him, However, the organization as a body ha: 
not as yet affiliated itself with the Communist movement. In thx 
latter part of 1923 particular attention was given to enrolling the I 
W. W. with the Communists. 

On October 26, 1923, a meeting was held at 1009 North State Street. 
Chicago, at which the following persons were present : James P. Can- 
non, National Chairman of the Workers’ Party of America; Willian 
Z. Foster, Secretary-Treasurer of the Trade Union Educational! 
League; Robert Minor; Harrison George; Mike Novak; Hugh R. 
Richards; Verne Smith, Editor of “ Solidarity,” the I. W. W. Weekly 

The meeting was called for the purpose of devising ways anc 
means to open a drive by the Communists to effect unity between 
the I. W.-W. and the Communists. After considerable discussion. 
it was agreed that William Z. Foster should send a cablegram. to 
A. Losovsky, Secretary of the Red Labor International at Moscow. 
recommending that Minor and Cannon, who are the representatives 
of the Red Labor International, be named as fraternal delegates 
of the Red Labor International to the I. W. W. General Convention 
which was to be held in Chicago on November 15, 1923. It was 
also decided to issue leaflets, to use the Communist press, and to 
attack the I. W. W., if the convention refused to seat the fraternal 
delegates. Verne Smith, editor of: “Solidarity,” the: I. W. W. 
official weekly, agreed to furnish the Communists with the I. W. W. 
mailing list, so that the membership throughout the country might 
be reached with propaganda, to assist in the cause by writing favor- 
able articles for “ Solidarity.” According to Smith, the membership 
of the J. W. W. was 52.000 at that time. | 

The above was obtained through confidential sources, and is 
authentic. James P. Cannon and Robert Minor appeared as fra- 
ternal delegates at the I. W. W. convention, and, though they were 
not seated, they were permitted to address the convention. 

At the meeting above referred to, a cablegram was received 
from the Executive Bureau of the Red International at Moscow, 
signed by Andreas Inn, designating himself as Assistant General 
Secretary of the Red International, which read as follows: 

Executive Bureau R. I. L. U, authorizes Minor and Cannon speak IT. W. W, 
Convention behalf profintern (abbreviation for the Red International). 

Indicative of the early efforts of the Third International to align 
the I. W. W. with the Communist Party, are documents taken from a 
Bolshevik courier who was shot near the town of Marienthausen, 
while attempting to cross the Lettish lines. The documents taken 
included the following: 7 

1. Proposed agreement for Unification American Communist Party, and 
American Communist Labor Party. 


i 
4 
Hi — 


7 
| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 423 


| 2. Letter from Zinovieff, to the two previously mentioned parties, written 
ifter haying interviewed recently arrived American couriers, and for purposes 
jlosing present split between American Communist Parties. 

3. Appeal of Executive Committee, Third International, Moscow, to I. W. W. 
‘signed) Zinovieff, January, 1920. 


The courier carried an Austrian passport made out to Louis Miller, 
out the pass from the Communist International which he carried 
was made out to Anderson, a copy of which is available for examina- 
ion. This pass was signed by the responsible officials of the Com- 
munist International, and bore the date of 1920. The documents 
referred to are of interest. The second document, a letter from 
Zinoviev, addressed. to the Central Committees of the Communist 
Party of America, and the American Communist Labor Party relative 
‘o their differences, is of sufficient importance to quote therefrom the 
following paragraphs: 


The world revolution is inexorably growing; great possibilities and brilliant 
perspectives are opening up before fhe American proletariat! This is not the 
time for division of communist forces. 

* % * % x: x 

At bottom there are but certain disagreements on the question of tactics, 
principally questions of organization. 

; * % *% * % % 4: 

Insofar as both parties stand on the platform of the Communist Interna- 
tional—and of this we have not the slightest doubt—a united party is not only 
possible but is absolutely necessary, and the BE. C. categorically insists on this 
being immediately brought about. 

* * 

The American Communist Party is principally a foreign party embracing 
so-called “national” federations. The American Communist, Labor, Party 
chiefly represents American or English speaking elements. 

% * % % * Ss %: 

* * * only by their unification it is possible to create in America an effi- 
cient Communist Party. which must take the lead in the mass movement and 
in the oncoming communist revolution. ) 

* * % % % ES 
The platform of the Communist International and the resolutions of the 
Executive Committee of the Communist International should form the basis 
of the unity. Apart from this, the Executive Committee regards it necessary 
to point out the following to the American comrades: . 

1. The Communist Party should strive to unite in its ranks all those elements 
which recognize the necessity for seizing power and establishing the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat. 

* * * % 

x #* * anarchists and syndicalists recognize the necessity of seizing 

power and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat, but to split over 
these differences, which in a period of revolution have only a secondary impor- 
tance, is absolutely inadmissible. 
9 * * * Tt is particularly necessary to remember that. the stage of verbal 
propaganda and agitation has been left behind: the time for decisive battles 
has arrived, * * * from separate economic, strikes, demonstrations, mass 
‘meetings, and election campaigns to, general political strikes and armed insur- 
rections of the proletariat. 

4. Cooperating in hastening the process of dissolution of the A. F. of L. and 
other craft unions associated with it, the Party must strive to establish the 
‘closest connections with those working class economic organizations in which 
industrial unionist tendencies are being manifested (I. W. W. and “One Big 
Union,” W. 1. I. U.), as well as with separate unions breaking away from the 
A. F. of L.. The Party must work in closest contact with these organizations, 
striving at the same time to unite them and to create a powerful centralized 
economic organization of the proletariat imbued with class consciousness. 

4: 


4 % a: 


a % % 


* cs * % % a 


494 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


' 


6. But in the future, with the rapid intensification and widening of the 
class struggle and the great complexity of problems confronting the proletaria( 
of America, the foreign-born communists will only be able to carry out. thei 
task by entering into the closest possible relations with their brothers in the 
American Labor movement. * * * The sudden and complete break-up oj 
the historic form of organization of the federation is certainly undesirable, as 
this might lead to the disintegration of the foreign-born movement, which has 
been in the chief promulgator of Communist ideas in America. . 

9. The Executive Committee urges the American Comrades immediately to 
establish an underground organization, even though it is possible for the party 
to function legally. This underground organization shall be for the purpose 
of carrying on direct revolutionary propaganda among the masses and, in case 
of violent suppression of the legal party organization, of carrying on the work. 
It should be composed of trusted comrades and kept entirely separate from 
the legal Party organization. 


Of special importance, however, is the appeal of the Executive 
Committee of the Third International addressed to the I. W. W. 
The appeal bears the date of January, 1920, and is signed by Zino- 
vieff. From this appeal the following quotations are submitted: 


Capitalist society all together presents a solid front against the worker. 
The priest tells the worker to be contented: the press curses him for a ‘“ Bol- 
shevik ’; the policeman arrests him: the court sentences him to jail; the 
Sheriff seizes his furniture for debt: and the Poorhouse takes his wife and 
children. 

In order to destroy capitalism. the workers must. first wrest the State power 
out of the hands of the capitalist class. They must not only seize this, power, 
but abolish the old capitalist state apparatus entirely. 

For the experience of Revolutions has shown. that the workers can not 
take hold of the State machine and use it for their own purposes—such as 
the Yellow Socialist politicians propose to do. 

The Capitalist State is built to serve capitalism and that is all it ean do, 
no inatter who is running it. 

And in place of the capitalist State the workers must. build their own 
workers’ State, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. 


ok *f 
i * 


% ** 3% 


But unfortunately this can not be done immediately. The destruction of the 
capitalist State does not mean that capitalism automatically and immediately 
disappears. The capitalists still have arms, Which must be taken from them; 
they are still supported by hordes of loyal bureaucrats, managers, superin- 
tendents, foremen, and trained men of all sorts, who will sabotage industry— 
and these must be persuaded or compelled to serve the working class; they 
still have army officers who can betray the Revolution, preachers who can 
raise superstitious fears against it, teachers and orators who can misrepre- 
sent it to the ignorant, thugs who can be hired to discredit it by evil be- 
havior, newspaper editors who can deceive the people with floods of lies, and 
“vellow” Socialists and Labor Fakers who prefer capitalist “ democracy ” 
to the Revolution. All these people must be sternly repressed. 

* * * * ok * a 

The private property of ‘the capitalist class in order to become the social 
property of the workers can not be turned over to individuals: or groups of: 
individuals. It must become the property of all in common, and a centralized 
authority is necessary to accomplish this change. 

k * * * od oe we 

This is using the word “ polities” in too narrow a sense. One of the prin- 
ciples upon which the I. W. W. was founded is expressed in the Saying of 
Karl Marx, “Every class struggle is a political struggle.” That is to say, 
every struggle of the workers aguinst the cipitalists is a struggle of the 
workers for the political power—the State power. This is the sense in which 
we Communists also use the word “ polities.” 

The “ yellow” Socialists believe that they can gradually gain this political 
power by using the political machinery of the capitalist State to win reforms, - 
and when they have elected a majority of the members of Congress and the 
Legislatures and the President, Governors, Mayors, and Sheriffs they ¢an 
proceed to use the State power to legislate capitalism peacefully out and the 
Industrial Commonwealth in. 


; 


ia RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 425 


} 


i 
| This leads the “yellow” Socialists to preach all sorts of reforms of the 
apitalist system, draws to their ranks small capitalists and political ad- 
enturers of all kinds, and finally causes them to make deals and compromises 
vith the capitalist class. 
~The I. W. W. does not believe in this, and neither do the Communists. 
We communists do not think that it is possible to capture the State power 
Ww using the political machinery of the capitalist State. The State being 
he particular weapon of the Capitalist class, its machinery is naturally con- 
tructed so as to defend and strengthen the power of capitalism. © Capitalist. 
ontrol of all agencies moulding public opinion—press, schools, churches, and 
abor Fakers—capitalist control of the workers’ political conduct through 
ontrol of their means of living makes it extremely improbable that the workers 
tinder the present capitalist ‘“‘ democracy” could ever legally elect a govern- 
agent devoted to their interests. 
{ *k *K ye 


i * Ke ok % 
So far the Communists and the I. W. W. are in accord. The capitalist State 
just be attacked by direct action.’ This, in the correct meaning of the word, 
§ also political action for it has a political aim—the seizure of State power. 
The I. W. W. proposes to attain this end by the General Strike. The Com- 
qunist go farther. History indicates clearly that the General Strike is not 
nough. 

The capitalists have arms—and the experience with white Guards in Russia, 
‘inland, and Germany proves that they have sufficient organization and train- 
ng to use these arms against the workers. Moreover, the capitalists possess 
‘tores of food, which enable them to hold out longer than the workers, always 
m the verge of actual want. 

’ The Communists also advocate the General Strike, but they add that it must 
urn into armed insurrection. Both the General Strike and the insurrection 
ire forms of political action. 


REVOLUTIONARY PARLIA\WENTARISM 


If it is so, if the Communists do not believe in capturing State power by 
neans of the ballot box, why do the Communist Parties participate in elections 
nd nominate candidates for office? 
'The question of whether or not Communists should participate in elections is 
if secondary importance. Some Communist organizations do, others do not. 
Sut those who do act on the political field. do so only for propaganda. Political 
‘ampaigns give an opportunity for revolutionists to speak to the working ¢lass, 
jointing out the class character of the State and their class interests as 
vorkers. They enable them to show the futility of reforms, to demonstrate the 
‘eal interests which dominate the capitalist—and “ yellow ” Socialist—political 
yarties, and to point out why the entire capitalist system must be overthrown. 
Communists elected to Congress or the Legislatures have as their function to 
aake propaganda ; to ceaselessly expose the real nature of the capitalist state; 
© obstruct the operations of capitalist government and show their class char- 
eter, to explain the futility of all capitalist reform measures, etc. In the 
lalls of the legislative assembly, against the sounding-board of the Nation, the 
‘ommunist can show up capitalist brutality and call the workers to revolt. 


The document closes with the following statement: 


The Communist Internationale holds out to the I. W. W. the hand of brother- 
ood. (This document printed in the “One Big Union,” official organ of the 
. W. W., September, 1920.) 

While this document bears the date of 1920, it is nevertheless of 
mportance in that it shows the initial effort made by the Communist 
{nternational to align the I. W. W., an effort which was consistently 
‘rarried on during the years 1920, 1921, 1922,.and 1923. 


ACTIVITIES AMONG WOMEN 


The Communists, in carrying on their propaganda, have accorded 
ittention to various women’s organizations and to a program of action 
‘or use among the women, as is indicated from documents obtained in 
nvestigations made in this country. 


426 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 





WORK AMONG WOMEN, AS OUTLINED BY THE COMMUNIST PARTY O/| 
AMERICA ; 


The county authorities of Berrien County, Michigan, had seized - 
large number of official documents of the Communist Party o 
America. Among the documents was one entitled, “ Thesis on Wor! 
Among Women.” This document was, or had been, in the possessio: 
of Rose Pastor Stokes, a prominent member of the Communist Party 
of America, and at various times a member of the Central Executiv: 
Committee of the party. The document, which sets forth the plan: 
of the Communist Party in regard to the work among women, reads a: 
follows: 


The interest of the working class demands the recruiting of women into th« 
ranks of the proletariat fighting for Communism. | 

Wherever the question of the conquest of power arises, the Communist parties 
must consider not only the great source of weakness to the proletarian struggle 
of an uninformed mass of housewives, farmers’ wives, and women workers. in 
the industrial field, but also the fact that on the other hand, proletarian women 
once awakened are among the most tenacious fighting elements in the class 
struggle. 

The experience of the Russian Soviet Republic proved in practice the impor- 
tance of the participation of women workers and peasants in defense of the 
Republic as well as in all other activities of the Soviet construction. This alone 
must serve as a lesson in all countries; while here in America we have recently 
had several thrilling examples, notably in the part working-class women played 
in the Chicago packing strike and the miners’ struggle in Kansas, in Pennsyl- 
vania, and in West Virginia. 

Communism, which alone affords women economic and social equality and 
the necessary conditions for motherhood without conflicting with woman’s 
Social obligations or hindering her creative work for the benefit. of society 
should be the aim of all women fighting for emancipation. But Communism 
is also the final aim of the entire proletariat. Consequently, the struggle of 
the proletarian women must be carried on in the interests of both the men 
and the women of the proletariat under a united leadership as ‘one and 
indivisible’ to the entire proletarian movement. 

With Karl Marx we affirm that there is no specific women’s question and 
no specific women’s movement. But in present-day society there are hundreds 
of thousands of working-class women in separate women’s organizations and 
millions of workers’ and farmers’ wives with a lower status than a wage 
Slave’s isolated from the general stream of organized endeavor who must be 
reached and drawn into the struggle for Communism by specific methods of 
approach. 

It is therefore imperative that women’s Committees be created to devise 
and carry into practice the specific methods that will win the women of the 
working class to the Communist ideal and that will unite them for and link 
them up with the general proletarian struggle. 





ANALYSIS OF THE WORK CONFRONTING WOMEN’S COMMITTEES 


Women’s work that immediately presents itself may roughly be classified in 
four categories: 

(1) Work among the women organized in trade unions. or organizations 
affiliated to trade unions. ) : 

(2) Work among unorganized women. . 

(3) Work in women’s organizations other than trade unions ; mothers’ clubs, 
housewives’ leagues, cooperatives, nationalist groups, whether social or cul- 
tural, ete. ° 

(4) Emergency work, such as work among strikers’ wives, ete. 


I—TRADE-UNIONS, ETC. 
In this field the most important work presents itself. The Women’s Trade 


Union League proposes to reorganize the former “ Women’s Auxiliaries ” of the 
wives of trade-unionists into industrial housewives’ leagues. 


| | RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 427 


» The Women’s Trade Union League is at present jogging along. With the 
‘introduction of new blood it could be made a powerful weapon. Much of our 
‘first activities should be directed te this work wherever possible. Were we 
‘to carry on a successful campaign, eventually capturing the leadership, we 
| would be in a peculiarly strategic position for furthering women’s work of all 
/ kinds, including emergency work. 

\ Some of our best women are fortunately already very active in the organi- 
( wation. 

In order intelligently to lay the groundwork in trade-unions and other cate- 
' gories of women’s organizations the questionnaire prepared by the Women’s 
' National Committee should be filled out with care and thoroughness. 
| 
WORK AMONG! THE UNORGANIZED WOMEN 
' The famine in Russia places not alone a solemn duty upon us but also of- 
fers us an unparalleled opportunity to reach the great unorganized. masses 
‘of proletarian women; to crystallize their sentiment and win them for the 
- proletarian struggle. 

To realize permanent gains. from the use of this opportunity the block 
system is proposed for adoption of all Women’s Committees. The following 
is offered as a method upon which to proceed: 

/ (1) Organize a women’s block committee of no less than three. 

(2): Select 2 block of activity, operating in one block at a time upon the 
| following plan. ) 

! (3) Secure a small hall or a store, soliciting its free use for relief work. 
(4) Print simple attractive tickets: admitting two to hear stories and see 
' pictures of Russia, promising also other entertainment. 

(5) Make house-to-house canvass several consecutive days before meeting, 
: discovering the women sympathizers and leaving one. or two tickets in ex- 
| change for a promise to use them. 

(6) In the course, of the canvass discover block talent in children or grown 
folk. Arrange to utilize it, no matter how crude or untrained, in the block 

' meeting, thus providing the promised interest in future block meetings of a simi- 

lar nature under the same auspices. 

| (7) One-fifth of those receiving invitations’ to attend may be relied om .o 
-be present in a meeting. .Tickets should be issued with this usual result in 

mind. 

(8) Slides and lanterns can be supplied by local relief centers or obtained 
thru application to the Bureau National office (Friends of Soviet Russia), 
_ Instructions for their yse are simple. Any member of, the block committee 
wishing to use the outfit could learn to operate it “at sight,” while the simple 
explanations of the pictures can be made by anyone, as there is a certain 
easy system that a child could learn that comes with the slides. 

' (9) At the meeting, which should be given a neighborly friendly atmos- 

phere, enlist the women as members of the block committee to help the famine 
stricken mothers and children of Soviet Russia. All who join should be re- 
-eorded with the Women’s Division of the Friends of Soviet Russia. 

(10) The Working Women’s Block Committees should be adopted as the official 
name of these groups throughout the country. 

(11) Arrange for the next Committee meeting in the home of one of the 

“women where work, entertainment, collections of clothing, money, food, etc., 
sale of literature, block meetings and talks may be planned in harmony with 
_loeal needs, ete. 

(12) In these activities pride in local talent must be utilized to knot the 
hopeful elements more closely together that the clarifying process may go on 
in a friendly social atmosphere. 

It is unnecessary to point out future possibilities. It should be clear to all 

our Comrades that the block committees can become a vital force in the general 


proletarian struggle. 
WORK IN WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS OTHER THAN TRADE UNIOS 


Again; among the organized women generally, the famine appeal is the 
most practical means for penetrating women’s clubes, leagues, etc. These 
women’s organizations are very humerous, 


82325—24—PtT 2 18 





428 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


It is suggested that when our data concerning women’s organizations is 
returned with the questionaire we choose those whose proletarian charactetr 
is best fitted to our aim, gradually widening our activities as we build up our 
forces. 

4. EMERGENCY WORK 


The Women’s National Committee should at all times have their eyes 
fixed on the industrial horizon. When great industrial conflicts present them- 
selves they should have their plans perfected for prompt emergency work 
among those working women more nearly involved in the conflicts. With the 
organization of the Women’s Committees completed, work in the industrial 
districts will be greatly facilitated. 

The four types of work will be all that our present forces will be equal to. 

The work in the Women’s Trade Union League, organization of the unor- 
ganized, penetration of other women’s organizations through famine relief 
appeals, etc., emergency work. This is an ambitious program. 

Subcommittees for each category could be named to facilitate the work in 
the first three types of activity, while emergency work could be assigned to a 
subcommittee appointed when an emergency arises or is anticipated. 


Attention is also invited to an article appearing in “ The Worker,” 
official organ of the Workers’ Party of America under date of Febru- 
ary 2, 1922, on page 6, column 4, entitled, ‘ Call to Revolutionary 
Women,” from which the following excerpts are taken: 


The stage is being set for a clean sweep by the Communists of the world. 
oe te *% K % ok * 
This new order calls to the more oppressed portion of the workers—the 
women of the working class—to rally to the support of Communism, to arm 
themselves with class solidarity, to steel themselves for the class struggle, 
to organize not on sex lines, but on a class basis; to enter their organized 
class ranks and battle for the new day’s dawning. 


In the regular report form submitted for the use of district organ- 
izers to be filed monthly, there appears a very interesting question- 
naire which must be filled in. Some of the statistics that must he 
furnished cover the following: 


The number of effectively functioning Young Workers’ Leagues. 
The number of functioning women’s organizations. « 
The number of functioning union nucleii. 


During the early part of 1922 a number of circulars were received 
from a confidential source, among which was one which would indi- 
cate that a definite Women’s Movement was contemplated by the 
Workers’ Party of America. | 7 ca te 

The circular in question reads as follows: 


The International Woman’s Committee of the Workers’ Party recommends 
the following form of organization among working women for a more direct 
contact with the broad masses of the working women. , . 

Form Branches in all centers of the party activities, These branches to be 
known as the Working Woman’s Educational League and are to haye no political 
affiliations. Wherever necessary, Language Branches are to be formed, striy- 
ing preferably to have English speaking branches. 

2. Branches to meet bimonthly. Monthly dues 25 cents. 

53. Branches are to elect delegates to the Central Committee which is to con- 
stitute the Woman’s Subdistrict Committee. 

4. Provisional Woman’s District Committee is to be appointed by the National 
Woman’s Committee. 

5. National Woman’s Committee is to be elected by the National Conference 
of the delegates of the W. W. BE. L. and sympathetic organizations. 

6. Activities are to be based on the struggles of the day with the view of 
drawing the broad masses of working women into the revolutionary labor 
movement. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 429 





‘f 
i 


_ %. To actively participate in the daily struggles of women, in the indus- 
‘trial fields of the trade-unions, etc., to penetrate with. our message all other 
“working women’s organizations. 

8. To stress chiefly at this moment propaganda for Russian famine relief. 

9. Form handcraft circles and children’s circles with the slogan of ‘“ Chil- 

“dren for Children.” 
_ 10. To work for the National Defense on behalf of class war prisoners. 
ii. Form out-door recreation groups. ; 


‘- REPORT OF WOMAN’S COMMITTEE, FEBRUARY 10, 1922 


Series of press articles to be published in party press relative. to the or- 
ganization of Woman’s Conference. 
ie 
‘- 
REPORT ON FINANCES 


1. Dues to be 25 cents per month. 

2. Special literature to be created for sale at Woman's meeting. 

3. Flowers to be sold at mass meetings. 

_ 4. Social Features, Bazaars, dances, art exhibitions. 

/ 5. Publicity campaign (subscription lists) for funds. 

iy 6. Personal solicitations of liberal women acquaintances, 

_ 1. Solicitation among sympathetic woman's organizations for funds and dele- 
gates to conference. 

_ 8. Representatives to appear before woman's organizations to make propa- 
ganda and solicit funds. 


uf 


JEANNETTE D. PEAR, Secretary Treasurer, 

] Room 405, 799 Broadway. 
I * * k “ i * i 

_ A cireular distributed at the same time and received from the 
same source bears the title “ International Women’s Secretariat 
takes up The Question of Famine Relief for Russia.” This cireu- 
Jar reads in part as follows: 


- 


~ 


PLAN TO EXTEND WORK 


. To send letters to all countries for reports on work accomplished—whether 
they propose to publish the minutes of the conferences and make reports. The 
letters to be addressed to the Women’s Department and the Central Committee 
of the Party. To ask the Berlin Secretariat whether they have established 
connections with other countries and also about literature. ‘To organize a 
committee'on the question of the economie’ and legal position of women and 
to invite to the same, apart from the members of the Secretariat, the following: 
Falker-Smidt, Gershtein, Serier, and Frumkin. To ask the book purchasing 
agency of the Comintern to obtain literature on women’s movement. To 
unite on this question with the Young Communist Organization. To ask all 
Members of the Comintern receiving literature dealing with the woman’s 
movement to hand it over to the I. W.C. 8S. On the same question to apply to 
the Petrogad Department of the Comintern. To write to the Statistical Eco- 
nomic Department of the Comintern to make special reports on the women’s 
movement. 


_ As further evidence of the work being conducted among the 
women by the Workers’ Party of America, reference is made to a 
letter dated February 21, 1922, signed by Jeannette D. Pearl as 
secretary of the Woman’s Committee of the Workers’ Party on the 
letterhead of the organization—National office—799 Broadway, New 
York, from which the following is taken: 


_ Agitation for the need of a woman’s organization is extremely urgent ana 
We request that you give the enclosed article prominent space. 

_ Also, kindly notify us whether you are using the material submitted to you 
by the Woman’s Committee as unfortunately, the Woman’s Committee has no 
linguistic qualifications and is unable to follow the various language papers 
of the party. 


4380 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 






A photostatic copy of the original appears among the exhibits. | 

There was transmitted with this letter a news release entitled 
* Are American Girls Coolies?” by Jeannette D, Pearl. It is con 
sidered of sufficient interest to incorporate it in its entirety: 


“A working girl can dress comfortably and neatly on $90 a year and coul 
live on 60 cents a day for meals,’ according to the testimony introduced b 
Emporia merchants at a hearing conducted recently by the Kansas’ Cour 
of Industrial Relations. | 

The capitalist class is starting its campaign for a six dollar a week wa o« 
scale for girls and. women. The hearing begun in Kansas will ultimatel; 
make its circuit through all the states in the Union. | 

The coolie-wage is what the capitalist class means to foist legally. throug! 
its Industrial Relation Courts, first upon girls and women and then up 
boys and men. 

The collapsing capitalist system finds a ready means for its rejuvenatior 
in a large reserve of cheap unskilled labor. And a fertile field for; the 
recruiting of this cheap labor supply is found among the untrained womer 
and girls. The ever lower standard of living imposed upon the worker, 
compels the wife and mother to go out to work in order tf to supplement the 
income of husband and father. 

An influx of unskilled women workers enables the master class to beat 
down the wages of the more skilled workers and also to make harder the 
conditions of labor. In this the master class is aided materially by the sex 
conditions of women, imposed by nature. The maternal functions of women 
her greater family obligations, her comparative newness to cooperative asso. 
ciation, enables the master class to exploit her more ruthlessly and more 
unmercifully than male workers. 

This is the age of beating down wages. This is the age of the open shoy 
drive. The master class is studiously preparing to undermine the resisting 
power of the more, skilled workers, by launching a vigorous Gampaign, through 
the medium of its Courts of Industrial Relations, propagandizing for a Six 
dollar a week wage scale for girls, 

By compelling that acceptance by the more docile element “Of the labor 
body and then utilizing that docile element against the more: skilled workers. 
the master class have at their command a very fine weapon in the class 
struggle. They not only exploit women. workers more intensely, but they 
also use them against the male workers to lower the standard of living, 
to lower wages, to make harder the conditions of labor and to inerease, the 
unemployed reserve. EO 

Women constitute fifty per cent of the population and one third of. the 
working population in the United: States. - Yet the number of. women organized 
in the ranks of labor is comparatively small. Women must not permit 
themselves to scab on their male workers by working for less wages. Equal 
pay for equal work must be their slogan and an ever, increasing pay, one of 
their aims: to achieve which, women must. organize togetheri| with heahcs 
fellow workers, as coworkers in the class struggle, 

The relatively small proportion of: women in the ranks of, or enttizad sdb 
indicates that there is something wrong with our method of approaching 
women. <A correct method of approach should yield a. greater response. That 
the response. has been meager is due to the, fact. that. organized labor has 
never taken into consideration the different psychological, physical, and social) 
traits of women. An appeal to reach the broad masses of women must be 
worked out on the basis of these differences. That does not mean that women 
are inferior to men.’ It simply means that women are different from mep 
and this difference must be taken into consideration. tow 

Those with a knowledge of organization work among. women, the. Comrade 
in, Europe and particularly Russia, have found that asa recruiting ground 
for organization work among Women, a Wwoman’s independent organization 
is most fruitful. As a preliminary to entering the organized ranks of labor, 
the broad masses of women must first be drawn into women’s organizations 
where their timidity, their reserve and lack of self-confidence will be. dis- 
pelled and a knowledge of class consciousness will be instilled, so that ‘they 
can take their places in the class struggle side by side with their fellow 
wage-slaves, battling for emancipation. Bry; 





: RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 431 
i 

{yu : # 

' | , ACTIVITIES AMONG ALIENS 


Indicative of the extensive attention given to the mnimigrants 
wriving in this country is the program: ‘of the Communists with 
regard 40. the alien elements in the United. States.., An. under- 
standing of this situation may be had from quotations from Com- 
‘munists documents, and from. investigations made in the United 


‘States, 





ACTIVITIES OF WORKERS’ PARTY OF AMERICA AMONG ALIENS 


| In the issue of the * Communist,” the official organ of the Com- 
nunist Party, Volume I, No. 11, December, 1922, the following ap- 
Wears 2)! 

THE BASIS OF OUR POLICY FOR THE IMMEDIATE SITUATION 


Section 5 (b). Phe Federations must also wage an energetic campaign to 
save foreign-born workers become. citizens of the United States, not for 
yatriotic reasons, but in order to draw them more into the political life of 
he country. 

_ This question is thoroughly discussed and explained in issue No. 
1 of the “ Communist.” on pages 15 and 16, from which the follow- 


ng is quoted : 


The foreign-born workers must be urged to become citizens.. This, is an 

aseparable part of a general campaign “for a guarantee of the civil and 
conomic rights” and “for removing the present restrictions on citizenship 
nd the various anti-alien laws” of these workers. 
_ But in the second place, and more importantly, the Communist must never 
ux the senile theory of, Pacifism with the theory of revolution.; Communists 
re not pacifists. In the conscripted army of the masses, there is work for 
oe Communist to do. 

The Central Bureau of the Society for Technical Aid for Soviet 
tussia in December, 1922, was informed by the Central Executive 
Jommittee of the Communist Party that it was opposed to the dis- 
atching: of communes to Russia. The, Central Executive, Com- 
ittee stated: 

'In Russia the Communist revolution is an accomplished facet. Russia is no 
ynger in need of conscious workers (class conscious). The situation in the 

‘nited States is different. America is on the eve of a social reyolution and 
rere are needed all the conscious elements which may in one way or another 
2 of benefit in the revolution. The American worker is himself very weak 
t this respect. He is prodded to the revolution by the foreign element. 
he important. part in the revolutionary movement of the country is played 
y the Russian immigrants. With their departure for Russia, America is left 
ithout the leading (guiding ‘) revolutionary force. 

“Tt was upon this basis that the Central Executive Committee in- 
sted that the Russian Communists should remain in the United 
itates. 

On July 3, 1923, information was obtained that the Executive 
‘onmittee of the Third International was planning to take advan- 
ge of the unfilled quota of immigrants from Germany by sending 
gents of the Third International from. Moscow to /Berlin and there 
ipplying them with forged passports. 

Under date of January 138, 1923, C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive 
ecretary of the Workers’ Party of America, on stationery of that 

sganization, addressed a letter to all branch secretaries of the 


432 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Workers’ Party of America, outlining the procedure and different 
arguments that should be used with the foreign-born people of the 
United States in an extensive effort to have them j join the Workers’ 
Party of America and, as Ruthenberg says, “to get them under our 
influence.” In this letter the organizers of the Workers’ Party are 
urged to do everything in their power to prevent the foreign born 
workers from joining the native born workers in building strong 
labor unions. The Workers’ Party was urged to unite for the 
struggle “ against the capitalists and their government.” 


MISCELLANEOUS PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES OF 1922 AND 1923 


Some interesting instances of propaganda not touched upon in pre- 
ceding portions of this memorandum are set forth on the following 
pages. From the instances that are cited, the continued activities 
of the Communists, under the guidance of Moscow, toward the over- 
throw of the Government of the United States by force and violence 
are clearly revealed in the information submitted. 


ACTIVITIES OF WORKERWS’ PARTY 
PROPAGANDA 


In the issue of the “ Worker” for Saturday, February 18, 1922, 
page 4, column 6, appears an instruction to all party members and 
fellow workers, stating that concerted action is necessary and that it 
is the desire of the Workers’ Party that a copy of “ The Theses and 
Resolutions of the Third Congress of the Communist International ” 
adopted at Moscow June, 1921, be in every library. In order that 
this may be done, the members of the Workers’ Party are instructed 
to make a request for this publication at, the libraries, with the re- 
sult that these requests would become so insistent that the hbraries 
would finally order the publication. The workers are instructed to 
inform the public libraries at which requests for the publication are 
made that a copy can be obtained for fifty cents from the Lyceum- 
Literature Department of the Workers’ Party of America. 

On June 28 and 30, 1922, there was held in the city of New York 
an executive session of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Workers’ Party of America, at which it was decided to call a con- 
vention of the Party to be held. on August, 28, 1922, in the city ot 
Chicago. It should be noted that the convention scheduled for the 
Workers’ Party of America on August 28 was immediately to follow 
the illegal convention of the Communist Party to be held at Bridg- 
man, Michigan. At the meeting in June, 1922, of the Central Ex. 
ecutive Committee of the Workers’ Party. of America the details of 
the convention were entrusted to a committee which was also in 
structed to prepare a draft of the Party program. This committee 
consisted of five men: Robert Minor, Alexander Trachtenberg, Louis 
Engdhal, Charles Ruthenberg, Elmer Allison. 

At the conference of this committee discussion was had as to the 
program of the Workers’ Party along the lines of the Third Inter- 

national and, among resolutions adopted, the following appear: 


1. All Party newspapers must be guided entirely and conducted according 
to the principles of the Third International. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 433 


2. The Party papers must publish all resolutions and regulations of the 
‘Third International. 

5. The editors of the Party papers will be held responsible for the fulfill- 
‘nent of the above resolution (No. 2) by the Central Committee of the "Wer 
of A. ; 

_ 4. The Party papers must devote as much space as possible to news items . 
regarding the struggle of the American Working class. And all such news 
‘must immediately be explained in editorials and other articles. 

After these resolutions were adopted an editorial committee was elected 
which committee together with the editors of the Party newspapers must 
coordinate the work of the Party press. This committee consists of Robt. 
Minor, Chas. Ruthenberg and William Dunne. 


_ In a letter dated January 8, 1923, on the stationery of the 
Workers’ Party of America, issued from the national office in New 
York City, and signed by C. E. Ruthenberg as Executive Secretary, 
plans are announced for the distribution of one million copies of 
the party program characterized by Ruthenberg in his communica- 
tion as “a clear-cut Communist program.” The communication 
‘proposes to distribute a million copies of the program during the 
months of January, February, and March, 1923, and suggests the 
plans to be followed in order to see that copies are placed in the fol- 
lowing organizations: trace unions, benefit societies, lodge or working 
class organizations, as many factories and shops as possible. | 

Under date of February, 1923, on the stationery of the Workers’ 
Party of America for the Third District, which includes Philadel- 
phia, there was issued a circular letter advising the membership 
of the Workers’ Party that a copy of the program of the Party was 
being sent out by that organization. It stated that the Workers’ 
Party had actively participated in all vital labor struggles’ of 1922 
and that its members constituted the backbone of the activities ofthe 
Trade Union Educational League, the Labor Defense Council work 
and the relief for Soviet Russia. It also boasted of the fact! that 
during the elections of 1922 candidates of the Workers’ Party had 
been placed on the ballots in a number of the cities and had carried 
on a campaign for the abolition of the institutions of “capitalist 
dictatorship.” , 

The following are two paragraphs taken from the original docu- 

ment bearing the date of February, 1923: 
_ By sending fraternal delegates to the World Congress of the Communist - 
International, and by adopting a communist program, the Workers’ Party 
of America has become a part of the world-wide revolutionary army of workers. 
that is destined to establish a proletarian state and communism.all throughout 
the world. 

We differ from socialists because we do not believe that the capitalist class 
will allow the workers to gain the political power peacefully, or to establish 
socialism through the ballot’ box. We do not forget. the history of revolution 
and we are not ignoring the fact that the capitalist state is fighting with 
force and violence even the most simple rights and demands of organized 
workers. We have no reason whatever to believe that the idle rich will ever 
change their attitude towards the needs and aspirations of the great mass of 
the working people. We firmly believe that the capitalist resistance ‘will have 
to be broken by all means, through the organized power of the working class, 
before we can start any real work of reconstruction of the present class state 
into a peaceful and happy classless society. 

The above quotation proves conclusively that the ultimate aim of 
the Communists is not to be accomplished through the ballot box 
or in a peaceful manner. Attention is directed to the fact that the 
above document bears the date of February, 1923. 


434 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


According to the “ Worker” for March 24, 1923, the program of 
action advocated, among other things, that the United Workers 
should fight to abolish the following institutions which were classed 
as Government obstacles: 


- (1) The Supreme Court and the veto power of courts over legislation. 

(2) The United States Senate. 

(5) The veto power of the President. | 

(4) The present Committee system in Congress stifling even the faintest 
voice of protest that a workers representative might raise. 

(5) The present 48 states system of law serving as a fig leaf for the central- 
ized dictatorship of the employing class, the Federal Government. confusing 
and making more difficult the struggles of the workers for remedial legisla- 
tion and further buttressing the whole notorious system of checks and balances 
on which the American Government is based. 





MAY 1, 1923 


In the * Worker,” the official organ of the Workers’ Party of America, 
in its issue of Saturday, May 12, 1923, the statement is carried that 
the May-Day proclamation of the Communist International arrived 
too late for publication in the regular May-Day issue and for that 
reason it is carried in the issue of May 12, 1923. ‘This proclamation 
is addressed to the workers of all countries and is signed, ** The 
Executive Committee of the Communist International.” 

The concluding phrases of the proclamation are as follows: 

The world revolution must come in spite of all. The frenzy of the Faséisti, 
the invasion of the Ruhr, the cynical betrayal of the Seeond International 
are all in vain—nothing can save the borgeoisie. hry 

Long live the world revolution ! 

Long live the dictatorship of the proletariat! 

Long live communism! 

Irom the above it will be seen that in May, 1923, the Third In- 
ternational by proclamation carried in. the official organ of the 
American section of the Third International still adhered to the 
slogan of a world revolution. | 


DRIVE FOR DAILY COMMUNIST PAPER BY WORKERS’ PARTY .OF 
AMERICA 


In hne with instructions of the Third International, the Workers’ 
Party of America has conducted during the past year an intensive. 
campaign for the creation of a daily publication which, in fact, 
began in the month of January, 1924. Frequent appeals have been 
made by leaders of the Workers’ Party for support of this campaign, 
and in August, 1923, C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary of the 
Workers’ Party of America, addressed the following appeal to ‘the 
members of the Party : 


The time for this step is not only opportune. It is a time which makes a 
great daily newspaper of the working class an absolute necessity. Great histori- 
cal changes are occurring in the United States. Struggles unequaled in this 
country lie in the immediate future. Dangers never before faced by the Ameri- 
can workers are coming upon the labor movement. The time has arrived when 
capitalism no longer tolerates even a semblance of a free labor movement but 
advances to destroy it. Laret 

The Central Execative Committee of the Workers’ Party calls upon all mem- 
bers of the Party and upon all sympathic workers immediately to mobilize 
their utmost strength to begin a drive to raise $100,000 with which to found a 
great daily newspaper. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 435 


As the 7th of November is the anniversary of the establishment of the First 
| Workers’ and Peasants’ Government of the World, it has been decided that the 
“7th day of November, 1923, will be the day for starting the Communist daily, 
’ which will have for its purpose to work for the founding of the Workers-Farmers’ 
Government of America. . 
All units of the Workers’ Party are instructed to take up the following as 
their most urgent order of business : 

1. To obtain from organizations and individuals generous donations to the 


$100,000 fund. 

2. To sell to organizations and individuals preferred stock in the only corpora- 

tion of the daily newspaper. 

3. Every unit of the Workers’ Party must form a committee “for the daily.” 

| Jn literature sent to members of the Party under date of December, 

- 1923, Ruthenberg stated as follows: 

_ The Daily Worker will be the only daily Communist paper in the English 

- language. 

_ It will be a new step forward for the Communist International to have an 
English daily newspaper to fight its battles and voice its ideals. 

It will be a victory for Soviet Russia to have in the United States a daily 
newspaper which will uniflnchingly fight its battles. 


1924 INSTRUCTIONS OF COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL TO WORKERS’ 
PARTY OF AMERICA 


As further proof that the Communist International is directing the 
activities of the Communists in this country through the Workers’ 
Party of America, C. E. Ruthenberg, the official spokesman of the 
Party, announced on December 31, 1923, the text of a letter from 
Moscow received from the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International. This letter in full was carried in the press of Janu- 
ary 1, 1924. 

The text of this communication from Moscow is interesting in 
that the duties of the Workers’ Party are again enumerated and they 
are directed to give their attention particularly to the forming of 
groups in the shops and to the making of every effort to penetrate 
the labor unions. The Communist International also commends the 
Workers’ Party for having applied Communist tactics correctly. 
Already sufficient explanation has been given as to what is meant by 
Communist tactics, and the use of such phraseology by the Com- 
munist International is particularly significant. Commendation is 
also accorded the Workers’ Party for their efforts in forming the 
Federated Farmer-Labor Party. 

The concluding paragraph of the Third International’s instruc- 
tions to the Workers’ Party is as follows: 

We greet the Third Convention of the Workers’ Party und have confidence 
that the Party will line up the workers of America with the revolutionary 
workers of the world in the struggle against capitalism and for the establish- 
ment of a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government. 

At the convention of the Workers’ Party of America held in 
Chicago, Charles E. Ruthenberg, at the session of January 1, 1924, 
advised the delegates that the Communist International had in- 
structed the Workers’ Party to establish a daily English publication 
in this country, and urged that it be established as soon as possible. 
Ruthenbere stated further that it was for this reason the Central 
Executive Committee of the Workers’ Party had made the necessary 
preparations for the establishment of the daily. This is mentioned 


436 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


as Showing the direct control of the Workers’ Party exercised by the 
Communist International. 

The following is taken from the New York Times, January 1, 
1924: 


REDS IN CHICAGO GET MOSCOW DIRECTIONS—THEY. ARE TOLD T0 FORM FACTORY 
GROUPS AND PENETRATE ALL LABOR UNIONS—ourR -‘“ IMPERIALISM ” ScoRED— 
IT WILL LEAD TO WAR, MOSCOW DECLARES—LETTER IS BEING SENT TO ALL CON- 
GRESSMEN 


CHICAGO, December 31,—A communication from Moscow, intended as a 
refutation of Secretary Hughes’s recent charges that Communists seek to 
overthrow the United States Government, read to-day at the third convention 
of the Workers’ Party, the American Communist organization, urged organiza- 
tion of Communist sroups in every factory. The communication is to be 
mailed to every member of Congress. 

The American Legion, the Ku-Klux Klan, and industrial spies were lumped 
together as “illegal organizations of the capitalist class, sponsored by the 
United States for the preservation of capitalism.” The communieation was 
Signed by Kolarow, General Secretary of the Executive Committee of the 
Communist International, who with Zinoviev and Radek directs the Com- 
munist movement in all parts of the world. 

“Though the shops are full of employers’ spies, they must be the nuclei 
of the Communist organization,” the Moscow authorities told their American 
disciples in directing them to make special efforts to form Communist groups 
in every factory. 

The letter urged the Workers’ Party to work for the “ united front ” of 
all working-class organizations. It especially commended the Federated 
Farmer-Labor Party which was formed here last July, when the Workers’ 
Party representatives outnumbered those of the Farmer-Labor Party at 2 
unity conference called by the latter body and resulted in a Split. 

“American activities in the Philippines, Haiti, Nicaraugua, and San Do- 
mingo’”’ were sharply denounced by Moscow, along with the Monroe Doctrine 
and loans to Latin-American peoples as a part of a “dangerous policy of 
imperialism which the workers must resist.” 

A copy of the letter is being sent to all members of Congress by C. E. 
Ruthenberg. Executive Secretary of the Workers’ Party. 

The convention, which is being held behind closed doors in a hall at 2409 
North Halstead Street, is reported to be attended by only a handful of people. 

Internal strife is reported to have marked its Sessions to-day, on the advisa- 
bility of having the party undertake to induce unorganized labor to come into» 
the fold, or leaving this work to unions. William Ff. Dunne, of Butte, Mont., 
who was expelled from the last convention of the American Federation of 
Labor at Portland, presided. 


TEXT OF LETTER FROM MOSCOW 


The letter from the Communist International to the Workers’ 
Party reads: 

To the Workers’ Party of America: 

DEAR CoMRADES: The convention of the Workers’ Party of America is taking 
place at a time when world reactien is preparing another blow against the 
in‘ernational proletariat. Gathered like ravens over the bodies of the working 
class of Germany, the imperialist powers of France, England, and America are 
making their plans to divide the spoils in Germany and reduce the working 
class to the position of coolies. The capitalists of Germany have established 
their military dictatorship and are ready to cooperate with the foreign 
imperialists proyided they are guaranteed part of the booty. . 

In several States of Europe fascism holds the workers in its bloody grip. 
Italy, Spain and Bulgaria are in the throes of the wildest reaction. The 
White Terror rules in Finland, Rumania and Hungary. 

In Soviet Russia alone the rule of the workers and peasants is unshaken de- 
spite the many attempts that have been made to destroy it. The Soyiter power 
is consolidating itself more and more and to-day stands invincible to the plots 


a a as ets deine 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA A37 


and intrigues of the reactionary capitalist Governments and counter-revolu- 
tionary émigrés, 

American imperialism, with its surplus of war gaius wrung from the work- 
ing class, is utilizing the broken-down condition to make fresh conquests. In 
Europe it is directing its forces once more against Soviet Russia in the hope 
of undermining the Soviet power. The path to this new attempt is over the 
bodies of the enslaved German workers, who are to he bought with food 
furnished to the murderous Seeckt military dictatorship. 

In Asia, American imperialism is penetrating further into the heart of 
China, where it is securing a strangle hold on its resources and industries. 
The earthquake in Japan, which has seriously weakened Japanese imperial- 
ism, iS opening at the door for American encroachments, which must surely 
lead to war. 

In South and Central America and in Mexico, American imperialism is 
in the heyday of its expansionist policies, whose aim is’ the requirement of 
large sources of raw material and the extension of fields of investment for 
Wall Street and American industrialists. 

New, fearful wars menace the whole world as a result of the machinations 
of American imperialism. It is the duty of the American Workers to watch 
well the acts of their capitalists. They must prevent any interference with the 
struggle of the German workers to obtain their freedom. They must? fight 
against attempts to embroil the American workers in new wars for the sake 
of capitalist profits. It will be the duty particularly of the Communists to 
mobilize the proletariat of the United States against the coming wars. 


APPROVES A COMMUNIST DATLY 


To perform this and the many other tasks confronting the party, the Centra! 
Executive Commitee of the Workers’ Party has rightfully conceived as the 
most important step the establishment of an English Communist daily in the 
United States. This daily must become the medium for reaching the widest 
masses of the workers and mobilizing them for militant action in protection 
of their rights and in securing final control of power. 

The struggles in the United States are among the bloodiest in the world. 
The power of the capitalist press is tremendous. The workers have no real 
expression throughout the country and hence are exposed to misrepresenta- 
tion and distortion of fact, which is one of the methods that the capital'st 
class of America employs in order to crush the labor movement. 

The Communist daily must become the organ not of the revolutionis‘s alone. 
but of the whole working class. Hence the whole strength of the party must 
be mobilized for the establishment of the daily, which should be’ the fore- 
runner of more revolutionary dailies in o*her parts of the country. 

To accomplish this task and to put the daily on a sound basis, the member- 
ship must be drawn into close relationship with one another. The language 
federations constituting the party are a necessity, and yet are a hindrance 
to uniform action of the membership. The language federations are essential 
for propaganda among the foreign-born workers and must be’ retained for 
that purpose. Within the party, however, there should be created interna- 
tional branches comprising all the membership, regardless of language. Thus 
members of all nationalities and the negro workers will be grouped in uni- 
form branches and work together on the problems confronting the party. 
This will produce greater mobility and lead to the inner harmony that is 
fundamental to all Communist action. 

In an industrial country like the United States the shops and mills are 
the centers of activity. It is obvious, therefore, that the shop must be the 
basis of all party work. Even though the factories are infested with spies 
placed there by the capitalists, thus rendering work difficult. the basie unit 
of the party must be the shop nucleus. This will enable us to gather the work- 
ers on the job, where they feel most keenly the capitalist and the force of the 
Government. 

The excellent work that has been done by the Communists in the Left Wing 
of the labor inovement of the United States demonstrates that if all the com- 
rades were members of trade unions the work would increase many fold. We 
must repeat the decision of the last session of the Pnlarged Executive Commit- 
tee, to the effect that it is the duty of all Communists to join the trade unions 
and be active in their work. The Convention of the Workers’ Party must take 
steps to get the comrades into the unions. This is one of its main tasks and one 
not to be neglected. 


438 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


SAYS PROPAGANDA (IS WINNING : 


The propaganda that the Workers’ Party has conducted during the past 
year has been most effective. As a result, the ideas of communism and the 
Commuuisi movement are the centre of discussion both among the workers and 
the capicailists. Despite the savage attempt of the American bourgeoisie to 
instill fear inte the minds of American workers at the suggestion of com- 
munis, and to point to the achievements of American democracy as the high- 
est that mankind can aspire to, the actions of the American capitalist class 
and the capitalist government in the past two years have opened the eyes of 
the workers, r 

The strikes of 1922 taught them the true meaning of capitalist: democracy ; 
it also taught them that the Communists are feared and persecuted by the 
‘apitalist class merely because they are the most powerful spokesmen of the 
working class and the most valiant fighters in its interests. 

The vast sentiment for communism that the Werkers’ Party has: aroused 
must be organized. You: Central Executive Committee acted rightly in inau- 
gurating a campaign for membership. This campaign. must be a+ matter of 
discipline. Each member of the party must be pledged to secure one or more 
new members for the party... The Workers’ Party must increase its member- 
ship several times before it will become the factor in the proletarian. move- 
ment of the United Staies that the Communists are—destined to become. 

“'Phe Workers’ Party has applied Communist tacties correctly im seeking a 
united front of all forces to fight the capitalist system in the .United States. 
It has sought a united front not only on the economie but particularly on the 
political field. That Gompers and the reactionary trade union officialdom 
oppose it because of their antiquated treacherous poliey of “ rewarding the 
friends and punishing the enemies of labor’ in the capitalist parties; that the 
Socialists, having renounced every revolutionary idea and lined up with the 
reactionary forces of the country, also oppose it, and that a few so-called 
“progressive” trade union leaders of the Middle West have betrayed the 
workers and gone over to: Gompers; that they denounce the ideas they once 
stood for, and therefore also oppose the united front, is creating the best 
basis for the united-front policy. This treachery has been and will rema‘n ove 
of the chief reasons why the workers of America still are site prey of the 
capitalist parties of America. 

This treachery, however, will shaw the workers so much fi more clearly 
the necessity of the united front. It will also demonstrate to them that the 
Communists, who are the only militant exponents of the united front, are not 
only their best friends, but the only ones in the United States who mnrderstatd 
the political needs of the working class. 


LAUDS FARMER-LABOR PARTY 


The organization of the Federated Farmer-Labor Party was an achieve- 
ment of primary importance. The coming together of the. militant farmers 
and workers for the attainment of, political power against the contrel of the 
capitalist parties revealed an awakening consciousness and a rising spirit 
no longer to tolerate political domination by the bourgeoisie. In the Feder- 
ated Farmer-Labor Party are organized only a small portion of the militant 
workers and farmers. . The United front of all proletarian and, farmers’ parties 
and organizations for the fight against capitalism is the demand. of the hour. 
The Communists must spare no effort to bring this about. 

This is all the more necessary in view of. the Presidential. elections of 
1924. The labor parties and farmer-labor parties that have been formed in 
tTwenty-n'ne States must be consolidated inte a united front: they must put up 
joint proletarian candidates. They must fight as a united body against the 
reaction that is bound to set in after the elec tions. They must be prepared 
to support this united front with their economic power. The chaos in the 
working-class movement must be ended. This is the task of the Commu- 
nists, a task they are performing with great effect. 

There is one problem to which the American Communists have not applied 
themselves with sufficient energy, viz., that of American imperialism. The 
huge profits from the war and exploitation of foreign markets have enabled 
the American bourgeoisie to penetrate deeper into the Latin-American countries. 

The recent declaration of Secretary of State Hughes to the effect that the 
interpretation of the Monroe doctrine must be left exclusively to the disere- 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 439 


tion of America is already bearing fruit. .The recognition of Mexico is merely 
a trick to give American capitalists greater control over the resources. of 
Mexico and, in case of “ trouble,” afford the American Government an excuse 
for intervention * in protection of American property and interests.” 

“The conflict in Cuba, which will also probably end with an intervention ; 
the continued military occupation of Haiti and Santo Domingo, the muzzling 
of Nicaragua, Panama and Colombia, the loans to the numerous South Ameri- 
ean States, the increasing economic exploitation of these countries, and the 
rising revolt in the Philippines, indicate that American imperialism intends 
to conquer the Western Hemisphere and force the colonies under complete 
control. 

“This. is a problem of vital importance to the American working class. 
Fearful imperialist wars face the country. The bourgeoisie is making ready. 
The Government is perfecting its military machinery; General Pershing is 
demanding a larger army. The Communists must sound the alarm and prepare 
the workers for resistance to these bloody: schemes. ‘The Communists must 
point out that the illegal organizations of the capital class, the spies, and 
especially the Ku-Klux Klan and American Legion, are a product of the fore- 
sight of the capitalists and are openly sponsored by the Government of the 
United States. The capitalists are prepared to crush any attempt to interfere 
with their plans. 

“ These, comrades, are the vital problems that confront the party. To propa- 
gate them and organize the workers for action will demand the concentrated 
strength of the whole party membership. 

* We greet the third convention of the Workers’ Party and have confidence 
that the party will line up the workers of America with the revolutionary 
workers of the world in the struggle against capitalism and for the establish 
ment of a Workers’ and’ Farmers’ Government. 

* With Communist greetings. 

** EXECUTIVE COMMIYTEE, COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 
‘““W. Korarow, General Secretary.” 


“The Worker.” of January 5, 1924, gives front page space to the 
Greeting of the Communist International to the Third National Con- 
vention of the Workers’ Party. It 1s also announced that copies of 
the letter have been sent by C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary 
of the Workers’ Party, to every member of the United States Con- 
gress. The Communist International’s letter is signed by V. P. 
Kolarov, General Secretary, Executive Committee Communist Inter- 
national. 


The editorial adds: 


With the definite indorsement of its. policies by the Communist. Interna- 
tional, the Workers’ Party will press forward, in the words.of the Comintern 
* to propagate them and organize the workers for action.”, This is the next 
step in the forward march of American Communism, and it will demand the 
concentrated strength of the whole membership of the Workers’ Party. 

In connection with the press activities of the Workers’ Party of 
America, and as further showing the connection existing between the 
Communist International and ‘the Workers’ Party, the following 
translation of a letter from Zinoviev, President of the Communist 
International, addressed to American Communists, is of interest. 
The letter was published in the Moscow “ Pravda,” No. 28+ of De- 
cember 14, 1923. It. may be added that the * Daily Worker” is now 
being published; its first number appeared on January 12, 1924. 


[ Moscow ‘ Prayda,’, No. 284, of December 14, 1925] 


TO AMERICAN COMMUNISTS * 


The advent of a daily Communist newspaper in the English language in 
America is a great event not only for the American labor movement but also 





1 Written at the request of American comrades for the first number of the daily Com- 
munist newspaper (in English), ‘‘ Daily Worker,’ which will appear from January 1, 


1924, in New York. 


440 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


for the whole Communist International. And that is particularly so because 
the advent of that newspaper was preceded by protracted serious work of 
American Communists among the masses, by the collection of funds among 
the workers. by long agitation among thé trade unions, etc. The American 
workers whose thoughts and ideas for many years have been dominated by 
Gompers and Hillquit are beginning now to bestir themselves and rally around 
the Young American Communist Party. To collect. from among the workers 
the funds necessary for the issue of a great daily newspaper in the English 
language in America is no easy matter. The American comrades with persever- 
ance, energy, and success have worked at this problem. We warmly compliment 
them on their first success, 

We recall vividly how 10 or 11 years ago, under the leadership of Lenin, 
we began the same work in Russia, how by kopecks and pennies the advance 
guard of the Russian workers collected the hecessary means in order to publish 
the first daily Bolshevik newspaper, ‘ Pravda,” in Petrograd, how Comrade 
Lenin put his heart and soul into that task, how he personally kept count of — 
the number of workers’ groups which had answered the appeal of the Bolsheviks 
and brought their mite for the first daily Communist newspaper. That was a 
great work, that was real preparation for victory of our revolution. From 
such a point of view the American workers must view. their task. 

The labor movement in America is comparatively very young. » American 
capitalism is the strongest in the whole. world. 

“ We know that aid from you. comrades, American workers, will come, but 
not quickly, for the development of the revolution in different countries pre- 
ceeds under different forms, at different tempo (and cannot proceed otherwise) .’” 

Thus wrote-Comrade Lenin to the American workers on August 20,1918, in 
his well-known letter to American workers, Since that time, however, five 
years-have passed. American Communists in 1918 were solitary figures in the 
working class of America. Now it is not so. Through the efforts of the best 
part of the American reyolutionists. a serious influence among the broad masses 
of workers of America has been won for Communism. The first successes were 
especially difficult. In the future the work undoubtedly will go faster. , 

It is quite natural that the: American Communists have concentrated their 
activities above all in the labor class, in its trade unions. _From here only was 
it possible to begin the work of revolutionary enlightenment of the American 
proletariat and the rallying of it under the standard of Communism, Those 
successes which the American Communists have had hitherto in the American 
labor movement (the uniting of the left wing) in no way can be called little. 
But it is yet more important that the American Communists are able alone 
among the first to raise and bring forward practically the question of work 
among the peasants (small farmers). This fact best of all testifies to the 
great vitality of American Communism, 

You must not conceal from yourselves the fact that in some sections of the 
Communist International the traditional Social-Democrat attitude to the peas- 
antry is still very strong. The Communist International was begotten from the 
womb of the Second International. There is nothing astonishing in the fact 
that individual Communist parties still pay abundant tribute to Social-Democrat 
traditions, especially in the question of the relation to the peasantry. The 
Social-Democrat parties of the Second International were even in the best 
times essentially guild parties, which had not placed before themselves the 
problem of actually overthrowing the domination of capitalism, but had confined 
themselves to only struggling for the partial amelioration of the position of the 
working class within the confines of capitalism. And this guild Menshevik 
tradition more than all lets itself be known now in the question of the relation 
to the peasantry. 

Not so long ago we happened to have a talk with some prominent workers in 
the Communist movement of Roumania. The Roumanian comrades have con- 
quered the majority of the trade unions. For that, honor and glory to them. 
Their merit is especially great because they have to carry on the work under a 
hail of repressions from the side of the united landlords, bourgeoisie, and 
yellow Social-Democrats. Tens of Roumanian Communists have been shot 
and tortured to death in Roumanian jails; many languish in life imprison- 
ment. For simple Communist agitation any comrade risks his head. To 
conquer in such a situation the majority of the trade unions is a great service. 
sut from the conversation with the same Roumanian comrades it was perfectly 
clear that our comrades as yet do not see the problems of revolutionary work 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 44] 


among the peasantry. And that is the condition in such a country as Rou- 
mania, where the peasantry forms the majority of the population. 

Such a condition you will encounter quite often in other countries. Work 
among the laborers, in the trade-unions, ete—that is for us the customary 
thing; here we are at home. But work among the péasantry—that we forget. 
Such a state of affairs also exists in countries with a predominating peasant 
population, such as Italy. This to a considerable degree was the cause in 
its time of the mistakes of the Bulgarian Communists. In this respect sinned 
for a certain time the German Communist Party, ete. 

The first international conference of peasants, which took place recently in 
Moscow, met with a far greater response than any of us could expect; in par- 
ticular in Germany, by virtue of the fact that there the general situation is 
extremely revolutionary, and, as it is reported, also in America. Already now 
it is completely clear that that first international conference of peasants has a 
huge significance, and that the efforts applied to its convocation are being repaid 
a hundredfold. 

Whoever desires to aid the Communist Party to become, not a guild organi- 
zation, defending only the narrow “class” interests of the proletariat, but a 
party of proletariat revolution, of Socialist upheaval, of the hegemony of the 
proletariat, such a person must, after having established a workers’ party, 
direct its attention also to the conquest of the peasantry. 

In this respect the American Communists first felt out the new path. The 
American Communists have founded the Labor Farmers’ Party (preserving, to 
be sure, their Communist proletariat party as an independent organization). 
Not everywhere and not always will precisely this form prove the most suitable. 
But, in any case, the experiment initiated in this respect in America deserves 
serious study by and assiduous attention from the whole international Com- 
munist movement. 

The failure to appreciate properly the role of the peasantry is the funda- 
mental original sin of international Menshevism. The essence of Bolshevism 
consists just in this, that it has clothed in flesh and blood the idea of dictator- 
ship of the proletariat; that it has begun to transform into actuality the 
hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution, and precisely for that reason it 
seeks an ally in the person of the indigent peasantry (in America, small 
farmer), which with correct tactics on our part will aid the proletariat to 
fulfill its historical mission. 

The chief differences between Russian Bolsheviks and Mensheviks in their 
last analysis come down also to the question of the peasantry. The Mensheviks 
have not understood, and do not understand, the réle of the peasantry. Even 
very “ Left” Mensheviks in 1905 who imagined that they were more Left than 
Bolshevism did not understand at all the revolutionary Significance of the 
peasant movement and in the matter spoke opportunistic prose. Nearly all the 
differences among the Russian Bolsheviks during the six years of the proletariat 
revolution come down fundamentally to the same; part (very Small) of the 
comrades sometimes even now fail to appreciate the role of the peasantry and 
do not understand the deep revolutionary, and together with it, the deep 
realistic presentation of the question of the peasantry which Bolshevism in 
the person of Comrade Lenin gave to that problem already 20 years ago. 

Let the American comrades with still greater energy labor to conquer before 
all the hearts of the American proletariat, to snatch the American working 
class and its labor unions out of the tenacious dead embrace of Gompers and 
other agents of capital. But let the foremost American workers with unwaver- 
ing energy labor at the same time to win over to the side of the workers the 
small farmers. At the first possibility the American comrades must establish 
a special mass Communist newspaper for small farmer—a newspaper. which 
will count its readers by hundred and hundreds of thousands. The experiment 
which you have initiated in having assisted the creation of the Labor-Farmers’ 
party is being followed attentively by every thinking Communist in Europe 
and in the whole world. 

Every success of yours fills all of us with pride. 

“We know that the Huropean proletariat revolution can not burst into flame 
in the next few weeks, however quickly it may ripen in the most recent times. 
We stake on the inevitability of the world revolution, but that does not at all 
mean that we, like fools, stake on the inevitability of the revolution in a definite 
short period of time. We have seen two great revolutions, 1905 and 1917, in 
our own country, and we know that revolutions are not made to order nor by 





449 RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 


agreement. Notwithstanding that; we know thoroughly that we are invincible, 
for the world proletariat revolution is invincible.” 

So wrote Comrade Lenin to vou in the above-mentioned letter. You undoubt- 
edly will agree with us, Comrades, that these words of the teacher remain 
entirely in force. i 

G. ZINOVIEV. 


COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE sig vetein OF ATHLETICS 


In September, 1923, from confidential sources, it was ascertained 
that the Communist Inter national had decided to utilize for propa- 
ganda purposes sports societies, clubs, etc., and that with this aim 
in view the Communist International had organized an International 
to be known as the “ Sportintern ” (Red Sport International). The 
Workers’ Party of America received from the Sportintern the fol- 
lowing order: 

C. BE: C.))W)' PA. New York. 

DEAR ComMRADES: With the Consent of the Central Committee of the Com- 
munist International, there has been organized a Sportintern (Red Sport Inter- 
national). The purpose of the Sportintern is to invigorate the fighting forces 
of the world proletariat for the coming social revolution. .Up to the present 
time the sporting societies have been a bourgeois luxury. Our purpose, how- 
ever, is to change the sporting organizations into nuclei of class fighters.. In 
a short existence the Sportintern has already succeeded in. doing something in 
this direction. We have succeeded in establishing close connections with Fin- 
land and Sweden and at the present time attempts are being made to connect 
with other countries. The United States of North America is a strong center 
of bourgeois sport, which the American worker greatly loves. We find that 
you, comrades, along with the other revolutionary work, must devote the neces- 
Sary amount of attention to the organization of sporting societies, clubs, ete., 
which will make it possible for you to draw into the Communist Party many 
thousand proletarians. 

We suggest that the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of “America 
discuss this question immediately and ascertain the possibility of similar sport- 
ing organizations of a class character in your country. 

The C. E. C. of the W, P. A. must be guided by the following points adopted 
by the Sportintern: 

1. Removal of the workers from the influence of the bourgeois sport or- 


ganizations. 
2. The organization of workers’ sections within the sport unions, and, if pos- 
sible, to create independent workers’ sport organizations. 
5. To draw the sport movement into the channel of the class struggle. 
4. To connect with the sporting organizations of other countries through the 
Sportintern. 
5. To utilize all sport organizations for revolutionary purposes. 
MEDVEDIEFF. 
TARASKIN. 


[Seal of the Bureau of Foreign Unification of the Sportintern.] 


The Bureau of Foreign Unification. the seal of which appeared 
upon the communication, is located in Sweden. 

The Communist International has placed great importance on the 
work of the Sportintern, realizing that through interesting the youth 
in athletics the ranks of the Communist movement. will be augmented. 

Units of the Young Communist Youth movement have formed 
athletic centers, notably in Chicago, and it appears that the above 
instructions are now being carried out within the Communist 


movement. 
ANTI-FRELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA 


With regard to the subject of anti-religious propaganda both in 
Russia and the United States, reference should be made to the 


f 3 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 443 


ie 


Young Communist movement and the Young Communist League. 
Much of the antireligious propaganda has been the work of the 
‘Young Communist International. 


L 


' The following is a translation of excerpts from “ Izvestia” of 
October 20, 1923, page 7, column 5: 


_ The publication “Atheist” is owned by the Moscow group of the active 
atheists. The slogan of the Group is “ Religion is the Opiate of the People.” 
The object of the organization is the educational propaganda of atheism as 
well as the unmasking of the counter revolutionary and blackmail activities 
of the ecclesiasts of whatever creed. According to the ideology of the Group, 
‘an atheist is a revolutionist guided in the social, individual, and home life 
‘by education and by freedom from beliefs in the existence, as well as inter- 
‘ference, within the natural life and society of all magic forces whatsoever. 

4 In so far there have been published, besides the small pamphlets, the follow- 
ing: 

Elderman, G., Primitive communism and primitive Religion. 

Niemojewski, A., The philosophy of the life of Christ. 

Drews, A., The myth of the Christ. 

Dienson, E., God and the devil. 

Robertson, J., The myth of the Gospels. 

Corvin, The mirror of priesthood. 

Drews, A., The legend about St. Peter. 

Drews, A., Did Christ exist? 

The Group will open on the ist of November, 1923, on the corner of the 
‘Tverska and Leontievska Streets, its own theater ‘Atheist,’ the repertory of 
‘which will include: 

_ Polivanov, S., The Sorcerer Tarquinius. 

Bee thes vl S., The Inquisitor Torquemada. (Based on the story of Victor 

ugo. ) 

as well as. many other pieces of antireligious writers such as: Comrade 
‘Lunacharsky, Hisner, Gorodetsky, S., and others. Preparations are under- 
way for a comic opera and a musical revue; ‘“ The business of the Church- 
‘men.” The managers of the theater will be: Aksagarsky, Kubanin and 
Spitzberg. The actors have been selected from the “Grits” (a young men’s 
society) and the theater will be conducted with iron discipline. The Group 
also has undertaken as its special task the production of antireligious shows. 
It is probable that in the premises of the theater “Atheist” there will be 
located the League of the active Atheists, operating within the Party and 
the Unions, whose Statutes have been submitted for the approval of the 
N. K. W. D. (the People’s Commissars of the interior). 


Original copies of the official organ, “The Atheist,” have been 
sent to America and have been used in the official press of the Com- 
munists. (See Novy Mir.) 

Merely in view of the fact that so much has been said denying 
anti-religious propaganda as emanating from official Communist 
sources, there have been submitted photostatic copies of a few of 
the cartoons published in the above-named organ. 

During part of 1923, “ The Worker,” the official organ of the Work- 
ers’ Party of America, published each week a part of a report of the 
enlarged executive committee meeting of the Communist Interna- 
tional. 

The article published in the issue of September 22, 1923, is entitled 
“Communists Cannot Ignore Religious Question, says Interna- 
tional.” This article contains a very definite statement on the atti- 
tude of the Communist International toward religion. The portion 
of the article stressing this attitude and the questions which lead 
up to the discussion of religion is quoted below: 

The unrolling of the assistance given the Norwegian party by the Swedish 
Executive brought to light another vital question. The leader of the Swedish 


82325—24— pT 2 19 





444 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


party is an old revolutionist, Comrade Hoeglund. He assisted in the organiza- 
tion of the Young Communist International. He participated in the Zimmer- 

vald conference. He has been in the left wing for many years. But he not 
only has fallen from grace in the matter of the Norwegian party but also has 
assumed a completely un-Marxistie attitude on the question of religion. <Ac- 
cepting the formula that in relation to the State religion is a private matter. 
Hoeglund declared that religion was an entirely private matter, even as re- 
gards the party. Members of the Swedish Communist Party have engaged in 
religious practices of the modern sort and have considered that, being that it 
was a private occupation, the party had no right to interfere or protest. Hoeg- 
lund, deviating from the Marxist concept of history as a materialistic one, was 
found rambling in the fields of metaphysics in several articles which he wrote. 

Thus an incident developed into an important episode. The Communist In- 
ternational has taken the stand that every Communist instinctively and logically 
must assume. Religion in relation to the state is a private matter, and com- 
munists must fight against state support of the church or state interference in 
the right to believe or not to believe or to be an Atheist, as every conscious 
Communist is. In relation to the party, however, every member must under- 
stand that religion is not a private matter. The Communist Party exists not 
merely to liberate the workers from economic and political thraldom, but to 
free them ideologically. Hence the work of liberation from old, fossilized ideas 
from religious obscurantism, must begin within the party ranks. Communists 
must understand that Marxism denotes a clearly defined uniform concept of 
life, of which Atheism is a consistent element. Propaganda among the workers 
must be conducted most carefully. 

The peculiarities of the workers who have been under the domination of the 
church so many centuries must be taken into consideration. 'The party will 
not exclude any member who still holds religious ideas; it will not refuse to 
admit any worker who is religious. In the United Front it will cooperate with 
groups and organizations, even of Catholic and Christian workers, recognizing 
that education will dispel their religious fancies. But as a party it will not 
fail to conduct educational work for enlightening the workers on the nature 
and content of religion and to free them from its domination. 


A number of quotations are made from “The Worker,” official 
organ of the Workers’ Party of America: 


The All-Russian delegated Synod bears witness before the whole church and 
humanity that the world is divided into two classes—capitalist. exploiters and 
proletariat—on whose blood the capitalist world builds its well being. In all 
the world only the Soviet Power of Russia has entered upon a strugge with this 
great social evil. Christians can not be indifferent to this struggle. The Synod 
denounces capitalism as a deadly sin, and the struggle against it as a holy duty 
for Christians. In the Soviet Power the Synod perceives a world leader for 
fraternity, equality, and peace among the: nations. The Synod denounces the 
international and national counter revolution with all its religious and moral 
authority. The Synod calls upon every true Christian citizen of Russia to a 
united front under the leadership of the Soviet Government to enter into the 
struggle against the world evil of social injustice. (The Worker, June 9; 1923.) 


The “ Pravda ” concludes an article on the “ Regrouping of Social 
Forces” thus (as quoted in “ The Worker”) : | 


“It goes without saying that our Party will not give its blessing to religion 
even when it tries to bless the Party. But the inevitable conflict is carried up 
into a higher plane and changes its form * * ¥*,” (The Worker, June 9, 
1923. ) . 

Special attacks were directed against the Soviet Government because of the 
friendly neutrality which it observed with reference to the Living Church, 
whose leaders revolted against the authority of the old Tzarist Church hierarchy, 
and absurd intimations were made as to that Church being controlled by the 
Cheka and serving only as a governmental tool for combating the influence 
of the Orthodox Church. 'The fact of the matter is that the government has not 
sufficient means as yet to conduct on a very large seale a propaganda of enlight-— 
enment that will substitute scientific thinking for medieval superstitions. For 
this reason it has no objection to the impending struggle between the various 
Christian denominations, which may compromise religion and make it ridiculous 
in the eyes of the masses. This, notwithstanding the fact that among the new 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 445 






_ religious currents there is a great number of sincere Chureh reformers who 
_ honestly comsider religion a spiritual need of the people and do not intend to 
_ use it for their political influence. A typical example of such a priest is 
_ Archbishop Kransnitsky, one of the founders of the Living Chureh, who during 
5: ae Civil War and the intervention fought as a soldier in the ranks of the Red 
 ArMY. 
Particular stress, was laid in the bourgeois press on the fact that anti- 
religious manifestations were allowed full freedom to sneer at the most sacred 
_ customs of the various religious denominations. To this it, could be replied 
i that the religionists have long enough had, and still have, the right to challenge 
_ by their worship and processions the critical spirit and the senses of humor 
| of modern-minded people, and that there was no reason to interfere with the 
| young people who claim for themselves the same right to display publicly their 
' aRiniena on religious matters. (Soviet Russia Pictorial, August, 1923, Page 
z 168. ) “tele 
_ * * * the right of religious and antireligious propaganda is accorded to 
_ every citizen. (Article Two, Chapter Five, of the Russian Constitution. ) 
In the arena of full freedom of religious discussion the sale of the ‘“ anti- 
_ religious” papers of the Party is being pushed with greater vigor than ever. 
' (The Worker, June 9, 1923, quoting from Moscow “ Pravda.’’) 


, 


ANTI-RELIGIOUS ATTITUDE OF COMMUNISTS IN UNITED STATES 


Immediately following the execution of certain religious leaders in 
_the early part of 1923 there was circulated in New York and in 
_ Philadelphia a typewritten statement bearing the signature of the 
_ Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of America. 
This statement set forth the attitude of the Communist Party in 
_ regard to the action of the Soviet régime in executing these priests. 
The following are excerpts taken from the circular referred to, 
_ issued by the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party: 


Whereas we, aS Communists, are familiar with the Capitalistic Mission of 
Christian religions and their rédle as bulwarks of Capitalism through the stulti- 
fication of workers’ minds by the anesthesia of religious Superstitions ; 

Whereas in refusing to surrender church property they were revealed in 
their true light as defenders of Private Property ; 

Whereas in Russia, as in all other countries, church property is the accu- 
mulation of centuries of systematic robbery of the working class through 
religious superstitions; and 

Whereas the conciliatory, paternalistic attitude of the churches is merely 
another form of anesthesia for the workers and, as is revealed by the present 

case in Russia, is materialistic in the extreme and only designed to further 
' stultify the minds of the workers and at the same time increase the accumula- 
' tion of private property for the churches: Therefore be it 

Resolwed, That the C. E. C. of the Communist Party of America assembled 
does endorse every action taken by the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics 
(Communist) in expropriating the private property of the churches and the 
execution of any and all persons, whether they be church leaders or otherwise, 
who attempt to impede the progress of the workers in carrying out their his- 
toric mission of destroying capitalism and private property in no matter what 
form it may be reported. 

Religion is opium for the people. 


_ The following excerpts are taken from page 117 of the June, 1928, 
edition of the Soviet Russia Pictorial and refer to the attitude of the 
_ Soviet régime toward religion generally: 

A reader from San Francisco, referring to the articles of Mr. McCullagh 
in the New York Herald on the trial of Budkiewicz, asks the following 
questions: 
 1.%Is it a fact that teaching religion tc children under eighteen is for- 
_ bidden? 

_ 2. What position does the Soviet government take upon religious freedom 
and the teaching of various beliefs? 


¥ 7 


j 


tate - 


446 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


1 and 2: The teaching of any religious belief is permitted, but only to adults. 
The attitude of the Soviet Government is prompted by the conviction that 
Russia needs a new generation, trained in scientific thinking through the 
ejimination of all fairy tales that tend to obstruct their vision and make them 
willing tools of the dispensors of celestial rewards and infernal punishments. 
“Freedom of religious teaching to children’ is, according to the Russian 
authorities, comparable to the freedom to sell to children dangerous drugs, 
that would be liable to stunt their entire future development. 

In this attitude towards the teaching of religious beliefs in general, the 
Soviet Government takes the position that the progress of science and gen- 
eral higher education will gradually eliminate all supernatural beliefs, and 
that prohibiting or restricting of any religious cults would be an unwise and 
unpractical interference with that process. It is mereiless and “ intolerant,” 
however, whenever it discovers that the clergy, of whatever denomination, 
is using its spiritual ascendancy for counter-reyolutionary propaganda. 


“The A. B. C. Communism” by Bukharin is a textbook used in 
all of the Communist schools, even in America. The work is widely 
circulated and at the present time is being offered by “ The Worker ” 
as a subscription prize. On the general subject of religion, Bukharin 
states as follows: 


Thus the belief in God is the casting away of filthy earthly connections, 
it is a belief in slavery, not only on earth but throughout the universe. 

War breaks out, people perish by the millions, and oceans of blood is spilled. 
An explanation must be found for this. Those who do not believe in God look 
at the how, the what, and the wherefore; they see that the war was schemed 
by the czars, emperors and the presidents, by the fat bourgeoisie and the land- 
lords; they see that it is waged for the sake of rapacious and filthy ends. 
And therefore they say to the laborers of all countries: ‘Take up arms against 
your oppressors, cast capital from its throne.” A religious man is an entirely 
different matter. He reasons thus (and at the same time groans like an old 
woman): “The Lord has punished us for our sins. O father, emperor of 
heaven, thou has rightly chastised us sinners.” And if he is very religious and 
at the same time orthodox, then he begins to zealously chew one kind of food 
instead of another on certain days (this is called doing reverence) and does 
a thousand other stupid things. Just such stupid things are performed by the 
religious Jew, the Mohammedan Tartar, The Buddhistic Chinese, and in a 
word by all believers in God. Hence it is apparent that those who really 
are believers are incapable of any struggle. Religion thus not only leaves the 
people in barbarism but contributes towards keeping them in slavery. The 
religious man is rather inclined to the belief that everything must be borne 
without resistance (because everything, he says, “is from God”), and that 
it is necessary to submit to the authorities and suffer (for “in the other world 
you will be rewarded 100-fold”’). It is therefore no wonder that the reign- 
ing capitalistic classes deem religion a very useful weapon for keeping the 
people stupid. 

In the issue of “ The Worker ” for January 12, 1924, there appears 
an article by T. J. O’Flaherty, entitled “On Leaving the Church 
Alone.” The article sets forth that the church is the principal sup- 
port of the Capitalist system, and that it is necessary to expose it as 
such and thus prevent it from confusing and misleading the 
workers. 

The article is particularly directed against the Catholic Church, 
alleging that the Catholic Church is becoming a greater barrier to 
communism than the American Federation of Labor. | 

It was among the papers found and seized at 170 Bleecker St., New 
York City, on April 29, 1921, and was signed by William Morgan (a 
party name used by Alexander Bielan, delegate of the 2nd Congress 
of the Third International), and refers to the use of weapons, shoot- 
ing galleries, and so forth: ) 

“John Reed, having been disconnected with the organization and the Party, 
not having received any word from him for a long time, I was sent by the 


i 
| 


7 
fh 
t 


i 


7 


a RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 447 


i 
F 


Executive Committee of the Communist Labor Party to Moscow. I found that 
John Reed had just been arrested in Finland. Previously to his departure he 
had reached an agreement with the representative of the Communist Party that 


| poth the Communist and the Communist Labor Parties shall unite. This agree- 


| ment was accepted by the Executive of the Communist International. I do not. 


a a 7 


know what instructions the delegate from the Communist Party carried, but 
I do know that the instructions of my Party gave me full powers to act on 
the matter of unity. The delegate of the Communist Party received instruc- 


| tions from the Executive of the International to depart for the U. 8. and act 
as intermediary on the question of unity between both parties. Immedaitely 
_ after arriving in Stockholm he cabled to the Executive that he did not feel in 


a position to act as an intermediate, demanding from the Communist Inter- 
national to send another authorized comrade or appoint a Committee. He 
never mentioned what he intended doing with the material support which was 
in his possession and which he was instructed to turn over to the United States 


Communist Party. In the name of the Communist International I demand. 


that the Executive Committee of the United Communist Party make an jn- 
quiry, first, of the Executives of the Communist Party and then of the dele- 
gate to ascertain to whom he delivered the material support given him for 
the United Communist Party. : 

“At the opening of the Second Congress of the Communist International 
there were present three delegates from the Communist Labor Party and two’ 
delegates from Communist Party. They recognized the necessity for a united. 
Communist movement in the United States and therefore signed a joint state- 
ment that they will work together regardless of the existence of the two 
Parties in United States. With the arrival at the Congress of the delegate 
from the United Communist Party, who showed to us documentary proof that 
the entire Communist Labor Party and the major part of the Communist 
Party had united in the United Communist Party, we, the delegates of Com- 
munist Labor Party, layed our credentials before the only aecredited dele- 
gates from the United Communist Party claiming our seats as associate dele- 
gates for the United Communist Party, because our Party as a whole had 
merged in the United Communist Party. The Communist Party delegates, 
who at the opening of the Congress signed a joint statement claiming that 
they are for a united party, on arrival of the delegate from the United Com- 
munist Party turned around and declared that they can only represent the 
Communist Party and can not recognize the United Communist Party, the 
right of the Communist Party to continue to represent the Communist move- 
ment of the U. S. was challenged by the delegate of the United Communist 
Party on the Credentials Committee. The Credentials Committee considering 
this challenge, taking into consideration that the Congress was drawing to its 
end and that the Communist Party delegates had participated in the sessions 
of Congress; further that there was no time left to verify the minutes of the 
Unity Convention recognized the Communist Party as the Minor and gave 
them four votes in the Congress, with the understanding that Executive Com- 
mittee of the Cemmunist International shall be instructed to send word to 
the Communist Party to unite. and unless they do unite they will not be 
recognized by the Communist International. The United Communist Party 
was given six votes, the rest of the entire votes for the United ‘States. The 
Executive Committee of the Communist International in its first session set 
the time by which unity shall be had as October 10, 1920, and instructed the 
returning delegates that they shall carry this decision into effect. If the Com- 
munist Party refuses to obey the decisions of the Communist International. 
then the only recognized Party will be the United Communist Party of 
America. 

“Phe Second Congress of the Communist International was a body which 
for the first time could speak with authority in the name of the most prom- 
inent aid best known Communists in the world over. ‘They were gathered 
in Moscow to work out and lay down the tactics and the rules for the entire 
Internatioual movement and to make them binding on every Communist the 
world over. ‘The thesis of National and Colonial questions accepted by the 
Congress show explicitly that world Imperialism is fighting the working class 
as a centralized force, suppressing the subjugated nations of undeveloped 
countries: and by their suppression draw the resources for suppressing the 
working class movement in capitalistically developed countries. Therefore 
the International Communist Movement is forced to fight Imperialism in a 
strong centralized body strongly disciplined, receiving orders for action from 


448 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA " 


one center. The Communist International recognizes the necessity for a 
strong Executive which gives orders to be carried out by all sections of this 
fighting organization. To combat. Imperialism, the forces of the organized 
Communist Mevement shall be given in support of the vast masses. of the 
stppressed nations. In this way, weakening the ‘forces of Imperialism in 
backward countries and in. the same time strengthening the revolutionary 
movement in capitalistic: developed countries. . Basing the struggle on this 
precalculation the Congress realized the necessity of adopting statutes. for the 
International organization demanding that Communists in all countries shall 
subordinate themselves in general. tactical questions and in discipline to the 
lixecutive of the Communist International which is the superior body of the 
{International in times between Congresses. The Communist Party in each 
country is considered as a section of the Third International. 

“The existence of fighting organizations logically calls for the need in 
every country of illegal organizations. An organization which is preparing 
itsalt at the end to take the power from the ruling class by armed’ insurrection 
can not expose itself and its plans to its enemy. The duty of a Communist 
Party in every country is twofold: 

“First, to use all means and channels to revolutionize the masses and sec- 
ondly to build up its organization and prépare it to be ready to lead’ the: 
masses in the advent of an outbreak. For the purpose of effective organiza- 
tion strict Ciscipline has to be inaugurated to train the members. to earry out 
and obey the orders given by the Party. Every Communist at the same time 
ought to be a propagandist and agitator himself. Therefore theoretical groups 
shail be established, so that every member may become clear on principles and 
tactics and discipline of the Party. As an illegal organization we shall have 
our members in every government institution distributed in all strategical 
points of the state machinery. We have to use those posts for the benefit 
of ouv organization in safeguarding it, informing it and in the time of in- 
surrection to put those comrades in charge of those varied departments. The 
Communist Party as an illegal organization shall be present in every place 
where occurs any activity coneerning the social life of society. It shall be 
invisible, unapproachable, all informed. The capitalist should feel the “Red 
Spook ” everywhere, in their factories, banks, in their meetings of boards of 
directors, in their chambers of commerce, in their manufacturers’ Associa- 
tions, in their diplomatic corps, their Patriotic Legions, in their Intelligence 
Departments, on every battleship, in every army and aviation division e:c.t,. 
The capitalists are the greatest conspirators. Why shall we not use the same 
weapon to beat our enemy or at least to be informed about their plotting 
against the working class? 

“To revolutionize the masses and bring them closer to the moment of revo- 
lution, we have to carry on our propaganda, using all possible means. In as far 
as vast masses are still participating and believe in parliamentary elections, 
we shall not ignore the value of the mass interest and turn its attention by 
showing the futility to better its condition through this institution. If pos- 
sible, we shall elect our representative in parliament to create in it public 
scandal, denouncing and discrediting through it the capitalistic government, and 
give a revolutionary education to those who still believe in parliament. In as 
far as the greater part of organized workers still believe and obey the orders 
of the reactionary Trade-Unions, we as Communists shall take part in those 
organizations and, if not possible to capture and use them for revolutionary 
propaganda, try to break the form of organization, if necessary, by large mass 
splits from it, and so to draw all revolutionary labor organizations under the 
banner of the “Red International Industrial Organizations,” which. will be 
organized as a section to the Communist International, in opposition to the 
yellow International of Amsterdam. I have to state that the American and 
the British delegates at the Congress had a bitter fight to convince the Con- 
gress that the thesis demanding that all Communists shall stay in the reac- 
tionary Trade-Unions and try to capture them and use them for revolutionary 
propaganda are not applicable to the American and British Labor movement. 
The form of the organization itself makes it impossible to use them for revo- 
lutionary propaganda. Regardless of our arguments, the thesis were earried 
that all Communists shall stay in the reactionary labor organizations and try 
to capture them. The only possibility for the American Communist movement 
to do any revolutionary work with the Labor movement is by accepting this 
thesis with the amendment which permits exceptions for some countries declin- 
ing strictly to follow the rule. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 449 





, 
4 


| “The Communist Commonwealth can only be established through the appli- 
| cation of Proletarian Dictatorship, which means that there will be a necessity 
'to organize a Red Army to combat the counter-revolutionary forces and to 
' safeguard the achievements of revolution. Therefore the Communists have to 
be acquainted with the technics and strategics of modern warfare. At least 
' every Communist has to know how to handle a gun and how to form a fighting 
‘line. This is calling for the establishment of gymnasiums and shooting gal- 
' leries for services. In the Communist Commonwealth Proletarian Culture will 
have its widest possibilities for the development of its own art, e. c. t. The 
' Communists should not ignore the possibilities even under the capitalistic 
system to draw around them the best artists and musicians and start a nucleus 
_ of such an organization immediately. 

“The Young People’s organization in many countries are and were carrying 
_the brunt of the revolution on their shoulders and are playing an important 
_réle in the Communist movement. Therefore we have to pay attention that 
_ such organizations under trained Communists’ leadership shall be established. 

‘To carry on the Communist propaganda and to educate the members of the 
_ organization the Executive Committee of the Communist International has 
_ instructed me to inform the United Communist Party to begin immediately to 

translate and publish all the latest books and pamphlets on the tactical and 
_ theoretical questions of Communism. i 

The following books shall be immediately published: 

“A BC of Communism, by N. Bukharin. 

“The Infantile Sickness of the Leftism in Communism, by N. Lenin. 

“Terrorism and Communism, by L. Trotzky. 

* Weonomics of Transition Period, by N. Bukharin. 

** Also the Executive expressed the desire that the United Communist Party 
should publish the ‘Comunist International’ the official organ of the Commu- 
nist International. Also all the theses of the Second Congress shall be pub- 
lished and distributed amongst the members as soon as they reach the Party. 

“In pursuing the work of publication the United Communist Party will re- 
ceive all support from the Executive of the Communist International. 

* Delegated from the Communist International. 


**( Signed) Wwmn.. MorGAN.” 


The following is quoted from “ Minutes of Local Quorum,” Octo- 
ber 20, which was seized at 170 Bleecker Street, New York City, on 
April 29, 1921. It is signed ‘* Rose, Acting Sec.”: 


Minutes of Local Quorum, Oct. 20. Present: Dubner, Rose, Victor, Simons, 
~ Clemens. 
{ * * % * * * * 


Comrade Morgan arrived and submitted a verbal report on the Second Con- 
gress of the International and the recommendations of the Executive Com- 
mittee to the American movement. Motion carried that he be instructed to 

_ prepare a written report for consideration of the full C. E. C. at its next 
meeting. 
* * * * * * * 
. K. Rose, Acting Sec. 


From confidential sources there was procured the following order, 
issued by the Communist International: 


‘SECRET INSTRUCTIONS OF THE BUREAU OF THE WESTERN EUROPEAN SECRETARIAT 
OF PROPAGANDA . 


The experiment of last year in agitation propaganda and organizing work 
of the Russian Communist Party among the Red Army, the working masses 
and the population, has shown that the Revolutionary Communistic ideology 
is being more or less successfully adopted, among the Red Army as well as 
among the proletarian youth. At the same time it has shown how far the 
more or less aged workers and the members of the Red Army older in service, 
are removed in their ideology from the, ideals and military problems of Com- 
munism. 

This condition of affairs has been taken into consideration by the leaders 
of the Russian proletariat and the new military policy and principles of propa- 


450 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


ganda work, have been altered so that the Red Barracks of the Communist 
Union of Youths, in the near future, will become objects of the attention oi 
the Russian Communist Party and there will be conducted there, through 
the application of all effort and means a serious work in the reeducation of 
the worker-peasant youth. This has already been announced as the problem 
to be attacked and it is to be hoped that this work will produce in the near 
future its own results: tens, hundreds of thousands of young enthusiastic 
Communists, the defense of the worker-peasant dictatorship and the future 
army of the International, will pour into the people’s sea of Russia and will 
begin their responsible work of securing in the popular the founda- 
tion of Communism, and the Struggle with the unnecessary return of reac- 
tion and compromise. And, of course, only in this way can the union of the 
worker with the peasant. be reached, which is not one of the least important 
problems of the Russian Communist Party.’ 

The general situation of the international front of the militant proletariat 
is far from being in the condition that was expected at the beginning of the 
year. From everywhere are coming reports of the yielding of the leaders of the 
workers’ movement and the strengthening of the world’s capital (Capitalism), 
becoming daily more and more mighty, regardless of the progressive develop- 
ment of the world-wide economic crisis, the undoubted and definite forerunner 
of the coming world revolution. There is no doubt that such an.unfavorable 
condition of affairs can be explained exclusively by the fact that in the ranks 
of the proletariat there is occurring a move to the side of the opportunist that 
the revolutionary spirit has fallen, and the leaders of the working class, de- 
prived of faith, of revolutionary enthusiasm, are on the leash of warring capital 
(Capitalism). It is true also that the seeds of Communism, cast upon the old, 
tired, and apathetic mass of the proletariat of the west, have not sprouted. 
Here also, according to the experiment of last year, one must conclude that a 
great mistake has been made; we missed the favorable time and the more anti- 
militaristic and communistic inclined youth of Europe was beyond the limits of 
Communists’ work, and the organization of.it did not go farther than their 
organization state. Therefore it is necessary to undertake immediately the 
correction of this mistake, to devote serious attention to the proletarian youth 
of Europe, and, taking as a foundation the thesis of the Russian Communist 
Party on internal-agitation propaganda and organization work among the youth, 
to enter upon intensive work among them and the converting of them into the 
advance guard of the militant international army. 

The latest reports of the Bureau (of propaganda) show that in the recent 
period the main attention of it and the leaders of the foreign Communist parties 
has been devoted to work far beyond their strength among the professional 
unions and the workers’ syndicates. To the ———— (breaking up?) and cleaning 
out of them of compromising elements and the joining of them to the one 
proletarian international front. With all its importance for the future struggle 
and organization of the proletariat, this work has not given perceivable results, 
and, what is most important’, the working masses have not produced from their 
midst militant elements. If it is taken into consideration that according to the 
latest information the foreign Communist parties possess but a trifling number 
of weapons, then one must come to the conclusion that the military organization 
of the Communist International lack the forces which they could lead to a 
decisive battle with capital (Capitalism), without which, of course, it is im- 
possible to attain a victory over capital and the World-wide Soviet Republic. 

Such a condition of affairs has long since prompted the necessity of devoting 
attention to the Army and Navy of the capitalist States, and by increased and 
intense work utilizing the experience of the decomposition of the Russian White. 
Guard Army, to attain such a condition of affairs that in the ranks of the 
Capitalist armies there would be Red sections Which would decompose the army 
as a Whole and turn their bayonets against the Capitalist class. This was con- 
sidered by both the second and third Congress of the Communist International 
in compiling the thesis on the tactics of propaganda and work, but unfortun- 
ately the work in this respect gave absolutely no results. This must not stop 
the active Communist forces from continuing the work commenced in this 
region. But, to the contrary must develop it intensively, particularly now, 
when the phantom of impending capitalistic war is hovering before the world 
and when the armies and navies of the capitalistic states, manned by com- 
pulsory obligatory or voluntary enlistment, are almost entirely consisting of 
the most anti-militaristic youths inclined to adopting the Communistic idea. - 





| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 451 


The work and organization in this section must be placed at the head of all 
the future work of the Communist International and its members, and all its 
strength and means must be devoted to it. 

_ The principal attention in the first place must be devoted to the personnel of 
the Navy, where the soil is particularly fertile for active Communist propa- 
ganda and work, particularly in the English and French navies. In this work 
it is necessary to act on the following general conditions: 

_ 1. All sailors, by the manner and nature of their lives, are devoid of 
nationalist ideology, and they, as a matter of fact, are internationalists. 

2. The conditions of the service of sailors on submarines, cruisers, and on 
ships in general which make distant trips are extremely difficult, they enjoy 
very little rest, their maintenance is very unsatisfactory, and the service is 
very dangerous to life. 

3. The war did not bring to sailors the moral satisfaction and peace which 
they were expecting, but, to the contrary, it is bringing on the coming monstrous 
war on the seas. 

In the final summary one should not forget that sailors are least of all 
subject to subordination and are very much inclined to insubordination and 
disorders. In this respect the example of the Great October Revolution (Bol- 
shevist) where an honorable part was played by the Kronstadt and Baltic 
fleets and the German Revolution, where the principal participants were the 
sailors—are convincing facts. On the basis of all this the bureau and the 
Russian branches of the Communist parties must strive to create in all the 
principal ports special nuclei of organizers and agitators who must strive with 
all their efforts to get into contact with the personnel of Navy vessels to 
organize among them nuclei with their own people in them, and to distribute 
energetically special literature. The nuclei on the ships must maintain a 
permanent contact in accordance with the movements of the ship with the 
port organizations of the Communist Party and the latter must regularly 
maintain the contact among themselves and inform one another of the move- 
ments of ships, countersigns of ships, countersigns and conditions of entry. 
The port nuclei must not limit themselves to the establishment of contact and 
transmittal of literature, but must strive also to the bringing together of the crews 
of ships and the proletarian population of the ports, to the generalizing of 
their ideology, remembering always that the fishermen principally are the 
source for the supplying of the personnel of the fleet and that their influence 
can reflect very much on the attitude of the sailors now and particularly during 
possible mobilizations. Simultaneously the work already commenced in the 
occupied territory (on the Rhine, Upper Silesia, and Constantinople) among 
the territorial armies of the Hntente must continue to grow and spread into 
the detachments already in England and France, ete., proper. At the present 
moment it must bear in mind the youths which are entering the Army on 
the latest drafts, among which there is a particularly favorable soil for Com- 
munist agitation and the propaganda of pdcifist ideas. In this respect it is 
necessary to give the French, German, and English Communist Parties full 
initiative in the sense of determining the tactics and program of agitation 
obligating them to conform their work to local conditions. With this it is 
necessary to point out that their agitators should strive to utilize as often as 
possible the thousand and one little details of the daily life of the soldier in 
order to undermine his obedience to the officers the bourgeois discipline and 
his duties in defending the bourgeois peace. Along with this there must be 
conducted on a broad scale an increased propaganda of pacifist ideas, ideas of 
disarmament and to prove that it is only for their own game new conflicts of 
peoples when they wish to live in peace. 

The general slogan: Only—If the Proletariat be Master in Every Country, 
Will the Causes for New Conflicts Disappear. 

The Central Committee of the Communist International believes that the 
Bureau of the Western European Secretariat of Propaganda will adopt all 
measures to become familiar in detail with its suggestions to familiarize its 
subordinate sections with them and upon putting them into execution will 
communicate the results to the Central Committee for a report at the Fourth 
February Congress. ; 





ZINOVIEV, 
Chairman of the Central Committee of the 5rd International. 
KATAYAMA, 
In charge of the Propaganda Sec. 
ARNGOLD, 


Moscow, Dec. 8, 1921. Secretary. 


| 
452 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA | 
One of the evidences of activity among soldiers in this country was 
the distribution of a number of leaflets entitled “ Soldiers, Soldiers !” 
signed by the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party 
of America, J. Davis, Secretary, during the first part of August, 
1922, in the strike area during the coal and railroad strike.. A copy 
of this circular appears below: 


SOLDIERS! SoLprers! 


Do not shoot your brothers, the railway and mine strikers! 

They are not your enemies! They are fighting in order to obtain a serap 
of bread for their families. They are useful citizens; workers who have pro- 
duced millions of dollars’ worth of wealth for the war profiteers. Many of 
them fought on Flanders’ Field. They are now trying to collect some of that 
democracy and freedom they are promised, just the same as thousands of ex- 
service men are fighting for the bonus that war profiteers are opposing because 
it would compel them to disgorge some of the loot stolen from the workers of 
this country. 

Soldiers! Whether you are in the U. S. army or the militias of the various 
states, do not shoot at the strikers! You did not enlist to engage in the in 
famous occupation of strike breakers and scab herders. Refuse to do it! Do 
not help the profiteers take the last crumb from the mouths of the helpless 
women and children of the working class. 

Remember this, the workers are never your enemies! 

Soon you may be in their ranks and you would not want to be crushed by 
armed force! 

Perhaps, even now, in some other part of the country, your father or your 
brother may be in the ranks of strikers! Would you want them to be murdered 
because they ask a mere existence? 

It is not treason to refuse to become as assassin of the workers! 

Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of A. 
J. Davis, Hxecutive Secretary. 


Especial reference is made to that portion of this report entitled 
“The Young Communist Movement,” showing the details of the 
plan, together with resolutions of the Young Communist League and 
the Young Workers’ League, to influence young men to refuse to obey 
military instructions, and to propagate communist ideas in the ranks. 

“ Novy Mir,” for April 18, 1923, stated: 


We shall set out now upon the task of carrying on propaganda within the 
army to win over the soldiers for the proletariat. © 

A glorious time is coming—the time of international unification of the forces 
of labor. * * * They must unite and fight for a better lot. 


“ Kommunistichny Svit,” Ukrainian underground communist pub- 
lication, in the January, 1923, issue states: 


It shall also be noted that Communists have nothing in common with the old 
theory of pacifism, therefore the army affords them plenty of work. Instead of 
the old-time pacifism the Communists bring forth revolution. And without the 
aid of the army revolution is impossible, 


A leaflet issued by the Central Executive Committee of the Work- 
ers’ Party of America, signed by Ruthenberg, Secretary, and dated 
February, 1923, stated: 


Surely no worker who thinks can any longer be in doubt about the purpose 
for which the present Government of the United States exists. It is a strike 
breaking agency for the bosses. Its job is to make the workers accept the 
wages and working conditions which the bosses are ready to give them, and to 
use injunctions, courts, and even soldiers to compel the workers to accept. 


q 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 453 
_ “QObrana;” Czechoslovak Communist weekly of New York, in its 
‘February 22, 1923, issue, thus counsels the young soldiers in Eu- 
ropean uniforms: 

Workers, you visionaries in soldiers’ uniform, can’t you see, can’t you under- 
stand? You have the guns, the poisonous gases, and the tanks in your hands. 
Turn them on against those who order you to kill comrades. 

- Turn them on and fire! And see that you aim well! Tear to tatters the 

“multicolored fangles with their crosses, lions, eagles, and stars, and in their 

place hoist the red blood flag of your power. 

- Another important document taken from 170 Bleeker Street, New 
York City, was dated January 27, 1921, addressed “ To all District 

- Organizers ” and signed “ Paul Holt ” (Executive Secretary of the 
United Communist Party). It contains the following: 


Confidential. 
2 ORGANIZATION FOR ARMY, NAVY, AND MILITIA 


ach district must ascertain the number of army and navy posts in its ter- 
TLUOLY: ; 

Bach district must secure a committee of five members, the best material in 
the district, for propaganda work at each of these posts. Whenever possible, 
one committee may take charge of several posts. 

These committees shall be directly in charge of the district organizers. 

Each subdistrict shall elect a committee of five or more members for the work 
among the militia in their respective subdistricts. 

These Committees shall be directly in charge of the subdistrict organizers. 

- On or about July 18, 1922, following the district convention of 
July 15 and 16, at New York, Jakira and Ruthenberg had a con- 
versation on the relations between the two parties (the open or legal 
and the underground or illegal). Jakira asked Ruthenberg why he 
wanted the illegal apparatus maintained. Ruthenberg answered, 
“To do the illegal work, such as send men in the Army and Navy 
to distribute illegal propaganda in facts, not in words, as has been 
the case in the past, and other things that would be illegal under the 
present form of society.” Ruthenberg then explained that the words 
“ mass action,” as used in the Program, covered Armed Insurrection, 
which was prohibited by the Government. By supplementing the 
program with an illegal apparatus, “ the C. E. C. at any time could 
call for several men, let them join the Army and Navy and under- 
mine them through propaganda work; once they were undermined, 
then we could come out with the full Communist program and propa- 
gate ‘Armed insurrection’ without anyone being able to stop us.” 

On February 6, 1922, at a meeting held to organize ex-soldiers, 
Jampulsky outlined a plan of action and called upon those present 
to get their veteran friends to attend a later meeting. 

At a meeting of the subdistrict committee held at 1461 Madison 
Avenue, New York City, on July 27, 1922, Jakira stated that J. 
Bradon was organizing in the party an auxiliary of all World War 
Veterans for emergency purposes. All veterans who belonged to the 
party were instructed to get in touch with Jakira at 201 West 18th 
Street, New York City. 

Further with regard to the propaganda in the Army and Navy, 
the following excerpt is taken from the Twenty-one Conditions for 
admission to the Communist International as set forth by the Second 
Congress: 

4, Persistent and systematic propaganda and agitation must be carried on 
in the army, where Communist groups should be formed in every military 


454 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


organization. Wherever, owing to repressive legislation, agitation become 
impossible, it is necessary to carry on such agitation illegally. But refusal t 
carry on or participate in such work should be considered equal to treason t: 
the revolutionary cause and incompatible with affiliation to the Third Inter 


national. 


The following is an excerpt taken from pages 60 and 61 of the 
Theses and Resolutions” of the Third Congress of the Communis' 
International, June 22 to July 12, 1921: 


In view of the extraordinary importance of the counter-revolutionary shock 
troops, the Communist Party must, through its nuclei in the unions, devote 
special attention to this question, organizing a thorough going educational anc 
communication service which shall keep under constant observation the mili. 
tary organs and forces of the enemy, his headquarters, his arsenals, the con 
nection between these headquarters and the police, the press, and the politica 
parties and work out all the necessary details of defense and counterattack. 

The Communist Party must in. this manner convince the widest circles o1 
the proletariat by work and deed, that every economic or political conflict. 
given the necessary combination of circumstances, may develop into civil war. 
in the course of which it will become the task of the proletariat to conquer the 
power of the state. 


The following excerpt is taken from the program for the guidance 
of the Communist Party of America, entitled, “ Concerning the Next 
Tasks of the Communist Party of America, (A thesis by the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist International), No. 1, Main As- 
pects of Strategy ”: : 

14. For the unrestricted right of soldiers and sailors to organize in unions. 
Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers or sailors. No 
private soldier or sailor to be judged by a court-martial except composed 
entirely of private soldiers or sailors elected for the purpose within the military 
unit concerned. 

On March 18, 1923, at 162 Madison Street, New York City, the city 
convention of the Communist Party of America was addressed by 
John Pepper, who outlined the plan of the Third International which 
had been approved by the Central Executive Committee. Pepper 
spoke in German, his remarks being translated to the delegates by 
Ruthenberg. During the explanation by Ruthenberg he made the 
following statement : 


The apparatus will consist of a very confidential committee which will direct 
the illegal work, such as sending men to organizations such as the American 
Legion, the Ku Klux Klan, the Army and Navy, and in case of an uprising this 
committee will take care of getting arms and distributing them, also to get 
people to take illegal literature into reactionary states and do the general 
work of the Party. 


With regard to the propaganda in the Army and Navy, attention 
is called to the following statements by the Secretaries of War and 
Navy, dated April 6 and April 5, 1922, respectively : 


STATEMENT BY SECRETARY OF WAR 


In answer to inquiries covering radical influences opposing the Army, similar 
to those mentioned in press articles relative to the navy, the Secretary of War 
made the following statement: 

“The War Department has been cognizant of the fact that the Communist 
program has stressed the desirability of breeding disloyalty among the per- 
sonnel of the Army and Navy and ¢itizens at large. . 

“Tt is not intended to assert that all opposition to the military establishment 
is occasioned by such influence, but undoubtedly many loyal Americans have 
lent their support to movements which were inspired by radical organizers. 


f : RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 455 


' “No special precautions have been taken against such agitation, as the 
training of the Army has always been conducted with a view to teaching 
loyalty, love of country, and a spirit of sacrifice; and such teaching since the 
war has been especially emphasized. 

“ Schedules for training of both Reserve Officers’ Training Corps and Citi- 
yens’ Military Training Camps include provisions for teaching ‘ Americanism.’ 

“Tt is believed that the value of military training in this respect is equivalent 
to a large part of the appropriation now made for National Defense! ” 


STATEMENT BY SECRETARY OF THE NAVY 


1. My attention has been called to the fact that there is sinister propaganda 
by societies having their origin in foreign countries to undermine the morale 
of the Navy and to insinuate into its personnel elements of disloyalty and 
disorder. 

2. I have the most profound confidence in the loyalty and devotion to their 
country of commissioned. and enlisted men of the United States Naval forces. 
I have no fear that men in any considerable number may any time, anywhere. 
be seduced from their allegiance to their country’s flag. It is not, therefore, 
through any thought or suggestion that the United States Navy is in the 
slightest danger from this propaganda that I issue this warning. 

8. I fear only that some few of our men may be induced, innocently at first. 
when on shore to join societies having for their purpose the advancement of 
ideas contrary to our form of Government or which may result in lawlessness. 
There are, of course, in a personnel as large as that of the Navy some dis- 
-eontented men, and in the hearts of discontented men false doctrines find ready 
acceptance. 

4. I am trying by this warning to save a few individuals who might other- 
wise afiiliate themselves with societies teaching those things which can not be 
tolerated in an organization sworn to uphold the Constitution of the United 
States and to obey all lawful orders. Should there be any such men in the 
Navy to-day, it is almost certain that if they do not disentangle themselves 
from affiliation with such organizations they will ultimately be detected. 

5. I am trying to lessen the number of prisoners in naval prisons. I could 
not hope to show leniency, however, to any man who, in combination or alone, 
in violation of his oath, committed acts of disloyalty to his country. 

6. Because I have been one of you I know that all men have their periods of 
unhappiness—of imagined ill-treatment, homesickness, and discontent. Such 
periods come to civilians as well as to men in the Naval service. They are a 
part of life. We must not let them lead us into such folly as desertion or 
resistance to lawful authority nor particularly into revolt by word or deed 
against a form of government that has proven in the main a government of 
liberty and justice. 

7. The world is full of false thought to-day. I would save that service of 
which the country is so proud, and of which I happen to be at the moment the 
head, from the hurtful influence of improper theories of government or false 
dreams of a better state to be created by anarchy and violence. I would go 
far to Save any one man from the consequences of his misdeeds, whether such 
consequences take the form of physical punishment or only of the deep remorse 
which must ever follow him through life. So I appeal to the officers and men 
of the service to be ever alert in guarding themselves, ashore and afloat, from 
the preaching of sovietism, communism, and anarchy. 


SOCIETY FOR TECHNICAL AID TO SOVIET RUSSIA 


- The Society was organized by L. C. A. K. Martens, Bolshevik 
“representative ” in this country, and was established in New York 
City during the year 1919. In the same year one Dr. A. M. Robin, 
a naturalized citizen of Russian birth, organized a branch of the 
society in St. Louis, Missouri. The purpose of the organization was 
to obtain technically trained men to go to Russia and assist the 
Soviet régime in reconstruction. Only revolutionists and persons in 

absolute accord with the Soviet authorities were eligible for mem- 


456 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


bership in this society. Branches of the society have been establishec 


in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Passaic and Newark, New Jersey: 
Minneapolis, Minnesota; Detroit, Michigan; Chicago, Illinois; and in 
many other cities. 

The first national convention of the society was held in New York 
City in July, 1921. The governing body of this organization was 
known as the Central Bureau, which was located at 110 West 40th 
Street, New York City. The society adopted a constitution, ex- 
cerpts of which are as follows: 


CONSTITUTION AND By-LAWS OF THE Socrery 


ARTICLE 1. Name of the organization, “ Society for Technical Aid to Soviet 
Russia of United States and Canada.” 

ARTICLE 2. Aims of the Organization: 

1. Registration and organization of all technical industrial and professional 
forces in America who are willing to go to Soviet Russia for the purpose of 
helping the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic in the work of recon- 
struction on the basis of Communist Socialism. 

2. (a) Preparation of the forces with the aim of utilizing them to best ad- 
vantage in Soviet Russia. (0) Organization of schools. (¢) Collection of data 
and scientific research in agricultural, industrial, technical, and professional 
fields. 

ARTICLE 8. Membership of the organization: 

5. Persons who have been active in the counter-revolutionary movement of 
the Soviet Government can not become members of the Society for Technical 
Aid to Soviet Russia. 

ARTICLE 7. Central bureau—composition, rights, and duties: | . 

The central bureau establishes expert examining committees according to 
instructions of the People’s Commissariat of Labor. 

12. The Central Bureau communicates with Soviet Russia. 

ARTICLE 10. Liquidation of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia: 

1. In case the society ceases to function, and its affairs are liquidated, all 
the property and funds belonging to it are to be turned over to the legal 
representative of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. 

ARTICLE 11. Composition, rights, and duties of branches: . 

9. A branch transfers all original applications of members to the central 
bureau, keeping duplicates of same. 


This organization had a number of schools in which mechanics, 
mathematics, and electricity were studied, among other educational 
subjects. To these schools only members of the Communist Party. 
Communist Labor Party, or the I. W. W. were eligible. | The society 
was also active in Russian famine relief work, in which connection 
it acted apparently for the Friends of Soviet Russia. : 

_ This society organized a medical unit which was to be sent to 
Soviet Russia, the organization being in response to a request from 
a Dr. Semachko, the Commissar of Public Health of Soviet Russia. 
An article entitled “Medical unit for Soviet Russia being organized 
by Society for Technical Aid to Soviet. Russia,” published in the 
official organ “ Vestnik ” for November 15, 1921, page 22, is as follows: 

The central bureau of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia re- 
ceived, a few days ago, a cable authorizing the bureau to organize a medical 
unit to aid particularly in the famine regions. The People’s Commissariat for 
Public Health stipulates that the unit bring with it provisions for its own 
personnel as well as for the population in which the unit will do its work; 
also the necessary medicaments and disinfectants are requested. . i ydaieee 

The official organ quoted above, on page 23, under the title “ The 
Activities of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia in the 


(Vets 


J RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 457 


q 
U. S. and Canada,” gives an account of its activities since its first 


Hy 
. 


al convention, reading as follows: 


THE ACTIVITIES OF THE SOCIETY ¥OR TECHNICAL AID TO SOVIET RUSSIA IN U. S. 
AND CANADA 


Since the first national convention of the Society for Technical Aid for 
Soviet Russia in July of this year, at which were represented only about 10 
branches from as many cities and provinces, the Society, through its elected 
“ central body,” the Central Bureau, has been instrumental in organizing about 
30 more branches in various cities; so that to date there are in the United 
States and Canada 40 well organized branches, ranging from a membership 
of 800 in New York City to the lowest of 20 in Central Falls, Rhode Island. 
‘The total membership is now about 10,000. The Central Bureau has thus far 
made every effort to fulfill the performances of the duties that were assigned 
to it. 

To show the extent of the operations of this Society, attention is 
called to an article appearing in the official organ, “ Vestnik,” under 
date of March 5, 1922, page 19, entitled “Production Unit Sail to 
Russia,” reading as follows: 


PRODUCTION UNITS SAIL TO RUSSIA 


Production units and representatives of cooperatives and Artels who sailed 
March 10th through the Central Bureau of the Society for Technical Aid for 
Soviet Russia of U. S. and Canada. 

Groups and delegates who previously left for Russia: 

1. Representatives of the Agricultural Artel of the New branch of the Society 
for Technical Aid for Soviet Russia. 

2. Representatives of the Agricultural Commune of the San Francisco branch 
of the Society for Technical Aid for Soviet Russia. 

5. Representatives of the religious sects from California, Mexico, and Ari- 
zona. 

4. Representatives of the Structural Artel of the New York, Boston, and 
Philadelphia branches of the Society for Technical Aid for Soviet Russia. 

5. The Ossitin Agricultural Artel from Alaska, which left for Caucasia. 

6. The first group of engineers of the Technical Council of the Central 
Bureau, who left for work with the Department of Reimmigration of the 
Supreme Council of National Economy. 

_ %. The representative of the Jugo-Slavian Artel of Miners of the Society for 
Technical Aid for Soviet Russia from Ziegler, [linois. 

8. The representative of the Winnipeg-Montreal Agricultural Commune of 
the Society for Technical Aid for Soviet Russia. 

9. The representative of the New York Electro-Technical Artel of the So- 
ciety for Technical Aid for Soviet Russia. 

_ 10. The Shoemakers Co-operative of the New York Branch of the Society for 
Technical Aid for Soviet Russia. 

11. Second group of Engineers of the Technical Council of the Central 
Bureau for work in the Department of Reimmigration, of the Supreme Council 
of National Economy. 

12. A mining engineer was sent by the Central Bureau to investigate condi- 
tions of work and suitable mines for the miners of America. 

The following groups have left on the 11th of March: 

13. The Winnipeg-Montreal Agricultural Commune of the Society for Tech- 
nical Aid for Soviet Russia (50 men), with machines, tractors, and other agri- 
cultural machinery, also seeds and foodstuffs amounting to $30,000, to settle. 
in Ukrainia. 

14. The New York Agricultural Artel (50 men), with seeds, foodstuffs, 
tractors, and other agricultural machinery, amounting to about $25,000. 

15. Group of mechanics for the automobile factory “Amo” at Moscow (50. 
men). Took with them $2,500 worth of tools and about $10,000 worth of per-. 
sonal property. 

16. Three representatives of the Finnish Agricultural Commune of the T. S. 
of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, Seattle, Washington, Branch. 
This group will invest $60,000 for agricultural machinery and supplies, 


458 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


17. Three. representatives of the Chicago Commune, Society for Technic. 
Aid to Soviet Russia. This sroup will spend about $17,000 to $20,000 fr 
machinery and supplies. 

18. Two representatives of the New York Branch, Shoemakergs Co-operatiy 
Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia. : 

19. Two representatives of the New York Tailor Commune. This group ha 
ample funds for machinery and supplies. | 

20. One representative of the Printers’ Artel of the New York Branch Ss: 
ciety for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia. 

21. Comrade A. L. Belford, member of the English group of the New Yor 
Branch of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, is leaving for Berlin 
Germany, to work with the railroad mission of Soviet Russia in Germany. 


This society also extended its operation into Australia, New Zea 
land, and South America, as appears from its official organ datec 
April 15, 1922, page 23. 

Marten’s undisputed connection with this Society is shown in ar 
article appearing in the official organ under the same date (April 15 
1922), page 23, reading as follows: 


COAL MINERS GOING TO RUSSIA 


The first coal miners cooperative of the Society for Technical Aid to Sovie: 
Russia is going to Russia in the latter part of April. The cooperative consists 
of over 50 members and has over $15,000 for tools and equipment. 

On the 22nd of February this cooperative sent Comrade Bocharetz as delegate 
to Russia, who upon arrival there conferred with L. C. A. K. Martens, head of 
the Immigration Department of the Supreme Council of National Economy. 
The result of this conference was communicated in the following cablegram, 
which reads in part: 

“Coal miners cooperative of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, 
Zeigler, Ill., is to immediately leave for Petrograd, from where it is to follow 
to its place of destination. 

* BOCHARETZ, 
* Delegate of Miners’ Cooperative, Zeigler, Til. 
“L. C. A. K. Martens, 
“S.C. N. H., Department of Industrial Immigration.” 


The Council of Labor and Defense, a branch of the so-called Rus- 
sian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, exercised the right of con- 
trol over this Society, as is definitely established in an article ap- 
pearing in the society’s official organ, “ V estnik,” under date of April 
15, 1922, page 19, excerpts of which read as follows: 


SOVIET RUSSIA NEEDS SKILLED WORKERS 


On June 29, 1921, the Council of Labor and Defense (or S. T. O. in Russian 
abbreviation) issued a decree in connection with immigration of foreign 
workers into Russia, creating a department of Industrial Immigration and 
providing, among other things, the following: 

1. Industrial enterprises which, by reason of their equipment or because of 
other particular conditions, are suitable for operation by foreign workers may 
be turned over to such workers organized into Artels, Cooperatives, etc., on the 
basis of Leases, or on any other basis that may be found suitable, such enter- 
prises to enjoy a certain degree of autonomy, which will be determined in each 
case between the contracting parties, and to be under the supervision of the 
Supreme Council of National Heonomy. 

2. The amount of material resources and foodstuffs that should be brought 
in by the groups of foreign workers who are invited to the above-noted enter- 
prises, in accordance with the character of these enterprises (their equipment, 
reserve of raw materials, housing provisioning, and local conditions), at their 
own cost, for the purpose of placing these enterprises on a self-supporting basis. 

This department is to be a part of the Supreme Council of National Economy, 
the organ of the Soviet Government that is in charge of Russian Industries. 
The Supreme Council of National Economy, in accordance with this decree, 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA . 459 


~ 


appointed a representative in the United States to supervise Industrial Immi- 
gration to Soviet Russia. A recent statement of the Representative outlines the 
scope of his work, namely: 

“Following the line of the new economic policy of the Soviet Government, 
the Supreme Council of National Economy is inviting organized groups of 
workers, agricultural and industrial cooperatives, partnerships, groups, etc., to 
come to Soviet Russia for the purpose of leasing or taking on concessions 
industrial establishments, factories, mills, agricultural colonies, etc., in accord- 
ance with recent decrees of the Soviet Government. The Supreme Council of 
' National Economy also invites engineers, skilled mechanics, electricians, miners, 
builders, and trained men in all branches of industry to come and take part in 
the building up of the economic life of Russia. For the development of Russian 
agriculture it invites also farmers, especially organized agricultural colonies, 
to come and introduce modern methods of agricultural and machine farming in 
- Soviet Russia. 

“The Representative of the Supreme Council of National Economy in the 

United States will work in conjunction with the Society for Technical Aid to 
Soviet Russia of the United States and Canada, Room 3038, 110 West 40th 
Street, New York City, to whom inquiries and correspondence should be ad- 
dressed. N 

“‘ Here, then, is the opportunity of the conscious worker in America, inspired 
by the ideals of the Russian Revolution, to go and place his ability, his skill, 
and devotion at the service of the greatest cause the workers of the World 
have dared to dream of—Soviet Russia, the Republic of the Workers and 
Peasants.” 


In this connection an article appearing in “ Vestnik,” July, 1922, 
page 22, may be quoted: 


ALL ORGANIZED GROUPS OF WORKERS TO BE FREELY ADMITTED INTO RUSSIA 


~The resolution which was adopted on May 10 by the Council of Labor and 
Defense stipulates that all tools and machinery brought’ into Russia by Indus- 
trial and agricultural groups from the United States will be admitted free of 
customs tariffs and provides the machinery for the admission of such working. 
groups. 

The text of the resolution follows in part: 

“Tt is considered necessary to restrict for the present immigration into the 
Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, admitting only such groups of 
workers as can be guaranteed to find employment in the republic, subject to 
the conditions stipulated in the resolution of the Council of Labor and Defense 
of June, 1920. 

“ Sych industrial and agricultural groups, organized in the United States 
under the direction of the Department of Immigration of the Supreme Council 
of National Economy in agreement with the Commissariat of Labor, will 
obtain free entry into Russia. 

“Food supplies, tools, equipment, clothing, and household articles imported 
into Russia by industrial and agricultural groups of immigrants are to be 
admitted free of custom duties.” . 

RIkov, 
Acting Chairman of the Council of Labor and Defense. 
FOTLIVA, 
Secretary. 

This resolution of the Council of Labor and Defense in defining the condi- 
tions of immigration into Soviet Russia provides for unhindered admission of 
organized groups properly equipped with tools, provisions, etc. 

The representative of the Supreme Council of National Economy in the 
United States will issue such permits to groups organized and vouched for 
by the Central Bureau of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia. 


An article in the official organ for November, 1922, entitled “ Bul- 
letin of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia,” reads as 


follows: | 
OFFICIAL INFORMATION FOR RUSSIAN REIM MIGRANTS 


Attention all those Desiring to return to Soviet Russia: The Central Bureau 
of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia received from the Consul 


82325—24—pr 2——20 


460 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic in Libau an official docu- 
ment, which, in view of its especial importance, we are printing herewith. 


Central Bureau of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, New York, 
Reh BY 


‘ 


In accordance with your request to Moscow regarding the entrance of groups 
of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia into Russia, I call your atten- 
tion to the following: 

(1) That each reimmigrant, including his family, should have with him 5 
photographs for the Consul in Libau. 

(2) Immigrants must also have with them (not packed away in the baggage) 
old as well as recent documents showing their citizenship (passport, birth, 
and military-service certificates, etc.). 

(3) In addition, each reimmigrant must be acquainted with the special infor- 
mation for reimmigrants, appended hereto. 

In order to establish close contact between you and the Libau Consul and 
the information he possesses concerning reimmigration, the Consul earnestly 
requests you to send him systematically all your bulletins and publications 
dealing with the subject in question. 

The Counsel assumes that the above-mentioned first and second points are 
essential to be complied with by all those going, not only through Libau but 
through other ports. In view of the approaching winter months, when the 
Petrograd and other ports are closed, and all reimmigration will, therefore, be 
directed through Libau (as the only unfrozen port), the Consul requests you 
once more to inform him without delay about the extent of the immediate 
reimmigration, with the view to expedite all matters concerning it. 


INFORMATION. FOR RUSSIAN REIMMIGRANTS FROM AMERICA GOING THROUGH LIBAU 


[In accordance with the decree of Council of Labor and Defense of May 10th, 1922] 


(1) Hach group, upon leaving America, going through Libau, must inform 
the Libau Consul by telegraph (a) about its departure; (b) number of people; 
(c) name of the boat. 

(2) Group and individual reimmigrants passing through Libau are met at 
‘the steamer, immediately upon arriving at the port, by the representatives of 
the Consulate, who must present their credentials of identification. 

(3) The Committee of the group must, as its first duty upon arrival, give to 
the Consul exact written information about (a) the number of arrivals in the 
group; (0b) the number possessing money, private as well as communal; (c) 
baggage and freight, including receipts and bills of lading. 

(4) If the delegates have any complaints regarding bad treatment during 
voyage, poor food, and so on, such must be made at once. 

(5) After the examination by the Consulate, reimmigrants receive passes 
for leaving the steamship, which must be kept, together with the passports, 
until they reach the border of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. 

(6) In order to receive a visé for the entrance into the Russian Socialist 
Yederated Soviet Republic reimmigrants must, in accordance with the decree 
of the Russian Foreign Department, comply with the following formalities: 
(a) fill out in the Consulate special questionnaires in 4 copies, at which time 
it is also necessary to present the old and recent documents; (0) present 5 
photographs; (c) present a written declaration that the reimmigrant con- 
siders himself a Russian citizen. 

(7) The following points are requested by the Latvian port and custom 
officials: (@) registration of passports; (6) registration of money. ? 

(8) In order to, expedite the further sending of reimmigrants it is necessary 
to have a committee representing the immigrants (one for each 50 men) for 
the purpose of directing together with the consulate the departure of the pas- — 
sengers, baggage, and freight, as well as for the payment of the above-named 
registration. 

(9) In accordance with the decree of the Council of Labor and Defense, 
groups from America are permitted to bring into the Russian Socialist Fed- 
erated Soviet Republic free (without custom duties) baggage and freight such 
as provisions, clothing, shoes, machines, instruments, and various related 
materials, ete. 

(10) From Libau freight is transported into Soviet Russia at the rate of 
32 Latvian Rubles per 36 pounds (pood). 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 461 





(11) Freight from Libau is transported separately from the groups. 

(12) The group committee is allowed to have entrance into the Russian 

ocialist Federated Soviet Republic of unlimited amount of money, representing 
rious exchanges. 

(18) Latvian Rubles, which are necessary for expenses until the border is 
ched, unless such expenses have been taken care of by the Steamship 
Be can be exchanged at the Consulate (approximately 250 Rubles for 

dollar). 

(14) Exchange into Soviet Rubles can be made at the Riga Consulate. 

(15) Arrivals in Libau are sent further through Riga on the same or the 

ext day, freight being sent one-half a day later. In Riga, where a transfer 
made for Russian trains, a comparatively insignificant delay is occasioned: 
) those going to Moscow from 7 in the morning until 10 in the night of 
me day; (b) those going to Petrograd from 7 to 10 the same morning. 

(16) From Libau to Riga the reimmigrants are accompanied by a member 

f the Consulate. 

(17) Upon leaving Libau the Consulate telegraphs the Department of Indus- 

tial Immigration in Moscow with the request to meet and make arrangements 

or the welfare of the groups. 

(18) Complete prohibition of intoxicating liquors is exercised by the au- 

horities on the steamship, and especially in Libau; also relations with unknown 

nd suspicious persons, who are likely to be against the interests of the group, 
re strictly forbidden. 

(19) For all information and inquiries reimmigrants are advised to apply 

mly to the Libau Consulate of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Re- 

yublic, the address of which is 5 Golodskaya Ulitza, Libau, Latvia. In Riga 

he address of the Russian Consulate is No, 2 Antoniewskaya Ulitza. 
October 1, 1922, Libau. 

| SEMIONOFF, Counsel. 


A further article appearing in the above mentioned official organ 
for December, 1922, page 21, entitled “Bulletin of the Society for 
Technical Aid to Soviet Russia,” under the heading of “ Comrade 
Lenin’s Message to the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia 
of U. S. and Canada,” reads as follows: 


Dear CoMRADES: Our newspapers have carried unusually favorable reports 
eoncerning the work of members of your Society on Soviet agricultural es- 
tates in the district of Korsanoff, the State of Tambov; likewise in the 
Migaev District in the State of Odessa and the work of the Group of Miners 
in the Donetz Basin. 

In spite of the gigantic difficuties in their way especially on account of the 
disaster wrought to the country during the period of civil war, you have at- 
tained successes which are extraordinary. I hasten to express to you my deep 
gratitude, with the request to have this published in the official organ of 
your Society and, if possible, in the general press of the United States as 
well. 

I am requesting the Presidium of the All-Rusian Central Executive Com- 
mitte to have your Communes exhibited as models and to lend them especial 
and extraordinary assistance for the successful development of their work. 

Once more, in the name of our Republic, I express to you my sincere ap- 
preciation and request that you bear in mind that your aid for the cultiva- 
tion of our land with tractor machinery is for us especially timely and im- 
portant. 

I take pleasure in congratulating you on your plans for the vsrganization 


of 200 agricultural Communes. 
LENIN, 


Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars. 
It appears that during the month of February, 1923, a meeting 
was held at which there were present: C. E. Ruthenberg, A. Jakira, 
one Finkelberg, P. K. Antoniuk, one Wilga, one Rubin, one Zubkov, 
one Ashkenousi, and one Harbuz. Two of those present were prom 
nent. members of the Communist Party of America and also of 
the ‘Workers’ Party of America, Ruthenberg being Executive Sec- 


aoe 


462 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


retary of the Workers’ Party. The meeting was apparently calle 
for the purpose of giving the Workers’ Party, or Communist Part: 
of America, absolute control over the Society for Technical Aid t 
Soviet Russia, as will be seen from a statement to the membershiy 
of the Society, published in “ Novy Mir,” under date of Februar’ 
24, 1923, the “ Novy Mir” being the official organ of the Russiai 
Federation of the Workers’ Party in America, the statement reads it 
part as follows: 


CoMRADES: The Technical Aid has not during recent months fulfilled it: 
mission of giving aid to the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia. It: 
membership has gone down and its Communes have not been a success i 
Soviet Russia. This has been due to bad _ policies pursued by the. Centra 
Bureau and to the fact that the direction of the work of the Technieal Aic 
has been in the hands of an inefficient Central Bureau. 

The Central Bureau was inefficient because it did not see this. It sent 
Soviet Russia many persons who had no other desire than to aid themselve 
and who were not interested in aiding Soviet Russia. The Central Bureai 
was also not strong enough to keep personal self-seeking and personal busi 
mess out of the work of the Technical Aid. 

To meet this situation the Central Bureau has reorganized itself. There 
have been excluded from the Central Bureau Wilga, Rubens, Finkelberg 
Zoubkoff, and Gorelik, who were responsible for the wrong policies and in 
efficiency in the conduct of the work. The Central Bureau now in eharge 0! 
the work of the Technical Aid now consists of the following comrades 
Jakira. Borisoff, editor of Novy Mir, K. Radzivanovich, P. K. Antoniuk, A 
Nastasievsky, editor Ukrainian Daily News, Rose Karsner, M. Osadchy, Johr 
Pepper, and ©. E. Ruthenberg. To these will be added two members of the 
New Branch of the Technical Aid. . 

The reorganized Central Bureau will immediately put into effect policies 
which will make the Technical Aid an effective instrument for the aid o' 
Soviet Russia. These policies will include the following measures: 

a * * * * & * 


Through these new policies the Technical Aid will become a great help te 
Soviet Russia, which it could not be in the past due to wrong policies and the 
inefficiency of the Central Bureau. The reorganized Central Bureau calls 
upon all the members of the Technical Aid to give their loyal support to the 
Central Bureau in its efforts to make of the Technical Aid what it was or. 
ganized to be and to eliminate all self-seeking and personal interests from the 
organization. 





CENTRAL Bureau Socitery For TECHNICAL 
Alp To Sovier Russta. 

It would appear from this statement that the new Central Bureau 
of the Society was composed of K. Radzivanovich, Jakira, Borisoff. 
P. K. Antoniuk, A. Nastasievsky, Rose Karsner, M. Osadchy, John 
Pepper, and C. E. Ruthenberg. It will be noted that the John 
Pepper mentioned above is also a prominent member of the Workers’ 
Party of America. 

That this controversy was taken before the Committee of: the 
Council of Labor and Defense of Soviet Russia at Moscow appears 
from an article in the Society’s official organ under date of March, 
1923, p. 18, which reads as follows: 


THE ORDER FROM Moscow 
CENTRAL BUREAU SOCIETY FOR TECHNICAL AID TO SOVIET RUSSIA 


Replying to telegram about disorganization, instruct to continue work, follow- 
ing strictly instructions and regulation of Permanent Committee of Council of 
Labor and Defense. Are taking steps to explain point of view of Soviet Gov 
ment on immigration to those who do not understand. Organized immigr of, 
permitted by Committee of Council of Labor and Defense. Very desirable 
helpful to Soviet Russia. Reichel arrived. Instruct to postpone conve 


on 
n¢ 
Oo] 


: RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 463 


— 


ill May. Organization of agricultural immigration shall not be postponed. 
Luthorizing Wilga and Gorelik to sign passports. Confirm receipt of telegram. 


Dipvuc, 
Chairman Permanent Committee of Council Labor and Defense. 


Moscow, Feb. 24, 1923. 
: 


\UTHORITATIVE CENTRAL BUREAU OF THE SOCIETY FOR TECHNICAL AID TO SOVIET 
r RUSSIA OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA 


There appeared in the Russian press of New York on February 24th an 
innouncement from a group of persons calling themselves ‘“‘ New Central Bureau 
xf Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia.” It said that the Central 
Bureau has been reorganized, and that all the old members have been expelled 
axxcept P. Antoniuk. In order to clarify the situation before the membership 
xf the Society, as well as the Russian colony in general, we, the authorized 
nembers of the Central Bureau, elected at the convention on July 1, 2, and 3, 
1921, announce that— 

1. We have been empowered by the First Convention to conduct all activities 
9f the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia until the meeting of the 
Second Annual Convention. 

2. The announcement of the reorganization of the Central Bureau is false. 
Sil its members continue the execution of their duties, except P. Antoniuk, who 
has been unanimously expelled from the membership of the Central Bureau 
for breaking rules of the Convention, as per paragraph 14, section 7, of the 
Aonstitution of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia. 

3 The Authoritative Board of the Central Bureau is acting on ground of the 
Sonstitution Laws accepted by the First Convention, in compliance with the 
yrders and instructions of the Permanent Committee (Council of Labor and 
Defense) in Moscow, regulating all questions pertaining to immigration into 
the Soviet Republics. 

4, The “New Central Bureau,” consisting of persons who have never been 
nembers of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, has not been elected 
yy anybody and does not represent anybody. 

5. The present Central Bureau does not recognize any imposters and will 
tive over its work to the authorized representatives of the Society for Technical 
Aid to Russia at the Convention or to the Representative of the Soviet Govern- 
nent. 

Comrades, do not pay any attention to any kind of announcements from 
people bringing dissension into our ranks and harming deliberately or uninten- 
‘ionally the First Workers’ and Peasants’ Republic in the world. 

Prevent a split. Continue with unabated energy helping the Soviet Republics. 
Organize agricultural communes. . 


ANNOUNCEMENT 


CENTRAL Bureav, 8. T. A. S. R.- 
F. P. Wines, 

G. ROvUBIN, 

L. ZUBKOFF, 

A. GORELIK, 

A. FINKELBERG, 

The above shows that the former members of the Central Bureau 
were restored to office, and the usurpation of power in the Bureau 
yy the prominent leaders of the Communist Party and Workers’ 
Party mentioned above was reversed. 
To show further the control exercised by the Permanent Commit- 
tee for Immigration, Council of Labor and Defense, at Moscow, 
ittention is called to the official organ of the society under date of 
April 9, 1923, p. 19, under the heading “ Instructions About Re- 
Immigration ”: 

Instructions ABpoutT RE-IMMIGRATION—PERMANENT COMMITTEE FOR IMMIGRA- 
TION—COUNCIL OF LABOR AND DEFENSE “ Sto,” Moscow 
To Central Bureau, Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia: 


’ In accordance with the ruling of the Permanent Committee “ Sto” concern- 
ing regulation of Agricultural and Industrial Immigration, approved by 


A 


i 


| 
464 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
| 


“ Sovnarkom—Council of People’s Commissars—of November 28, 1922, t 
Committee of “Sto” is herewith confirming that the boundaries of Sov: 
Russia are still closed for general re-immigration but the arrival of econo 
ically strong agricultural communes and productive groups able to condt 
their own farming, applying scientific, technical methods of modern agricultu: 
is very desirable. 

Permission to enter Russia is not to be given to married people with ch 
dren wishing to go to Russia to settle in cities. — 

These rulings were fixed at the Session of the Permanent Committee “ St 
for Regulation of Agricultural and Industrial Re-Immigration on Februa 
6th, 1923. 

Certified correct -by.: 

(S) K. Kasiuxorr, Secretary. 


Attention is also called to the extended plans for reimmigratic 
to Russia, which appear on page 20 of the same issue, as follows: 


THE LINES oF RE-IMMIGRATION TO RUSSTA 
(Explanation to the maps on pages 12-13) 


On the 12th and 13th pages there are two maps, of North America a 
Kuropean Part of Russia. On the map of North America figure dots, sm: 
circles, and circles with dots in the middle, also one square with a circle @ 
dot inside. § 

The dots on the map indicate branches of the Society for Technical A 
There are altogether 65 dots on the map, according to the number of branch 
Society Technical Aid to Soviet Russia in the United States and Canada a 
New Zealand, not counting the branches organized in Australia. 

The circles designate communes organized in different parts of Nor 
America. 

A circle with a dot indicates that in a certain place exists a branch and : 
organized commune. 

During various periods the following communes Society for Technical A 
to Soviet Russia have been organized: 

1. First New York Agricultural Commune (5 groups have departed for Rt 
sia). 

2. First Ukrainian-Canadian Agricultural Commune “ Migayevo” (2 grou 
left for Russia). 

3. Zeigler Miners’ Group, of Zeigler, Il. 

4. First Construction Group, of New York. 

5. Mechanics’ Group ‘*“‘ Amo,” of New York. i 

6. Commune: ‘ Novy Mir,” of Cleveland, Ohio; Boston, Lynn, Mass.; @ 
Calgary, Alta, Canada (4 groups have already settled in Russia). 

7. Commune “ Seyatel,” of Seattle, Washington (3 groups went to Russia 

8. Commune “ California,’ of San Francisco, Calif. (2 groups left for Ri 
iS) £1) 

9. Commune “ America,” of Vancouver, B. C., Canada. 

10. First Osetin Commune, of Alaska. 

11. Second Osetin Commune, of Oregon. 

12. Tractor Unit of Molokhans, Los Angeles, Calif. 

13. Commune ‘“ Echo,” of Philadelphia, Pa. 

14. Commune “ Krasnoye Znamia,’ of Newark, N. J. (2 groups went 
Russia). 

15. John Reed Commune, of New York. 

16. Lettish Agricultural Commune Bessonovo, of Boston, Mass. 

17. First Agricultural Commune of Independent Dukhobors, of Canac 
Veriging, Sask., Can. 

18. First Esthonian Agricultural Commune, of New York, N. Y., and Hel 
ville, Ca. ) 

19. Commune “ Khleborob,” of Toronto, Canada. 

20. Commune “ Niva Trudovaya,” of Montreal, Canada. 

21. Shoemakers’ Group, of New York. 

22. Tailors’ Group, of New York. 

23. Group of Fishermen, Oregon State. 

Various newly organized communes are not designated yet on the ma 
namely, Molokhans, of California; “ Bratstvo,” of Los Angeles; “ Novy Putt 
**Krasnaya Zaria,” “ Krasny Lutch,” “ Krasny Muravey,” etc. 


5 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 465 


The official organ known as “ Vestnik” was discontinued during 
the spring of 1923, the official publications of the Society for Tech- 
nical Aid to Soviet Russia now appearing in “ Novy Mir,” official 
_org:.n of the Russian Federation of the Workers’ Party of America. 
It appears that the Society has held out promises to persons desir- 
ing to emigrate to Russia which apparently were of a fraudulent or, 
at any rate, of a misleading nature. In this connection specific atten- 

tion is called to a statement made by Alexander Tomics regarding 
the activities of the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia of 
the United States and Canada, made to Mr. Bradford Willingham 
of the American Consulate at Hamburg, Germany, under date of 
October 16, 1922, as follows: 


The Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia at 110 West 40th St., New 
York City, Reom 303, placed advertisements in various papers of New York 
City, briefly describing the companies which had been organized for the re- 
building of Petrograd, and something about the work that would be done. 
The advertisement further stated that if any information was desired, it 
could be had by applying to the Central Bureau of the Society for Technical 
Aid to Soviet Russia of the United States and Canada, Room 3038, at 110 W. 
40th St., New York. I was interested in the advertisement so I immediately 
answered, addressing my letter to the above address, and very soon received 
some favorable replies to my inquiry. The Bureau stated that several big 
companies “had been organized for the purpose of repainting and repairing 
the buildings in the city of Petrograd.” The Bureau fully described the work 
that these companies were doing. They also informed me that they were 
the American agents for these companies in Petrograd, and would be very 
glad to receive my application for membership, the fee for which would be 
$1.15. The Secretary of the Bureau, Fedor P. Wilga, in his communication 
to me further stated that if I became a member I would become attached to 
a branch ot Comrades which were being sent to Russia by the Bureau, and 
I would be given work in Petrograd by the above-mentioned companies. I 
sent the required fee of $1.15 and asked to become a member of their organi- 
wition. I soon received the receipt for my money and a prospectus fully 
<iescribing the work done by the organization. And I was also asked to assist 
the Bureau in my community in organizing a group of Comrades to sail for 
2ussia at the time I would go. 

I became a member of the Organization in April and in August I received 
a notice that a ship would depart soon for Russia with a group of Comrades. 
They desired that I sail on this ship. They requested that I transmit to them 
the sum of $500.00 to pay for the passage of myself and wife, and also sub- 
sistence on our arrival in Petrograd. I sent the required amount of money 
and received a receipt, which reads as follows: “ Received from Alexander 
Tomics five hundred dollars as initiation in the Lettish Petrograd Corpora- 
tion, signed Fr. Zimmerman.” This receipt was dated August 7,(?) 1922. I also 
receiyed a letter which stated that I must report in New York on Monday 
morning, August 7, 1922, for the purpose of getting myself in readiness to 
depart for Russia. : 

I reported to the office in New York and received further instructions regard- 
ing the company in Petrograd for which I would work. My wife and I left New 
York with a group of twelve people, nine men and three women, on the S. S. 
Polonia, which sailed on August 9, 1922, for Libau, Latvia. On our arrival in 
Libau we took a Soviet special train for Riga. At the first stop between Libau 
and Riga a Committee of Soviet officials, composed of three men and one 
woman, came on the train and demanded that we surrender to them all of our 
American money. I gave all the money I had, which was $450.00, and the other 
ten people in my company did likewise. This Committee gave us a receipt for 
our money and told us to go to a certain bank in Petrograd and receive our 
money. When [I arrived in Petrograd I presented the receipt at the named 
bank and the officials would pay me only 2.400 rubles for the dollar. I realized 
only about $100.00 for the $450.00 that I turned over to them. All of my com- 
panions suffered likewise. ; 

When I arrived in Petrograd I found that there was no Lettish Corporation 
for the repainting and rebuilding of Petrograd. A soviet Committee gave my 


466 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


wife and me a room to live in, and for the $200.00 I had deposited in the United 
States for subsistence I received nothing. When I found that there was no 
such corporation, and that we had been swindled out of our money, my wife and 
I sold enough of our personal belongings to raise enough money to leave Russia. 
We decided to come to Germany, so went to the German Consulate and paid 
73,000,000 rubles for a visa, and the Soviet officials in Petrograd forced us to 
pay 25,000,000 for permission to leave the country. 

The above is a Summary of information from one Alexander Tomics, given to 


me on October 16, 1922. 
BRADFORD WILLINGHAM, 


American Consulate, Hamburg. 
COMMUNIST AGENTS OPERATING IN THE UNITED STATES 


A case that is illustrative of the activities of communist agents in 
the United States is that of Joseph Kowalski, who, during his stay 
in the United States has been an active Communist agent, his activi- 
ties, in fact, resulting in his deportation. He reentered the United 
States in violation of law, was arrested, served his sentence, and upon 
his release renewed his activities with the Workers’ Party of 
America. 

The following sets forth the activities of Kowalski, who is typical 
of many other Communists engaged in Communist activities through- 
out the United States. 


JOSEPH KOWALSKI, ALIAS GORNY 


Born in Lodz, Russian Poland; about 33 years of age; arrived in 
the United States May 8, 1912, from Bremen, Germany; entered at 
the port of Baltimore, Maryland; married and has a child born in 
the United States. He and his family at one time resided at 292 12th 
Avenue, Paterson, New Jersey, but later proceeded to Chicago and 
resided at 1830 N. Paulina Street, leaving his wife and child in 
Paterson. While at Paterson he was employed in the textile industry. 
_ When in Chicago he became Secretary of the Polish Federation 
of the Socialist Party; the Federation, during the spring of 1919 
was expelled from the Socialist Party, and joined the Communist 
Party as the Polish Federation of that Party during September, 1919. 

He was arrested September 21, 1919, at Kansas City, while deliv- 
ering a speech at Butler Hall, and charged with violation of Sec- 
tion 6 of the Criminal Code and violation of Section 8 of the 
Espionage Act; the first charge being dismissed; he was held for 
the grand jury under the second charge and released on $1,000 


bail. Kowalski was also a member of the Executive Board of the . 


Publication Committee of “ Glos Robotniczy.” On August 9, 1919, 
he had addressed a meeting called to protest against the deportation 
of Alexander Stocklitsky. Stocklitsky was.a Russian alien who had 
been very active in organizing the Communist movement in this 


country. 
Kowalski addressed a meeting September 30, 1919, at Walsh Hall, 


Chicago, Illinois, which was called under the auspices of the Com- — 


munist Party of America for the purpose of spreading propaganda 
among Polish people. 

He was a delegate to the Communist Party of America convention 
held during the first week in September, 1919. During the conven- 
tion he was a member of the Educational Committee. . 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 467 


On October 14, 1919, he was one of the principal speakers at a 
Jommunist mass meeting at Carmen’s Hall, Chicago, when he talked 
bout his arrest in Kansas City and outlined the manner in which the 
Vorkers were to take control of the industries and the government, 
amely, through a general strike and a general uprising leading to 
aass action. 

Due to his activity in the Communist Party of America and the 
Jommunist movement in general, deportation proceedings were in- 
tituted by the Department of Labor and he was granted a hearing 
m November 15, 1919, before U. S. Immigration Inspector C. H. 
aul at Chicago, Illinois. The outcome of this hearing was the 
ssuance of a deportation warrant, Kowalski being finally deported 
m March 17, 1921, on the S. S. Mongolia to Russia. During the in- 
erim, while the deportation proceedings were pending, he remained 
ictive in the Communist movement. 

Kowalski was one of the Communists arrested by the authorities 
Cook County, Ilnois, January 1, 1920, charged with vio- 
ation of the anti-Syndicalist Act, and was indicted in connection 
herewith. 

In this connection attention is called to a statement made by 
Japtain Estes, formerly of the U. S. Army, who was a prisoner in 
Moscow, Russia, for eight months; also Mr. Emmett Kilpatrick, of 
Jniontown, Alabama, who had been engaged as a Red Cross Relief 
Worker in the Near East in 1921. Mr. Kilpatrick states that while 
here he was arrested by the bolsheviks, and that Joseph Kowalski 
ook charge of his case and treated him with the utmost contempt 
ind cruelty. Kilpatrick made a statement, in writing, of his ex- 
serience which is as follows: 3 

UNIONTOWN, ALA., 

September 2nd, 1922. 
Vr. C. W. McPHAL, 

Department of Justice, Birmingham, Ala. 

My Dear Srr: The picture shown me on Friday, Sept. 1st, by your agent 
from the Department of Justice I recognized to be that of one of my judges 
n the Cheka Prison of Moscow, named Kowalski. 

Kowalski took charge of my case late in March, 1921. Early in April he 
had me sent to the underground cells of the Checka located at Lubianka 
Street number eleven. Here my treatment was the most miserable that a 
human being could endure and still live. The Red Cross and other organiza- 
tions were forbidden to send me any food. One of my friends, then free in 
Moscow, attempted to send me food; this was forbidden. I was denied even 
the right of any sort of communication with guards or judges. 

In May I was removed to a small cell above ground. A woman, Doctor 
Steinburg, visited me here and found my case most desperate. The Doctor 
| Sail Kowalski to send me to the hospital, that I was in a dying condition. 
No notice of the letter was made, and for weeks I was kept in this condition, 
the Doctor continually urging Kowalski to send me to the hospital. Finally, 
after I had had several hemorrhages and the Doctor told Kowalski that there 
was no hope for my recovery I was removed to the hospital. 

Late in July, 1921, “ Judge” Kowalski came out to the hospital to give me 
a hearing. I asked him to tell why I had been treated’ so cruelly; he re- 
plied that I had not been treated any more cruelly than an American of the 
pourgeoise class deserved to be treated. His reference to America was always 
eontemptuous. He said that America was in spirit more opposed to Bolshe- 
vick Russia than was any Huropean Country. 

I will say that I consider the character of Kowalski the worst of any 
Bolshevik Judge that I had, and altogether I had about twelve different 
judges. His attempts to kill me by underground imprisonment, by starvation, 
‘and cruelty were more self-evident than in the case of any other judge. 


468 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 





If I can give any other information to throw light on this character « 
“ Judge” Kowalski I will do so with great pleasure. ) 
Very truly yours, | 
EMMETr KILPATRICK. 


Before Kowalski was deported he obtained a transfer from th 
Communist Party of America to Soviet Russia, which was made ou 
in code; he was also known among members of the Communist Part 
under the name of “Gorny.” The document purporting to be 
transfer to Soviet Russia was found among the Bleecker Stree 
papers which have been referred to before. 

Kowalski reentered the United States in violation of Section 
of the Act of October 16, 1918, during the month of February, 192: 
He was apprehended on August 7 in New York City and was take: 
before U. S. Commissioner Hitchcock on August 8, 1922, who com 
mitted him to jail, fixing bail at $20,000. He was indicted Augus 
11, 1922, charged with violation of Section 3 of the Act of Octobe 
16, 1918. He was tried and convicted in the Federal Court for th 
Southern District of New York, November 7, 1922, before U. S. Dis 
trict Judge Mack and was sentenced to a year and a day, sentenc 
to date back from the time of his arrest on August 7, 1922. 

Previous to his arrest and after reentry he repeated his activities i1 
the Communist movement and was given credentials which wer 
dated March 15, 1922, and signed by L. C. Wheat, Executive Secre 
tary, Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist Inter 
national. He was released from the penitentiary at Atlanta, Geor 
gia, during the month of August, 1923. and immediately after hi 
release again engaged in Communist propaganda. / 

Kowalski is again acting as National Secretary of the Polish Sec 
tion of the Workers’ Party of America, and his headquarters are a 
109 North State Street, Chicago, Illinois, also the headquarters o: 


Z 


the Workers’ Party of America. 
FEDERATED PRESS 


One of the far-reaching radical news agencies existing to-day i: 
the Federated Press. The history of this organization is set fortl 
in a pamphlet published by the Federated Press, from which the 
following is quoted: 


On November 25, 1919, thirty-two editors of working-class publications me‘ 
in Chicago and formed the Federated Press, a cooperative association fo! 
gathering and disseminating news. The editors represented the trades-union 
Socialist, Nonpartisan League, and other liberal and progressive groups, anc 
they agreed to a news policy free from the dictation of any faction. The 
purpose set by these editors was to create a news agency with an internationa’ 
scope which should report objectively all matters of interest to the workers 
everywhere. | : 

After less than a year of development the Federated Press has built up 4 
membership in the United States and Canada of more than a hundred papers 
and a membership in Europe of double that number. Millions of workers in 
Russia, Scandinavia, Australia, New Zealand, Holland, Belgium, Germany. 
and England are drawn close to those of North America through the daily 
exchange of cable and mail news. 

News bureaus are now maintained by the Federated Press in Chicago, New 
York, Washington, London, Berlin, Paris, Vienna, Rome, Ottawa, Mexico City, 
Sydney, and Auckland (N. Z.), and correspondents have been placed in the 
centers of industrial activity and other strategic news spots. Daily mail news 
reports issued from these points are supplemented by wire, cable, and wireless 


ee 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 469 


service, and by features, special articles, news cuts, and cartoons. The aggre- 
gate weekly output average is 60,000 words. 

Staff correspondents and writers include Paul Hanna, Laurence Todd, Wil- 
liam Hard, Scott Nearing, Frederic C. Howe, William G. Roylance, Anna 
Louise Strong, and Carl Sandburg in America; George Lansbury, E. D. Morel, 
W. N. Ewer, Frederick Kuh, and M. Phillips Price in Europe; and W. Francis 
Ahern and J. D. Robertson in Australasia. 

FE. J. Costello, long with the Associated Press, and former news editor of the 
old Chicago Herald, is managing editor of the Federated Press, while Louis P. 
Lochner, former editor of the International Labor News Service, is general 
news editor. 

Plans now being worked out for international news gathering go further 
than the establishment of foreign correspondents to serve only American papers. 
Rather, the plan is to have any Federated Press correspondent anywhere 
serve the working-class press of the world. This will be made possible by 
having a world-wide membership, which will constitute the first international 
association of newspapers ever formed. At a conference to be held in Europe 
early in the spring of 1921, which will be attended by labor editors from the 
chief countries of Europe and from various American cities, such an association 
is expected to be formed. 

In addition to the present daily cable exchange between Europe and the 
United States, and wireless reports from Russia, it is hoped that within a 
few months cable connections may be established with Federated Press 
members in Australia, India, and South America. 

There are two branches of service—one to newspapers and one to individuals. 
Only the editors of working-class publications who have been voted in by 
the executive board may become members, and in that capacity they have 
voting power to determine the policies of the organization. Assessments for 
cost of the service are based on the circulation of the member paper. 

For the benefit of writers, lecturers, teachers, students of economics, re- 
search departments, and all who require a dependable record of industrial 
history, the Federated Press furnishes an individual news service comprising 
from 42,000 to 50,000 words a week. This is a unique, comprehensive, and 
compact record of events shown in their real meaning. 


In the issue for June 1, 1921, “ The Nation” carried an article on 
the liberal press. This article gives an account of the progress of 
the Federated Press. The following is quoted therefrom: 


Most important of all the forces at work during the past year in welding 
the detached and inadequate labor papers of the country into a common 
structure, and in creating a public to support it, is the Federated Press. This 
is a cooperative news service designed to supply the factual content that labor 
papers have so long needed and to tell workers the truth about events and 
movements that most concern them. 

Inaugurated on January 2, 1920, with only eight assessment-paying members, 
the Federated Press had grown to 110 members when the first annual report 
was made by the executive secretary on January 15, last. This number in- 
cluded twenty-two dailies, with a combined circulation of 339,980; seventy-three 
weeklies, with a combined circulation of 354,196; fifteen semimonthlies or 
monthlies, with a combined circulation of 41,550; a total circulation of 735,726, 
or allowing an average of three readers to each publication, an audience of 
more than 2,000,000. Of the 110 members at the time of the first annual report 
ninety-six were English-language publications, the character of the subscribers 
to the service ranging from the New Majority, national organ of the Farmer- 
Labor Party, to Solidarity, official journal of the Industrial Workers of the 
World; from the Butte Daily Bulletin of the Montana mining field to Chanti- 
cleer, a fortnightly issued by students of the University of Chicago. 

Owing to its slender financial resources, the service of the Federated 
Press has been limited so far to news of special concern to labor, but as soon 
as it can obtain the means, its scope will be widened. One plan afoot for in- 
creasing its income is the publication in Chicago of country weeklies, the 
Federated Press supplying the bulk of the material, uniform in character, and 
the local editor sending in a page of his own. Meanwhile, the Federated 
Press League has been organized, with dues of $5 a year, to obtain individual 
interest in and support for a free labor press and a news service to sustain it. 


470 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The by-laws of the Federated Press have been published and ecir- 
culated in pamphlet form. The following quotations are from the 
pamphlet distributed : 


OBJECTS 


Being unable to obtain unbiased news service from the existent press asso- 
ciations, certain persons, owners of or representing newspapers and other 
publications, hereby unite in a mutual and cooperative organization for the 
collection and interchange of intelligence, telegraphic and otherwise, for publi- 
cation in the newspapers or other publications owned or represented by them. 
Other owners or representatives of newspapers and other publications from 
time to time may be elected to membership in the association, subject to the 
conditions prescribed in these By-Laws. 

This association is not to make any profit and is not to make or declare any 
dividends. Its title shall be the Federated Press. 

It shall be the general policy of this Association that its news service must 
be handled absolutely without bias for or against the principles of the several 
groups represented by the membership. 


ARTICLE I.—Membership 


Sec. 1. The full or part owner of a newspaper or other publication, or any 
person designated by any corporation or other association which is the owner 
of a newspaper or other publication, shall be eligible to election as a member 
of this association, subject to the conditions hereinafter specified, provided 
that not more than one person shall be eligible by reason of connection with 
any one newspaper or publication. No other person shall be eligible. 


ARTICLE IIl.—Admission of Members 


Sec. 1. Members may be elected by the affirmative vote of not less than 
four-fifths of all the members of the Association at any regular or special 
meeting, such vote being cast in person or by proxy. Members may also 
be elected by the Executive Board when no meeting of the members of the 
Association is in session, but said election must be approved by the Association 
at the next following session, or by referendum, if there shall be no session 
of the Association in prospect within three months. Notice of application 
for membership shall be sent out to the members 15 days prior to action 
thereon. 


ARTICLE IX.—Harpulsion of Members 


Sec. 1. The Association, at any regular meeting, or at a special meeting 
called for that purpose, shall have the right to expel any member for any 
violation of these By-Laws, or for any conduct on his part, or on the part 
of anyone of his employees or in the employ of or connected with the newspaper 
designated in his certificate of membership, which in its discretion it shall 
deem to be of a character prejudicial to the interests and welfare of the 
Association and its members. 


Closely associated with the Federated Press is an organization 
known as the Federated Press League. The purpose of this league is 
set out in a statement which appears on the first page of a pamphlet 
containing the constitution of the league. This statement is signed 
for the Federated Press League by Robert Morse Lovett, President, 
and Clark H. Getts, Secretary, and reads as follows: 


The Federated Press League has been launched as an auxiliary to the Federated 
Press. It is planned to make it an international organization composed of Local 
Councils whose membership shall comprise those persons who are interested in 
the progress of the working-class movement and the development of a free 
press. A constitution has been adopted and it is planned to hold the first 
annual convention of the League in February, 1922, in Chicago, at the same 
time the annual meeting of the Federated Press is held. -* 

The purpose of the Federated Press League is to assist in every way possible 
the plans of the Federated Press and to form in various communities groups 
who will be interested in the development of the local labor press. It will also 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 471 


be the purpose of this League to bring about a closer contact between the liber- 
als and the labor movement itself, so that there may be greater understanding 
on both sides and greater unity of purpose. 

The constitution provides the regular membership dues shall be $5 per year. 
Individuals who are interested in promoting the League are requested to ap- 
ply for membership and to undertake the organization of Local Councils, 
Charter applications and additional copies of the new national constitution 
will be furnished on request. 

The Federated Press has a capacity for good in America that is enormous and 
the League itself, composed as it will be of friends of the Federated Press, is 
designed to wield a wide and beneficient influence. We want every man and 
woman in every community in the United States and Canada who believes in 
the freedom of the press to join the League and to organize local councils in 
the interest of the Federated Press and its local publications. A special invita- 
tion is extended to organize councils in universities, colleges, the organized 
labor movement, cooperative and public ownership movements and in all 
working class political groups. Let us hear from you at once. 


The newspapers which used the Federated Press service at the be- 
ginning of 1922 are shown in the following copy of a statement 
of “ Accounts Receivable—January 31, 1922.” The names of these 
papers, many of which are apparently either Communistic or at 
least sympathetic to communism are marked thus (*). A number of 
the other papers on the list are affiliated with the Socialist Party, the 


Industrial Workers of the World, etc.: 


Accounts receivable 








January 31, 1922 























Paid in ; Dueon 
Name of paper al Fe atane In arrears mate 

aes og RE Te a eee En es Se me ee ) $10.00 aasc see es 
Advocate, Terre Hatite. .:...-..-..--.-.--.-------------+------------------ | 4°00. 33. Cs PTL 
PA Tot ame pen ITripr eee fee en a ede anew dcuegeae MED Tee A $12. 00 $1. 71 
Alameda Co. Union Labor Record-_----...-------------------+------------- eae SCL eee 50-00 42 Rees: 
Appeal to Reason.......--.---------------------------------+------+-------|----3--:-- 2400. MELE 
PR Ca a be pail i a ea ee ee ne SN trea BS. SOO oe. Pe eee 
ANT auIcutorin Game Nee eh oe ae So ee eh ae ae ISO aa 
ie re erior nel Ornish ah ie ee Oe a WSs ee ee re ebb ao pee debe oe 84, 00 PAO 
pea pee oer RE ON AS Naa aan eee eke ee ee ee orem | erp 8 Aero ee 192).50012 Se 
8p ti S B a ho a Le od Big) Rega and aN ek els ee OE eee FBO id PEELE Sd: RED 
“Central News, Miami) __.-..-.-.2*-..--.-.-2-.+------ 44 -+------++----s cca Bees 51. 00 75 
Commercial Telegraphers’ Journal___..---.------.------------------------| LobO ase. SOC Ne tid oe 
a a aA td eit pg ne er aioli winnie OCOD spike tue 
Citizen, Schenectady -_--...-.---.------------------------+----------------|---------- 20D 4S SPE SS 
Canital met 8-2 +--+ 25 5-2-2 +- 22+ on 25100. | PRES 

A ragwntiemenemnes ee meetee rates hg, 08 ee a ee lah eg ees bea’ te et Pee ews AL! LL ET 
Bteenpain®. . 4.4.24 2s. 4-2 > - 2-5 ne nent e lene 25/100) 2 ee 
WO 8 on nn nn nn = nn se nn eee nnn ean a fata een 89.-00"|)s aoe 
Wine peter eee 8 a ns een nee nnn so fen ne tem 30. 00! 12 Aaa 
Tishiot Gutnemmroee ee Pate 25 el es (gece See so bn heh seb ose een] ies -eeet = 15. 00 175 
Pree eee ees PNM Sa ae al eek a ae peace ni ea seed 567.00. 75 ee 
Forum, spokane...) -.-------- 2-5-2 - = - 5-2-2 - =e 12; 00. juy est Oe 22 ee 
Free Press, Casper... vi 82... -.---.---- 2-24. --------- s---- +--+ -- 8 oo +|--t esos 42:00? Tee 
Federationist, Columbus ---------.--------------------------------------- | eatin oa Se THF OG eres 
Viriie ViniObe et. Gedo cn peta ann bn Soe en ones ene ce cer eees een [hie Ppeee ere SOG ee 
Forum, Stockton_-.-..--.-------------------------------------------------- pets in een §..00")_ Lames 
Franklin Majority.._..------.-.-----.------------------+---------------|---------- 36.00); face aces 
Tie ty Oncor ere. sees Pair ioe2t bie bes 1b sess + eee seet eae 2 er 12. OOn eta sees 
vee She AR) Se RS ee See eee Pee ee See re eer B00) beaten oe Slane coos 
Pivine MOpoLmiGsky*...._--.-.---- ~~ .2 nn een ene |= -- oo - ooo Lote OO eae oeee 
Headgear Worker-....---------------------------------------------+-++---- 1200 Jetichie dead aI LOIS, 
Herald, Akron ’._-2.--..-_----1--14--+---2-----+--- +22 7-22 n ee eet ester ec roe. BE 2e> 743 OO oA 2c 8 
CRMCONORIOL foo o ose 292 so nap nose rer ee nteereresrer apa Te 1200) (tn Bes SS 
jaetanyce Satebaejiile 4 ciple okt rah ROSE Be PORTE eee err ene ee tre COON cs sale Ss pee a 
“Towaiarm and Labor News-.---..2.-.---...1--.--------4---- +--+ +22 - 5 |-- 2-2 oon] ee ene nn 4. 32 
tier ae ee ee) beds Tuy er hy, bE) Dee ee oo, Pee lhe a} oe ass see |aesne tse 80::00 sjitaseee 
Irish People*--.....---------.--.-----+------------- 2-22 enn nen nee ene ates est 11 D0 seca 
Til. Industrial Review -.-......-_.-----.------.--------------------------- bate ee eT 2E OOS Bee ees 
Tnmusitial Worker. 200-2) oa eee be 2b 5b ----- me ae ae 5i 000k Cawvasts 
Trish American W orker._.....--.-------.+----------------------+----------|------"--* bop iMess. 2S 
_ Jewel, TimeS....--.--—.<---------<-b--- =< 5+ on nna sgeda- to ten eos ee Ran eel aaebe dee ss 14000 ute Se 
Labor Journal, Kern County -----.--.------------------------------------- 6; OO ten fare us ke ee 
Labor Press, Erie....----..---------------------------------------------- 2e50 ERE. Je eee ee 
Labor, St. Louis.....-.0---1+--------- 2 2-- 4 ne- 2 22-3 9 ---en en enn nen] e nn gone 20)00n) ane ee 
DL MOE OPO dc 6 = fo 52 on on da non nn no ce ob ne enn enone een aneetee 3: OOMG. tater ees 


472 





Accounts receivable 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 





Name of paper 





January 31, 1922—Continued 





Paid in 
advance 





ehor, Caazatte., luca tae) tus -nken eSUUE S ELAS ecient ode Cael | 
Labor Leader, Alton; tl... ec ee ee eee ees 
Labor Leader, San Diego 
Labor News, Altoona 
Labor:News, Detrdite ccc d 258 cle Lee ie 
Labor Review, Memphis.__.............._.____ 
Labor Review, Minneapolis 
Lake Co. Chronicle 
UADOE A Bee a ne een LO a eats 
Labor Review, Belleville 
Labor Herald*_____.___. 
Labor News, Quincy. -- 
LBDOR SVOCIG, WMGniregtae th a care Oh wun ie: Rl eee ee 
Labor Journal, Richmond, Va 
Labor Bulletin, Indianapolis 
Ligader, Nowark. hii bs. Oe Ue as ait peel ed Ge ae 
Leather Goods Worker 
Miberators: ss oe 
Llano Publications -__._. 
Miami Valley Socialist 
Mid-west Labor News 
Minnesota Daily Star____ 
Maritime Labor Hearld 
New Majority___._____. 
New Northwest 
New Republic 
Nor Hosank* 
UAT to ice a a neete 
One Big Union Bulletin 
Oklahoma Leader 


me Ow www nw a ww ee ww ew = ewe ree wwe 
CP tT ewe memes Sem ee wees coe see we swe see ee wee eee eseeen 
we we a ee a oe ew ee ee ee 
Tt Om me mm ese ee mmm em me ee ewe mem ww wee mew eee eee eee ee 
wee ee a a ea a ee ew ee wee ee 
OPM eM Oe Owe ww wn eee we ewe wee we ewe wee eens see ce 
wm ee nw ww ww te ww ww ee ee we ee ee ee eee 

Om Owe mw ww Ow ew eee we ew ew ew eee eee eee 
CP eS OP eee enw ete meee oe bale oe ee Cee eee ee ees bie oo eden e 
OO OOO SOS OBS SES MOOR OSS OE CSO ORE BOR SSeS Mmm He eee = eee 
Oe He wm OO Oe = we ow ww ww a ee eee ew we ee eee ee ee 
wer em meme me mM ew me ee me mee ee we ww we ee we ee ew ew eo ee = = 


Relilroad Worker. oi i2eS Teg oo, eo Lee ee, aaee ear ne 
Socialist, Chicago 
Searchlight 
Solidarity... 9.) 0 5-3 i a 
SpravedInost* 
Toiler 


me em ee me ee we ee we ew ee ee ee ee we meme ee ewww ewe 
SOO OOS 8 OOO SOOO CO Sw DOR ASO SS SS EES SS HOS HHS OSS Sees esuae 
Oe Se aD pm a ae me IE sh, Si sae si ir in i (Gis ms aetna mh Wap ws ean adda a jeden chess) Se sin es geo eel ns dee 
ale hae eel Mans ala Ne De Nn Veal a Ne et ee ee ne re a en ary ee A oe a Oe Pte et 


Ti VOUUOO AY te ce ee ree a te > Oe a ne ne 
Twin City Review, Champaign 
Todd Ca.:Tribune_. 04 0 
Tri-Co. Labor Review, Fresno 
Tri-City Labor News 
Tribune, Coshocton ___. 
Union Record, Seattle 
Unionist, Iowa 
Ui Mlorets een nie a 
Voice-of Labor* 
Wilnis® oo eerie ad 
Voice ol the iwWorkerted 0, Wee. ee ey Paice i oR 
Weekly Labor News_.. 
West Va. Federationist 
Worker, Ft. Wayne 
World Tomorrow --__._. 
Worker, Pennsylvania 
Workers Council* 
Znanje* 


Stteed elt 


ee 


teil be ed 











In arrears 





eae eee ee 


eee ee eee 


eee w eens 


ee ees 


Se ee 





wee eee we 


eed ee 


3, 253. 00 





Accounts receivable: 
News assessments 
Mat assessments 


Special service: 
{' Martello, special articles 3. i002) 27 
Texas Ry. Employees Journal, mats 


<< Sess eka Sane eee eee ee SS eh eae e Se ewe nes = Sank ute Se Seae eo ene eee 


es 


11.71 


; : RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 473 


MEMBERS PAID TO DATE 


‘ederated Press Bulletin. Minnesota Union Advocate. 


lew York Call. Tom Mooney’s Monthly. 

fentralia Labor World. News, Cincinnati. 

litizen, Los Angeles. Workers’ Guard.* 

owa Farm and Labor News. Park Region Echo. 

abor Advocate, Tacoma. Racine Labor Advocate. 

vabor Journal, Richmond, Calif. Tri-City Labor News. 

zabor News, Galesburg. Ukrainian News.* 

eader, Milwaukee. Volkszeitung.* 

eee IL Per CVC Gs es noe 39 
i a i UE an Se le ISS a oS le ae a 18 
rn ene ramin warren fs. ee 2 a. eee 43 


_—_—— 


100 


Among the Bleecker documents was one entitled “ Confidential Re- 
sort on the Federated Press.” 'This report describes the organization 
ind its policies as understood by the Communists. It also includes a 
i1umber of recommendations as to the action which should be taken 
vith reference to it. The report reads as follows: 


The Federated Press is a cooperative association of labor editors designed 

o collect and distribute all news of interest to the workers. It is performing 
n the labor field approximately the same function which the Associated Press 
s performing in the capitalist field. 
_ Hach labor paper affiliating with the Federated Press chooses an editor to 
‘epresent it upon the association membership. Hach representative has one 
rote. The assembly of representatives or of editor-members elects an Executive 
3oard of nine members, which is empowered to act between the annual assembly 
neetings with practically full authority. The complete control is therefore 
yractically vested in the Executive Board. 

The association is financed by assessments levied annually upon the affiliated 
yapers. The assessments are graduated according to circulation, so that a small 
weekly paper paying only $3 per week receives the same service that a metro- 
j0litan paper paying $50 a week receives. Assessments are payable weekly in 
zdvance. Papers are automatically dropped for delinquency in payment. 

No profits are made. The expenses are carefully budgeted at the beginning 
yf each year and the assessment is designed to merely cover them. If a surplus 
§ experienced, it is used to lower the assessment for the following year. 

The policy of the Federated Press is nonpropagandist. It is merely a news- 
vending agency within the labor movement. very event which has any news 
value, whether it occurs on the right or left, is reported. (It is a fact, of course, 
that any news dispatch is a mixture of event with the opinion of the writer of 
the dispatch, so that no agency can be absolutely nonpropagandist. At present 
the writers and editors of the Fed. Press incline to the left.) 

The Federated Press supplies a wire service to its papers which wish to pay 
the tolls in addition to the usual assessment. Otherwise the service is sent by 
mail from four bureau offices. From Chicago (the headquarters) and New 
York and Washington mail service is sent daily direct to each paper by first- 
elass postage. This service amounts to about 10,000 words daily. From Sydney, 
Australia, direct mail service is supplied irregularly. 

The dispatches are assembled in the following bureaus: Berlin, Rome, Paris, 
London, Ottawa (Can.), Sydney, Auckland (N. Z.), Peking, Chicago, New York, 
and Washington. Cables and wires are used between the bureaus, the mails 
being used between the distributing bureaus and the affiliated papers as de- 
scribed above. 

The staff of the Federated Press has been kept small designedly and has been 
chosen in both the news and business departments with the greatest care. Only 
persons with long technical training have been employed, so that a standard 
of the highest skill and efficiency has been maintained. It is realized that only 
by maintaining such a standard can a battle with the old and powerful news 
agencies be waged. The results of the policy have already compensated for 
the labor of it. The Federated Press has been dragged through half a dozen 
financial crises by the skill of the business staff and on the news end the re- 


474 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


porters have produced a service that is every bit as well written as that of th 
Associated and the United Associations and scoop after scoop has been accom 
plished. This means that labor has been provided with a news service of - 
universal character that is of as high a quality as any service in the eapitalis 
field. It means that there is not an event in the labor world which is to-da:; 
being overlooked. Labor in this country is being made acquainted with th 
thought and action of everybody of labor throughout the world. 

In America more than one hundred papers are now receiving the service o 
the Federated Press. About twenty-five are dailies. In Germany more thai 
one hundred, seventeen of which are dailies, are receiving the service. Othe 
papers scattered through the Huropean countries have affiliated, and a chai 
of forty or more papers in Norway is about to affiliate. The London Daik 
Herald is a part of the Organization and every Herald correspondent through 
out Hurope has been made a member of the reporting staff of the Federates 
Press. 

At present every effort is being made to draw in every labor paper whicl 
has not yet affiliated. In Europe this work is being actively undertaken b: 
Louis Lochner, who has just sailed for Berlin. Sanford Griffith will spend ths 
next few months in the Balkan countries and in Italy in this work. In thi 
country the work is in the hands of Clark Getts at the Chicago office. . L 

The extension of the circulation is also being accomplished by selling thi 
service to libraries, research bureaus, and speakers and writers in the move 
ment. It is felt that these agencies are important auxiliaries to the news 
papers in distributing information and that they ought to be immediatel 
mobilized. From the point of view of speakers the service is invaluable, fo! 
each mail sheet contains topics for half a dozen speeches. It is thought 
therefore, that the individual service will be popular. It will offer consider 
able revenue also. 

In the next few months the Federated Press wilt supply ready-made paper; 
to unions who wish a local paper, but who find financing a local paper difficul 
or impossible. These ready-made papers will contain sixteen sheets of care 
fully edited international labor news and will embody two or four pages ot 
local items if desired. The papers will be supplied at five cents a copy to the 
reader, permitting of a profit to the union and of a small profit to the Federatec 
Press. The details of the plan are developed in one of the circulars attached 

Like most organizations in the movement, the chief present difficulty 0: 
the Federated Press is financial. Up to the present the revenue from the 
affiliated papers has been insufficient to meet the costs of the service. Bonds 
have been sold in the sum of about $30.000. If all labor papers in this coun 
try can be affiliated, the revenue will be practically large enough to finance 
the organization and to retire its fixed obligations. The bonds mature at the 
end of January 1925 (Feb. 1). An additional $20,000 of bonds will be sol¢ 
this year, making the total fixed debt $50,000. Auditors making conservative 
estimates at the beginning of 1920 predicted a $50,000 deficit by February 1 
1921, and forecasted only about one-quarter of the work which has been accom. 
plished. This great saving is the result of office efficiency. A complete finan 
cial statement for the first year, ending February 1, 1921, will be submitted 
as soon as it is prepared. 

A report on the personnel of the Federated Press is attached. Supplementary 
reports on personnel, affiliated papers and developments within the organi- 
zation will follow. 

The following recommendations are submitted: 

Since each paper, regardless of location, circulation, or other considera: 
tions has one vote all party organs should at once be affiliated with the Fed- 
erated Press. Their general meetings aid in influencing the dispatches by 
creating an outlet for left-wing reports. If there is no demand for dispatches 
from the left there may come a time when their volume will be diminishe 
in favor of news that is more in demand. A third reason for affiliation is 
that each party editor who becomes a member becomes also a staff correspond- 
ent of the Fedérated Press. 

If a considerable group of party editors can be introduced into the Fed- 
erated Press assembly a member or members can easily be sent up to the 
Executive Board. All control is vested in this Board between meetings of 
the assembly (usually annual meetings). , 

Control of dispatches can also be obtained by injecting party members into 
the reporting staff. In this connection it is well to know that several staff 
reporters have obtained their positions by creating their own jobs, i. e., by 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 475 


‘convincing: the office that a situation was of such great importance that it 
demanded special reporting attention. The office is disinclined to increase the 
staff except where a special condition requires it. 

The news desk is the center of dispatch control and is of great importance. 
It should be captured directly or by proselyting the editors. 

The European bureaus will be coordinated shortly with headquarters at 
Berlin. The interchange of news between America and Europe is now one of 
the chief functions of the Federated Press. The volume of exchanged news 
will grow greater monthly from now on. Control of the European Federated 
Press is, therefore, important also. 

Capturing the Federated Press of Amertca and of Burope should not be 
effected until the circulation is greatly increased. At present there are about 
one million subscribers to Federated Press Papers. By the end of 1921, the 
circulation will be increased to five million in America. If active party con- 
trol were felt within the organization, many right-wing papers would be 
frightened off. At present the loss of even a few affiliated papers would wreck 
the Federated Press. 

Party papers should be affiliated at once, however. If they can all be brought 
into the organization immediately, their editors will be able to sit in at the 
assembly meeting in Chicago on February 8, 1921, and should be able to obtain 
one seat on the Executive Board for the ensuing year. 


PERSONNNEL OF THE FEDERATED PRESS 


Managing Editor: E. J. Costello. Formerly manager of the Denver and later 
of the Chicago office of the Associated Press. Once News-Editor of the Chi- 
cago Tribune and later of the Chicago Herald. Highly skilled newsman and 
organizer. Dependable. 

- News Editor: Carroll! Binder. Harvard graduate. Friends service in 
France during war. Dependable. 

Asst. News Editor: Jan. Rus: Recently with Pittsburgh Dispatch. 

Business Mgr.: Julian Leavitt. 

Service Dept.: Clark Getts. 

Bond sales and organizing: Maud McCreery and Tom Tippett. 

Office Mgr.: Wm. Hitzman. 

Executive. Board: Robert M. Buck, Chairman, Chicago, New Majority; 
R. B. Smith, Butte, Bulletin; Herbert E. Gaston, Minneapolis, Daily Star; 
Chas. W. Erwin, New York, Call: J. Deutelbaum, Detroit, Labor News; E. B. 
Ault, Seattle, Union Record; Jos. Schlossber, New York, Advance; F. J. 
Schwanz, Fort Wayne, Ind., The Worker; H. B. Brougham, Milwaukee, 
Leader. 

Huropean Organizers : Louis P. Lochner, Berlin; Sanford N. Griffith, Berlin. 

Reporting Staff: Writers of dispatches, features, and special: articles—Paul 
Hanna, Washington; Lawrence Todd, Washington; Helen Augur, New York; 
Mary Senior, New York; Maud McCreery, ‘Chicago; Nate Welsh, Detroit; 
Carl Sandburg, Chicago; Scott Nearing, New York; Frederick E. Howe, New 
York; Robert Bruers, New York; John Nicholas Beffel, traveling; Miriam 
Allen De Ford; Anna Louise Strong, Seattle; D. S. Rao, Berkeley; Robert 
Haberman, Mexico City; Mary Heaton Vorse, traveling; Upton Sinclair, 
Pasadena; and others in America. Norman Ewer, London; EK. D. Morel, 
London; E. Phillips Price, Berlin; Sanford Griffith, Berlin; Ernst Lorsey, 
Vienna; Frederick Kuh, Vienna; William Hard, traveling in Europe; J. D. 
Robertson, Auckland, N. Z.; George Davies, Punta Gorda, British Honduras; 
Francis Ahearn, Sydney. Australia. 


Data similar to that set forth above is contained in another docu- 
ment seized at 170 Bleecker Street, which is quoted elsewhere in 
this report. 

During the latter part. of 1920 the Communists asserted, according 
(0 a paper found at 170 Bleecker Street, New York City, that, 

“We have a small caucus in the Federated Press. We have instructed all 
sditors to join so that this service may be influenced favorably, . (Bleecker Street 
Papers, #1124.) 





476 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


From the following report on the Annual’ Convention ‘of the 
Federated Press, held at Chicago, Ilinois, February, 1922, it will be 
noted that the policy of endeavoring to effect. control. of the Feder- 
ated Press has been consistently pursued by the Communists: 


The Federated Press is a co-operative association of labor and radical editors. 
The aim of this press is to collect and distribute all news pertaining to the labor 
movement and the radical movement in general. Hach paper affiliated with the 
Federated Press has an editor to represent it in the Association membership. 
Each representative has one vote. - The assembly of representatives selects an 
Executive Board of nine members, which is empowered to act between annual 
meetings, with full authority. Subject organization is financed by assessments 
levied upon the affiliated papers. The assessments are levied according to the 
circulation of the paper. The various writers and editors of the associated 
press are left-wing radicals. 

Attempts by the Communist Party to control the Federated Press have been 

made on several occasions. Since each paper, regardless of its circulation, has 
one vote, all the various publications control. The various papers controlled by 
the Communist Party of America have become members of this Federated 
Press and have demonstrated a great deal of influence in shaping up the poli- 
cies and influencing the dispatches sent out by subject organizations with a 
left-wing coloring. Another reason for the Communist Party of America being 
affiliated with the Federated Press is that each editor who becomes a member 
also becomes a staff correspondent of subject organization. 

The first annual convention. of the Federated Press League was held in Chicago 
February 4th, 1922, Robert, Morse .Lovett, President, presiding. Among the 
various delegates the following individuals were present: Miss Laura B. John- 
son, Madison, Wisconsin; E. C. Wentworth; Robert M, Buck; Carroll Binder ; 
Clark H. Getts, Chicago; Errick Stern, Milwaukee; Alma Schlesinger, Mil- 
waukee; Mary D. Brice, Cineinnati; William Z.. Foster, representing Akron, 
Ohio; Sam Hammersmark, representing Minneapolis; George D. Hooker, rep- 
resenting Washington, D. C. 

A number of councils from Chicago, New York, Baltimore, oisbinnatt, Wor- 
cester, Boston, Providence, Akron were also present. Clark H. Getts, Secretary 
of the Federated Press League, submitted a report on the activities of the 38 
councils of the Federated Press which have been established from New York to 
Los Angeles: That these councils were created for the purpose of obtaining 
financial aid for the Federated Press. Clark H. Getts reported that a drive for 
membership has been made, and full-page advertisements were placed in leading 
liberal magazines of this country and very good returns have been obtained. 
On the financial side of the Federated Press, more than $12,500 in cash has been 
returned in memberships and donations as well as Federated Press bonds. A 
number of chain papers having the same radical material as the Federated Press 
Bulletin, but under different names, have been established in Boston, Providence, 
and Baltimore. .The financial cost of the various activities include publication 
and distribution of the Federated Press Bulletin. All office charges, all adver- 
tising and organizing expenses amounts to 34% of. the gross revenue obtained. 
Clark H. Getts further recommended plans to increase the paper locally and 
nationally by sending speakers to stimulate a national demand for labor news, 
making the Federated Press Bulletin a medium of exchange for news matters 
between various councils and the organs of publicity. In the drive for funds 
the league hopes to obtain $25,000 to set the paper up with a working capital in 
its effort this year to attain a paying basis. 

The National treasurer of the Federated Press League, E. CG. Wentworth, 
in his financial report showed that they received for the year 1921, $12,509.45. 
$10,159.45 in membership and donations and $2,350 in Federated Press bonds 
sale. His report further shows that in the last few months a considerable 
decline in revenue is noted. In the month of January, 1922, according to Mr. 
Wentworth, report shows a marked upturn—the gross receipts being $1,431. 

The Secretary presented a budget for the year, which was unanimously 
adopted. The budget provides for assistance to the Federated Press Bulletin 
the coming year in the sum of approximately $7,500. The Secretary further 

says that it is the desire of the Executive Board to raise $25,000 per year 
with which to sustain and extend the Federated Press. 

At the afternoon meeting amendments were made to the constitution, nia 
viding for annual budget and association membership of $1,000, appointment 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 477 


of an editor for the Bulletin and. increase in the number of officers, to include 
two vice presidents instead of one, and other minor alterations. The follow- 
ing officers were elected: President, Robert. Morse Lovett; Vice President, Mrs. 
Prancis C. Little; Vice President, George B. Hooker : Treasurer, E. C. Went- 
worth; Secretary, Clark H. Getts. 

After an extensive discussion it was decided to revise the activities of the 
League during the coming year. The national office is publishing through the 
Bulletin weekly pages of news matters pertaining to civil liberties and the press. 

The Federated Press annual meeting where the Communists made a par- 

ticular drive resulted in the election of Arne Swabeck, alias Max Eberhard, on 
the Executive Board. Herbert E. Gaston. of the Minneapolis Daily Star, and 
Thomas R. Downie, of the Galesburg Labor News, were reelected. Louis .P. 
Lochner, European Director and Acting Business Manager, was authorized to 
proceed with the plans for reopening the office in Berlin, Germany, and it was 
directed to raise $3,500 for that. purpose. Amendments to the by laws of the 
Federated Press, offered at the annual meeting, provides for the combining of 
the office of secretary and treasurer and the appointment of a business manager, 
and the preparation by the business manager and secretary and treasurer and 
the board members not later than November 15th of each year of a budget for 
the ensuing fiscal year. The budget for 1922, as adopted by the annual meeting 
of the Federated Press, provides for an expenditure of $100,000 for the develop- 
ment of the general paper project, urged as a means of supplementing the reve- 
nue of the Federated Press. 
_ ‘The Communists also sueceeded in electing Jack Carney, editor of the ‘“ Voice 
of Labor,” as a member of the Auditing Committee. The members elected to 
this committee are Fred Hohenberger. Labor forum of Evansville; Ind., and 
John Grady, editor of the I. W. W. “ Solidarity,” of Chicago. 

The. annual report of the Executive Secretary and Business Manager of the 
Federated Press to the Executive board organization shows that the co- 
operative news gathering service is in a_ better financial standing. During 
the calendar, year of 1921 the Federated Press spent. $87,143 in its news 
gathering and publication activities, according to the financial report of BE. J. 
Costello, Secretary and Managing Editor. The labor and farmer papers be- 
longing to the Federated Press paid $27,149.24 in regular membership assess- 
ments, and $1,021.62 in special membership assessments. The income from as- 
sessments was supplemented by donations from trade-unions and friends of the 
labor movement amounting to $16,703.95, while the Federated Press League 
raised $10,159.45. Bond sales. now discontinued, brought, $20,618.22. Clark H. 
‘Getts, Secretary of the Federated Press League, told the Executive Board. of 
the Federated Press that his organization proposes to raise $25,000 as a 
working capital for the next year. 

Robert M. Buck, Editor of the New Majority of. Chicago, was reelected 
‘Chairman of the Executive Board of the Federated Press; Joseph Schlossberg, 
editor of the Advance of New York, was named vice chairman. Thomas R. 
(Downie, of the Galesburg Labor News, was made treasurer. The proceedings 
‘of the Federated Press and the Federated Press League took place at 511 
N. Peoria Street, headquarters. 


The Federated Press is highly recommended by William Z. Foster, 
of the Trade Union Educational League. A circular letter which 
‘he issued on January 5, 1923, reads as follows: 


To ali local general groups of the Trade Union Educational League. 


DEAR CoMRADES: This is to call your attention to a new feature of the 
‘federated Press and to urge your active support of the same. This feature 
s the Economic service consisting of statistics upon the actual condition of 
ur industrial system. Enclosed find a sample copy. 

The Federated Press has worked out a plan whereby these statistics can 
ye placed before the labor movement at the minimum cost of $25 per year 
for each Central Labor Council. Letter to this effect has been sent to all 
the Central Labor Councils in the country. We are sending you this letter 
“o urge that you try to get the support of your central body to this proposition 
‘y subscribing to it. 

The Federated Press letter calls upon the Central Labor Councils to appoint a 
vommittee to study the proposition. This should be done. If the matter does 
jot come before your Central Body, inquire into the reason. Ask from the 











478 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


floor if such a communication has not been received. The Shiela letter was 
mailed out on December 27. 

It is vitally necessary that this service be brought to the attention of as 
large a portion of the labor movement as possible. Therefore, we trust you 
will do all in your power to make the thing a suecess. Get your Central Labor 
Council to subscribe without fail. ? 

Fraternally yours, ‘ 
Wm. Z: Foster. 


During December, 1923, the Federated Press issued a bulletin at 
Los Angeles giving the following description of its news’ service 
and organization: 


(1) Only daily labor news service covering the country. 

(2). Controlled solely by the 75 American Labor Editors in its membership 
on a democratic basis of one man, one vote. 

(3) Completing its fourth year of daily service. 

(4) Six of the nine board members belong to the A. F. of L. 

(5) The Managing Editor is a member in good standing of the I. T. U.; 
the Business Manager of the U. M. W. of A. 

(6) Four of the nine board members edit the official Cantal ax aie papers to 
which they belong. 

(7) Membership and equal share in control open to all bona fide labor papers. 

(8) Independent of all outside influence in its news policy; carries not a line 
of advertising. 


The following information was received from Los Angeles Kanai 
to announcement by one Dave Gorman, correspondent. of the Fed- 
erated Press in that locality: 


Los ANGELES.— Militants in the local labor movement refuse to accept as final 
the action of the A. F. of L. Portland Convention on amalgamation and inde- 
pendent political action, 

No question is definitely settled until it is settled right, declared Dave Gor- 
man, delegate from Electrical Workers Union #83, in a recent meeting of the 
local Central Labor Council in a reply to an appeal from Secretary John S. 
Horn that the sponsors of a labor party refrain from further carrying on their 
propaganda in the council in the interests of harmony. 

“The early abolitionists were up against as much opposition as the advocates 
of independent political action are now,” he said. ‘‘ They persisted in their 
propaganda until a majority agreed with them. Those of us who stand for 
amalgamation and a labor party will continue to work for these ideals until a 
majority of the A. F. of L. agrees with us, regardless of the action of any con- 
vention.” 


The Communist Party of America, for the purpose of circulating 
the propaganda of the Communist International in behalf of Com- 
munism, made considerable headway in controlling and guiding the 
Federated Press, according to the testimony of Jay Lovestone, who 
under the name of “Comrade Wheat ” reported the activity of the 
Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party to the con- 
vention held at Bridgman, Michigan, during the month ot August, 
1922, in the following language: 

The past year has seen the party make considerable headway in controlling 
and guiding the most important labor news agency in the country, the Fred. 
This agency has been of great service to us, especially in meeting the attacks 
of Gompers and Hoover. 

Further reference is made to the minutes of a meeting held by the 
Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party under date of 
July 26, 1922, in New York City. Second Session, at which there were 
present: Robert Minor, Max Bedacht, L. E. Katterfield, A. Wilinkin, 
Karl Browder, Ben Gitlow, Arne Swabeck, Jay Lovestone, Chas. E. 
Ruthenberg, Norman Tallentire, Benjamin Grefenson, Rose Pastor 


RECOGNITION, OF RUSSIA 479 


‘Stokes, I. Ampter, Thos. O’Flaherty, Wm. F. Dunne, one Scott, and 
the following representatives of the Communish International: Boris 
Reinstein, Brooks, and Lang. | At this meeting the following motion 

was made by Robert Minor: 

That the change of proceeding regarding the representation on Fred Board 
be on the basis of a merger of our two papers in question. 

Jay Lovestone, in testifying as a witness for the defense in the case 
of the People of the State of Michigan versus Chas. E. Ruthenberg, 
also known as the Berrien County Criminal Syndicalist cases, stated 
that “Fred” was a code word used by the Communist Party of 

America and that it meant the Federated Press. 

The various papers referred to throughout this report as having 
been taken from 170 Bleecker Street, New York City; were seized on 
April 29, 1921. Among these papers were reports as quoted on the 
Federated Press which indicated that at that time there existed a defi- 
nite plan on the part of the Communists eventually to gain control of 

this organization. This policy continues at the present time. 

On January 9, 1924, the Worker’s Party of America, through its 
press service, sent out: a communication “To All Party Papers.” 
This communication reads as follows: 

DEAR ComRADES: The annual meeting of the Federated Press will be held in 
‘Chieago on February 1st. Those party papers which are members of the 
Federated Press and which will not be able to send representatives are re- 

quested to send their proxies to the National Office of the Worker’s Party. 

Below you will find the name of the comrade to whom your proxy is to be 
made out. 

Please give this matter your prompt attention as it is essential that our in- 
fluence be organized for the February 1st meeting. 

Fraternally yours, 
(S_d.) C. E. RUTHENBERG, 
Haecutive Secretary. 
Make out proxy to J. Louis Engdahl. 


STATE PROSECUTIONS 


Seventy-six persons were prosecuted in New York State under the 
State law against criminal anarchism. Of these 76, James J. Larkin, 
Benjamin Gitlow, Harry M. Winitzky, I. E. Ferguson, C. KE. Ruthen- 
berg, and Ignatz Mizher were convicted and sentenced to serve from 
5 to 10 years in state prison. Gust Alonen and Carl Paivio were con- 
victed and sentenced to serve from four to eight years in State prison. 
‘Peter Bianki, Naum Spekanuk, and Michael Krawchuk were de- 
ported on the 8S. S. Buford to Russia. Benjamin Tobaek was de- 
ported on the S. S. Pannonia June 19, 1920, to Austria, and Cornell 
Britt, Louis Litonvitch, Steve Kostenko, and John Urehenko were 
ordered deported in the spring of 1920. The rest were held for a 
short time and then dismissed. 

In Chicago in August, 1920, William Bross Lloyd was convicted 
under the State Criminal Syndicalist Law and sentenced to from 
one to five years in prison and a fine of $2,000. Others convicted 
‘at the same time and under the same law were Ludwig Lore, Arthur 
‘Proctor, Jack Carney, Edgar Owens, L. K. England, Niels Kjar, all 
sentenced to indeterminate terms of from one to five years. Perry 
Shipman, Carl F. Sandberg, N. J. Christiansen, Samuel Ash, James 
A. Meissinger, Samuel F. Hankin, John Vogel, Morris Stoller, and 
Charles Krumbein were taken into custody and placed in the Cook 






480 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


County Jail to serve one ‘year each: Max Bedacht, Dr. Oscar’ J. 
Brown, Edwin Firth, and L. E. Katterfield also were sentenced but 
were not apprehended at this time. These men were later pardoned 
by the Governor of the State of Illinois. | 

In Philadelphia, in the spring of 1920, seven Communists were 
arrested for participation in the distribution of Communist circulars. 
Those arrested were Louis Biberman, James. F. Lynch, Arthur Cat- 
tell, George Husted, Boyd K. Perkinson, Morris Baker, and William 
E. Smith. Ass 

In and around Pittsburgh, in 1921, several men were arrested for 
the distribution of “ radical” leaflets. Among them were Mike Rov 
and Andrew J. Spisak, who, on April 29, 1921, were arrested at 
Braddock, Pa., while distributing copies of a leaflet entitled “ May 
Day of Revolution,” which reads as follows: 


May Day of Revolution is here! May Day, when the workers of the world 
think of Liberty! When they form their ranks asa challenge to the masters! 
When they come out in their millions and demonstrate the Solidarity of the 
Workers! ' 

This year the American Workers must all demonstrate. They have good 
reason. The bosses have challenged the millions of Workers in the country. 
They have organized to crush the Workers. They want to exploit them more. 
In their greed they intend to grind out more profit from their bones. They 
want to know who shall be the masters in America. 

Then let us show them who will be the masters! Let us tell them that the 
System must be changed. Let us tell them we will change it by Revolution! 
That is the only way—there is ‘no other: , 

In Hurope the Workers are carrying on their fight. With gun in hand they 
are fighting their governments, determined to overthrow them, and set’ up 
Workers’ Governments that shall represent only the Workers! In Italy and 
Germany the Workers face the guns of the government, ready to die to ob- 
tain their freedom from the brutal system. In England, France; and Spain 
they are preparing for the day when the clash with the government must come. 

In India, Hgypt, in.the Near and Far East, the Workers and the oppressed 
people are organizing their ranks to drive out the'imperialist robbers and cut- 
throats, who hold them enslaved. They are learning to use force against force. 
There is no other way. A) 

Only in Soviet Russia the Workers may celebrate May Day as free men! 
Only in Soviet Russia there is no exploitation! In Soviet Russia the Workers 
rule! Attacked by the whole capitalist world, the Workers of Soviet Russia 
have stood fast and defended the Revolution.,,The Revolution is spreading 
across the globe. It calls to’us. Let us prepare! 

Too long we have stood the misery the masses have forced on us. We have 
not forgotten the war, which killed and crippled for life millions of workers 
and filled the bosses’ pockets with gold! We have not forgotten the war and 
all its false promises... We have not forgotten and we will not, forget! The 
bosses are preparing a new war. Millions of men are unemployed and the 
bosses are afraid of them. 

And well they may be afraid ! 

We American Workers will no more stand the tyranny of the bosses and of 
their government. We have had enough. The United Statés Government 
stands for the bosses against the Workers! It uses the lawmaking bodies, the 
courts, and its troops against the Workers. 

Then we must destroy the United States Government! 

We must overthrow it and put in its place a Workers’ Government. We must 
uphold the Workers’ Government with a strong army, to crush the bosses and 
all who support them! ; 

We must prepare for the Revolution—there is no other way! 

May Day of the Revolution is here! 

Let us join the ranks of the fighting American workers. . . ‘4 

Let us proclaim our solidarity with the revolutionary. Workers of Germany 
and Italy! : } 

Let us proclaim our solidarity with the Workers of the entire world! 

Let us prepare for the revolution! f 

UNITED COMMUNIST Party oF AMERICA. _ 


. 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 481 


It. might here be noted that in the city of New York during the 
May Day period of 1921 Minnie Kalinen, Tina Jusron, and Anna 
Leisman were arrested in the act of distributing these and similar 
leaflets and convicted of violating the State Criminal Anarchy Law. 
Tina Jusron was released on suspended sentence. . The other two 
were committed to prison. 

Thomas Krasick, Joe Makanec, and John Hoshylyk were arrested 
in Ambridge, Pa., at the same time for distributing copies of the 
leaflet quoted above... These three latter individuals were later con- 
victed in Beaver County, Pa., Court for violation of the Pennsyl- 
vania State Sedition Act. 

_ George Vrchek was arrested on the above-named date at McKees 
Rocks, Pa., for distributing copies of this leaflet. 

On the same date, at East Pittsburgh, Pa., Mike Selick was 
arrested in the act of distributing and putting up “stickers,” some 
of which read as follows: 

Down with capitalism, up with Communism—United Communist Party. 

Workers, the U.S. is yours; take it—United Communist Party. 

Overthrow capitalism; long live Communism—United Communist Party. 

On June 15, 1921, Charles Spinack was sentenced by Judge Stevens 
to serve not less than 15 nor more than 17 years in the Western Pent- 
_tentiary, having plead guilty to the distribution of subversive litera- 
ture. 


MISCELLANEOUS ACTIVITIES 


In addition 'to the foregoing attention is called to the following 
Meateles be pid.” } | 
“Workingmen of America! Stand by Soviet Russia,” issued by 
the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of Amer- 
ica, from which the following is quoted : 


Let us resolve to break the chains of wage slavery. 
Let us prepare for the overthrow of a hypocritical and bloody capitalist 
State and establish in its place the Soviet Republie of America. 
Let us destroy the Republic of the Rich and erect the Republie of Labor. 
Let us join hands with the Soviet frepublics of the world in the glad con- 
federation of free peoples united by the bonds of working-class solidarity. 

'» Down with capitalism ! 

Down with the capitalist State! 

Hail to the world-wide preletarian revolution ! 

Hail to the Dictatorship of the Proletariat! 

Long live Soviet Russia ! 

Long live Communism ! 


From the leaflet “ Then and Now—April 6, 1917-April hel A 9 he 
issued by the Central Exeeutive Committee of the Communist Party 
of America, the following quotation is taken: 


The capitalist system is based upon the production of commodities for profit— 
for the profit of a small group who own all the means of production and who 
do no useful work. This means exploitation, wage slavery, and misery for the 
masses, who do all the useful and necessary work. The only way out is to 
introduce a system of society in which production is carried on for use,. for 
the benefit of all, with every member doing his share of the work. But clearly 
‘such a system can only be instituted by a government of revolutionary, class 
conscious workers. The present government of the United States is a capitalist 
government, upholding the right of a few men to own all the railroads, shops, 
factories, mills, mines, land, etc., as their private property. The capitalist 
government of America protects the rich and assists them to rob the poor 


482 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


and toiling masses. When you ask for more wages and go out on strike to 
enforce your demand, this government sends police to club and arrest you and 
soldiers to Shoot you. 

And that is the fight, the only fight that you. as a worker should be interested 
in, the struggle between the capitalist cldss and the working class for political 
power and the ownership of the machinery of production. It is the age-long 
class war. It is a fight to the death and must inevitably result in civil war— 
in the forcible overthrow of the capitalist state. * *) * 

Remember the lessons of the world war. There can be no peace while the 
few have the power to exploit the masses. The road to peace lies through 
world revolution. ‘The working class—the overwhelming majority of the 
people—must become the ruling class. They must establish their own govern- 
ment, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat; the Workers’ Government will sup- 
press the counter-revolution of the capitalists. It will take over the factories 
and the railroads and the land. This Workers’ Government will gradually 
introduce the Communist Society. After the capitalists’ resistance has been 
broken and their stolen property restored to society; after they have been 
reduced to the labor state, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat disappears, the 
State dies out, and the human race, at last free, will, produce and enjoy the 
wealth in the Communist Society upon the basis of “From each according to 
his ability and to each according to his needs.” 


Reference is ‘also'made to the distribution of the leaflet entitled 
“The Tulsa Massacre.” 

Attention may also be called to “ May Day—Labor’s TidahTationad 
Holiday,” issued by the Central Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of America, from which the followmg excerpts are 
taken: 


Workingmen of America: The’ bosses—the capitalist class—have organized 
to crush you. They openly declare that they intend to smash your unions, 
destroy your resistance, reduce your wages, and bring you to the level of 
serfs. * * * The Capitalists and their Government are afraid of May. Day. 
They are afraid of the aroused workers whom they have robbed and oppressed. 
They tremble at the sight of the red flag. They fear Soviet Russia and the 
heroic example it has set for the revolutionary workers of the world. On 
this May Day let us resolve to join hands with the revolutionary workers of 
the world. Let us march shoulder to shoulder with our brothers in England... 
France, Italy, Germany, and Russia. 

Let us demonstrate our solidarity with all the workers of the entire world. 
This May Day let us resolve to prepare for the destruction of the capitalists’ 
government and the establishment of a Workers’ Government—the Dictatorship 
of the Proletariat in America. Let us‘ organize to build a Soviet Republic in 
America. The road to working-class freedom lies through Revolution. Get 
ready for the Proletarian Revolution in America. The Communist Party of 
America calls: Arms against Arms; Force against Force; Workers of the 
World, unite. ° 

From the foregoing it is clear that the Communist Party of 
America is intent upon destroying the present system of govern- 
ment in this country and in effecting the establishment of a Soviet 
form of Government. 

Evidence can also be produced indicating that the Workers’ Party 
of America has carried on considerable work in the matter of foment- 
ing strikes. 

In “The Worker” for September 16, 1922, there appears an 
article. on the first page entitled “Demand that all workers strike 
grows.” The article contains the following: 

The Workers’ Party appealed first to the railroad workers to come to the 
assistance of the striking miners, and when the rail strike began showed the 


disastrous policy of some of the railroad organizations going on strike while 
others remained at work. 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 483 


A large heading across the top of the August 12, 1922, issue of 
the same paper reads, “ Urge all labor ‘Strike!’” A large insert on 
the front page of this issue reads, “ Workers’ Party urges British 
workers not to scab on U.'S. coal miners,” and quotes a cablegram, 
which is as follows: 

Miners’ Federation of Great Britain, British Communist Party, Labor Party 
of Great Britain, British Trade Union Congress: 

The coal miners of the United States have for four months stood like a 
stone wall against the attempt of the bosses to destroy their splendid fighting 
organizations. Their fight against a wage reduction and the weakening of 
their organization is the fight of the whole American working class. If the 
miners are beaten the bosses will force a bitterer industrial slavery upon all 
of us. Victory for the miners seems certain if the British workers refuse to 
scab against them by furnishing the American capitalists with coal. We urge 
that you do all within your power to induce British workers to refuse to 
handle coal for the United States. Hail to the international solidarity of 
the workers. 

CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, WORKERS’ PARTY OF AMERICA, 
; Cc. BE. RuryHenserc, Executive Secretary. 

Under date of September 25, 1922, a bulletin was issued “To all 
Party Branches, District Organizers, Federation Secretaries,” and 
signed by C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary. This bulletin 
calls for vigorous and. active opposition to the “ Daugherty injunc- 
tion and government. interference with the railroad strike.” 

From a letter dated July 18, 1922, addressed to ‘ Dear Comrades” 
and signed by C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary Workers’ 
Party of America, the following excerpts are taken: 

The strike situation existing at the present time, with over a million men on 
strike, is the greatest opportunity for Party propaganda which has presented 
itself in this country for a number of years. 


From another letter signed June 13, 1922, is taken the following: 


The work of the branches in the united, front campaign. Each branch 
should: * * * 4. Induce individuals to secure a supply of the manifestos 
for circulation in shops, factories, stores, and among the unemployed. 


On March 19, 1922, over the name of L. C. Wheat, Executive Sec- 
retary Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist 
International, there was issued a list of instructions to the caucuses 
to be formed in the mine strike and a statement was issued which 
reads in part as follows: 


All efforts possible shall be concentrated in winning the local strike and 
cleansing the miners’ union. For this the following measures shall be adopted 
at once. 

D. O.s shall call general caucuses immediately in the principal coal districts 
in which we have a following. * #* * Bxert every possible effort by word 
and deed to spread the strike to unorganized districts and to stiffen the morale 
of the miners by arousing their fighting spirit. 


The following is quoted from a letter addressed on June 6, 1928, 
“To all branch secretaries and C. C. C. delegates,” by J. Powell, 
Secretary, on the letterhead of the Workers’ Party of America, 
Local Philadelphia. 


Decisions of D. C., C. C. C., and the General Membership Meeting. 

1. The G. C. C. has decided that Local Philadelphia send two delegates to the 
}armer-Labor Party Convention to be held on July 8rd, in: Chicago; ) * o:*) /*. 

4 The D. C. has decided that each member who can join a union shall do 
so Before July First The branches are instructed to see that this decision is 
earried out 100%. Members who will refuse to join a union and who can not 


¢ 


484 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


show sufficient reason for not joining a) trade-union will be expelled) from the 
Party. Those who belong to a union must take ‘a-part in the Trade-Union 
Educational League work and must attend its meetings. 


This indicates the close connection between the Workers’ Party 
and the Trade Union Educational League. | | | | 

A. letter from C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary of the Work- 
ers’ Party of America, dated June 14, 1923, further brings out the 
propaganda activities of the Party. The letter reads as follows: 


To all Party Branches. 


CoMRADES: The distribution of leaflets is a form of propaganda which should 
be carried on continuously by every unit of the Party. This work can be done 
by the language branches as well as the English branches of the Party, and is a 
method through which every language branch ean assist in building up the 
movement among the English-speaking workers. 

The national office has on hand at present the following lezflets: : 

1. The United States to-day.—Program of the Workers’ Party of America. 
During the early months of this year we endeavored to enlist the support of 
every Party unit in distributing the million copies of the Party Program, but 
not all of the Party branches responded and only 350,000 copies of the program 
were distributed. The programs are suitable for distribution’ at any time, 
and those branches which have not undertaken this work should cover their 
territory at once. In fact, every Party branch should have on hand a supply 
of these programs which contain the fundamental statement of Communist 
Principles. While we carry on our fight for the Labor Party and Amalgamation 
we must never forget that our purpose is to build up a powerful organiza- 
tion of Communists and that the most important task is to get the fundamental 
Communist conceptions before the Workers. This can be done through the 
distribution of the Party program. . 

2. Unite Labor’s Forces in the Labor Party.—This is the mose recent leaflet on 
the Labor Party. It is of particular importance at the present time, due to the 
convention to be held in Chicago on July 3rd... Every Party. branch should 
Systematically distribute this leaflet in the unions and labor, fraternal, and 
benefit organizations. 

3. The United Front Manijesto-—Vhis leaflet is addressed to all labor organi- 
zations in the United States and states the basic principles for a united front 
struggle in this country. While-the Labor Party is the immediate form of the 
United front we must not forget that there must be fundamental principles on 
which the Labor Party is based and the united front struggles carried on. This 
leaflet states these principles. It should have a. wide distribution as propa- 
ganda for the next step in advance in the United Front campaign. ; 

4. Let the Miners Run the Mines.—This is a leaflet on nationalization of the 
mines. This question is a big issue among the miners. The leaflet should be 
distributed everywhere where there are miners’ organizations. We urge that 
every Party branch send in an order for these leaflets at once. We will send 
»500 of each of the first three leaflets for $5 or 1,000 for $10. With these will 
be sent as many of the “ Let the miners run the mines” as the branch’ can use 
without extra charge. . Renta 

Every member of your branch should be given a supply of these leaflets so 
that whenever he meets workers he can leave with them some information 
about our government and can distribute the leaflets in the shop, in the unions, 
or wherever the workers: gather. 

It is only by thus enlisting the whole Party membership in the work of the 
organization that we can build up our Party. Let. us distribute the Party leaflets 
far and wide! Send the orders for the leaflets as outlined above. ; 

Fraternally yours, . 
(Signed) C. EH. RuTHENBERG, 
Executive Secretary. 


To show the connection of the Communist Party of America with 
the strikes of 1922 the following is quoted from a “ Communist Party 
of America, Financial Statement, District + 4,” circular letter from — 
the United Toilers Publishing Association, Herbert W. Stanley, — 
Circulation and Business Manager. 





RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 485 


Our work is bearing fruit and is being watched all over the world. Only 
the other day in an international Lettish paper the following was written about 
the United Toilers of America. ‘“ They don’t sit down and talk about what 
should be done, but they go out and do it.” Witness the Miners Voice. 
Who shall say that the “ Voice” is not helping the strikers on to victory? 


At a meeting held in Pittsburgh, in February, 1923, Norman 
Tallentire, one of the speakers, told the audience not to “ kid them- 
selves ” into believing that the revolution in this country was going 
to be a “ pink-tea affair; it was going to be a bloody revolution, and 
plenty of it.” é 


In an article published in the “ Voice of Labor,” issue,of Septem- 
ber 22, 1922, one of the official organs of the Workers’ Party of Amer- 
ica, appears the following: | 


YOU MUST FIGHT 


The American workers are being taught that democracy does not exist in the 
United States. . » 

Freedom of assemblage, freedom of press, freedom of movement in pursuit 

of happiness, as expressed in the right of association to protect their own in- 
terests, are rights which belong now to the Chambers of Commerce, to the Ku- 
Klux Klan, and other reactionary organizations, but not» to» the working 
Classi hee Ce | ie 
_At the command of the Morgan banking interests the Democratic party 
politicians changed the United States into a militarized nation overnight and 
poured the blood of hundreds of thousands of American youth into a Huropean 
war. For this betrayal the Democratic politicians were thrown out of office: 
* * * 

The Harding administration has attacked the labor unions with the most 
amazing viciousness ever known in American political life. * * * 

Idealism in public life has reached the lowest ebb in American history. © Pub- 
lic officials are known as the kept men of this or that section of the great capi- 
talist interests. 

In ridding itself of the Democratic party lick-spittles of the Morgan Bank, 
the American people finds itself ruled by the lick-spittles of the Standard Oil 
Trust and the Morgan Bank together. In the last presidential election the 
only candidate enjoying the slightest respect as a man was one who lay in a 
prison cell convicted as a criminal. * * * 

Workers, it is your duty to make them act. Bring the pressure of the rank 
and file to bear and compel them to mobilize all the power of the workel's for 
this struggle. 

To preserve the liberties of the workers, these liberties must be fought for. 

The answer to the general injunction must be the general strike for freedom 
to organize, freedom of assembly, freedom of the press, freedom to strike, free- 
dom to picket, freedom of speech. . 

The answer to the strike-breaking Government is more strike. 

The answer to union smashing is unions too strong to smash. 


The foregoing are submitted only as specimens to indicate the gen- 
eral trend and the character of radical propaganda literature and 
activities. 


WORKERW’ PARTY OF AMBHRICA—PRESS ACTIVITIES 


The portion of the memorandum immediately following contains 
extracts from the Communist press relative to the activities of the 
Communists in the United States, their relation to the Communist 
International and the tactics and principles adhered to by them, 
together with excerpts from official leaflets that have been dis- 
tributed in the United States during the past two years, | 


486 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


PRESS SEcTION INDEX 


A 


African Blood Brotherhood. a tod 
‘After Five Years,” Trotzky at 4th Congress. f 
“ Alba Nuova.” z 
Amalgamation of Trade Unions, Workers’ Party Activities in. 
* American Organizations of Kevolutionary International.” 
American Unions as Weapons. 
Amter, Israel. 

Re Farmers in U. S. 

Re Influence of C. I. on Workers’ Party. 

Re Negroes. 

Re Recognition of Russia by U. 8. 

Re Workers’ Party as Communist Organization. 
“A Munkas.” 
Armistice Day and the Communists. 
Army and Navy, Propaganda in. 


Balfot. 
Use of, Advocated. 
Use of, Denied. : 
Billings, Negro at 4th Congress. 
Bourgeois Dictatorship in U.S. 
Bridgman Raid. , 
Bukharin States: Communist International as Leader of Russian Revolution, 
Building the Red Republic. 
“ Bulletin of the Communist International Executive Committee.” 


C 
Call to Join Workers’ Party. 
Cannon, James P.: 
Workers’ Party as genuine Communist Party. 
Workers’ Party To-day and To-morrow. 
Cartoon: 
In Liberator. 
Antireligious (Novy Miry. 
Circulation. 
Children : 
Class Education of. 
Class Education of. in class warfare. 
* Let the Children Live.” 
Coal Strike: 
Rights of Ownership in. 
West Virginia. 
Coming Vengeance (The). 
Communism -and the Courts. 
“Communist” (The). 
“Communist International” (The). 
Communist International: 
1st Congress. 
2nd Congress, Theses of. 
4th Congress— 
American delegates to. 
Negroes. 
American Section of Communist International and. 
Appeal to Workers of All Countries. 
Cablegram from, to Workers’ Party referring to I. W. W. 
Change in Tacties of. 
Demand of, to Proletarian Party to Join Workers’ Party. 
Greetings to “ Freiheit’”’ from. 
Greetings to Workers’ Party from. 
Identity of, with Russian Revolution. 
Influence of, on Labor Forces in other countries. 
Manifesto of, to Proletarian of World. 
May Day Article of. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 487 


Communist International—Continued, 
Negroes. 
Object of, as stated by Zinoviev. 
Organization under. 
Relation with U. S. 
(See Workers’ Party.) 
Saceo-Vanzetti Case and Soviets and. 
Communist Party of America: 
Dissolution of, into Workers’ Party. 
Leaflet on W. Va. Coal Strike. 
May Day (123) Leaflet. 
Communist Party of Russia and Soviets, Mutuality and Individuality of. 
Communist Press, Information on. 
Conviction of 18 Communists in Illinois. 
~ Counter-Revolution. 
~ Courts, Communism and the. 


D 


pad 


Daily Militant Newspaper for U. S., Cablegram from Zinoviev. 
Delegates from U. S. to 4th Congress. 
Dictatorship of Bourgeois in U. S. 
Dictatorship of the Proletariat: 
As means of revolution in America. 
” By Trotzky. 
* Dictatorship vs. Democracy,” by Trotzky: 
Extract from. 
On Terrorism. 
Disarmament, Command from Red Labor International on. 


E 
Hlections. 
Engdahl, J. Louis, Red Instructions rec’d from Communist International. 
** Kteenpain.” 
F 
Federated Farmer-Labor Party: 
Duties of Workers’ Party toward. 
Workers’ Party affiliated with. 
Fight, To replace bourgeois dictatorship with proletar ‘an. 
Fixed Policy and Concessions. 
Flag: 
American or Red. 
Ilird International, Only Flag. 
Join Flag of III International. 
Force and Violence: 
Advocation of, after general strike. 
Never advocated. 
Object of C. I. is struggle with force of arms for suppression of bourgeois. 
Quotations from Communist International re. 
Take control of gov’t. thru force. 
i Trotzky on occurrence of revolution. 
Use of. 
“Use every possible means to crush the capitalist class.” 
Foster, Wm. Z., Verdict Triumph for Communism. 
Fourth of July with Red Flag. 
“ Freiheit.” 
Greetings from Communist International. 


G 
General Strike. 
Trotzky’s remarks on. 
serman Agitation Committee for U. S., What and Why is the Workers’ Party. 
“Glos Robotniczy.” 
Gompers, Samuel, Recognition of Russia. 
Grove, George. 


488 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Harding’s Fourth of July Address. <A90TZ9V, 
Herrin. yea § hs 7 iat oti 


Hour of Vengeance. a 
How the Workers will seize the arms. Re i 


Illinois Supreme Court. PTR Teleiio 
Industrial Workers of the World: OVE hs y MON OBEL 
Cablegram from Communist International. WW no Jaitaea! 
Statement of Communist Internationul to. (E20) Veal yet 
Injunction: Ab 
Daugherty Injunction. 
Defy the Injunction. 
Union and. ai rah 
Instructions from Communist International: : 
Denial re, in connection with antirecognition of Soviet Russia Campaign. 
Jay Lovestone on Hughes’s Fraud against Russian recognition. 
“ International Press Correspondence.” 
International of Red Labor Unions: 
To U. S. Railwaymen. 
In relation to U. S. Coal Strike. 
* tskre.? 
SIzvestiay 


J 
Jewish Federation. 
Greetings from Communist International. 


K 


Kalinin, Madame, Refused to admit, into U. S 
‘*Kommunist,” Der. 

‘* Kommunistas.”’ 

*“Kommunistichny Svit.” 


Labor Party—Demand for. 

“ Laisve.” 

Leaflets. 

Legal and Illegal Activities; of Communist Party of America. 
Among the Youth. 

Legal Political Party. 

Lenin—Prime Minister of Russia. 

‘“ Liberator.” 

London, Noah, Workers’ Party and United Front. 

Lovestone, Jay. 

Lozovsky. 

Lunarcharsky 





Commissar for Education. 


M 

Mass Action. 

May Day: me 
1919. Article from Communist International to workingmen of world. 
1922. 

Ukrainian Circular. 
1923. 
McKay, Claude, Negro at 4th Congress. 
Military Force against Bourgeoisie. 


N 
Navy and Army, Propaganda in. 
Negroes: 
‘Black Victims of Imperialism.” 
Communist International and American Negro. 
Delegates to the 4th Congress. 
Fourth Congress of C. I. on. 
General question of. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 489 


Negroes—Continued. »° 
Organization among. 
World Congress. 

“New Yorker Volkszeitung. 2 


* Novy Mir.” 
O 
‘** Obrana.” 
Organization : 
On Class Basis. 
Under Communist International. 
Pp 


Pepper, John, Problems of Workers’ Party. 

“ Pravda.” 

Prayer of the Proletariat. 

Preparation for final fight. 

Proletarian Culture and Working Youth. 

Proletarian Party of America: 
Demand from Communist International to join forces with W. P. 
Unity with Workers’ Party. 

Proletarians to Rally under banner of Communist International. 

Propaganda in Army and Navy. 


R 


Radek, Karl, Editor (with Zinoviev) of the “ Communist International.” 
Railroad Workers Leaflet by C. P. of .A. 


- Real War, Preparation for. 


Recognition of Soviet Russia. 
Article by Amter on. 
Re forging of letter by Coolidge Administration in antirecognition 
campaign. 
Red Army, Referred to by vaceeee 
“Red Danger,” The. 
“Red Flat ’—Song. 
Red Flag of above-ground Communist Party. 
**Red Labor International.” 
Red International of Labor Unions: 
Disarmament demanded by. 
Command re Sacco and Vanzetti. 
Workers’ Party indorses Principles of. 
Red Republic, Building the. 
Revolution: 
Advoecation of. 
Advocated by. 
Trotsky in “ Dictatorship vs. Democracy.” 
Trotsky on Occurrence of. 
Zinoviey. 
As natural historical result. 
Liberation can come only through. 
Join forces in preparation for time of Civil War against Cap. Class. 
Right of. 
Ruhr Invasion Manifesto by Ruthenberg. 
Russian Soviet Republic as Pattern as Guide. 
Russian Workers: 
In America, Duties of. 
In Labor Movement. 
“ Russky Golos.” 
Ruthenberg, C. E. 
Re Acts of Violence. 
Re Duties of Workers’ Party toward Federated Farmer-Labor Party. 
Re Foster Verdict. 
Re Jewish Federation. 
Re May Day, 1923. 
Re Open Avowal of relationship of Workers’ Party with Com, Int. 
Re Ruhr Invasion. 
Re U. S. Gov’t, strike-breaking agency. 
Re Workers’ Party. 


490 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Ss . 


Sacco and Vansetti: 
Appeal by Zinoviev for. 
Command from Red Labor International in re. ° 
Seizure of Sources of Wealth. 
Senate Laws Humbug. 
Social Scandals. 
Soldiers: 
Counsel to. 
Leaflet to, by C. P. of A. not to shoot strikers. 
Song—Red Flag. 
Soviet Russia: 
Communist Party and. 
Example of. 
Guiding Star. 
Recognition of. 
Zinoviev on S. R. and Com, Party. 
** Soviets’ in the U. S. Senate. 
** Spravedinost.” 
Strikes: 
Right to. 
Weapon. 
Supreme Court, Abolish. 


T 
Terrorism : 

Quote from Communist International. 

Trotsky, “ Dictatorship vs. Democracy.” 

“Terrorism and Communism,” Extracts from, by Trotsky. 
Theses of Executive Committee of Com. Int. for 2nd Congress. 
“oiler.” 

Trachtenberg, wes der: 

On American Imperialism. 

Part of Speech at 4th Congress. 

Part of Speech at 4th Congress. 

Trade Union Educational League, Supported by Workers’ Party. 
Trade Unions: 

Amalgamation activities of Workers’ Party in. 

As Weapons. 

Message from Bucharin on. . 
Transition from Capitalism to Socialism, Impossibility by peaceful means, 
Transportation system of Soviet Russia, Building of. . 
Trotzky: 

Commissar for War and Navy. 

At 4th Congress. 

On occurrence of Revolution. 

Referring to Red Army. 


‘““ Uj Elore.” 
Ukrainian Circular. 
Ukrainian Daily News. 
Under What Flag do you go to Battle? 
United Front: 
Against, of exploiters and oppressors. ? ela 
Leaflet for. 
Message from Bucharin on. 
Of All Communist Thinking People in U. S. 
Workers’ Party and. 
United States Government: 
Fraud. 
Removal of Gov’t Obstacles. 

Strike-Breaking Agency. . WY of] 
United States Senate: | . lL. off 
Abolish. i 

Laws, of, Humbug. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 491 


Vv 
- Vimnis.” 
Violence (See Force and Violence). 


West Virginia Coal Strike. 
What Communists in U. S. Stand for. 
Wicks, H. M.: 

Assaults on Labor by. 

Re Proletarian Party and W. P. 
Women and Violence. 
* Worker,” The. 
“ Workers’ Challenge.” 
Workers and Farmers Government in U. S., Aim of Workers’ Party is. 
Workers’ Party of America: 
| Affiliated with Fed. Farmer-Labor Party. 

As Best Communist Organization in U. S. 

Cablegram to W. P. re establishment of daily paper. 

Call to Join. 

Communication of C. P. of A. to, announcing dissolution. 

Demand of Com. Int. to Proletarian Party to join W. P. 

Duties of, to Fed. Farmer-Labor Par. 

Herrin Struggle. 

Lauded by Zinoviev. 

Leaflet calling U. S. Govt. Strikebreaking agency. 

May Day Proclamation. 

Membership, 20,000. 

Necessity for members to join bahar organizations. 

Press service, re Madam Kalinin. 

Program of. 

Purposes of (not through elections). 

Second Convention. 

Second Convention, Instructions from Com. Int. 

Today and Tomorrow (J. P. Cannon). 

‘What and Why is the. 

Why Every Worker should be a Communist and join the. 
Workers’ Party and Communist International. 

Accepts Leadership of C. I. 

Advertising of “ Communist International” in ‘“ The Worker.” 

Affirmed by Cannon, Foster, Ruthenberg. 

Avowed by Ruthenberg. 

Cable to C. I. from 2nd Convention. 

C. I. Greets Workers’ Party (Zinoviev). 

C. I. Stamps Approval on Workers’ Party. 

Endorses Principles and Rules of C. I. 

Influence of C. I. of Workers’ Party (by Amter). 

Message from Buecharin to 2nd Convention. 

Reference to instructiens from C. I. to Workers’ Party. 
Workers’ Party, AS Communist Organization. 
Workers’ Party, United Front. 


¥ 


‘Young Communist International to Young Workers. 
Young Workers’ League: 
Call for convention to organize, 
Organization of. 
enth nib gs aa Article by Zinoviev to Proletarian Youth of the World. 
mM 
7. 
.“ Zajmy Lidue.”’ 
Zinoviev : 
Advoeates Revolution. 
Articles by—to Proletarian Youth. 
Article by—Tactics of Communists, 
Appeal of Sacco and Vanzetti. 


82325—24— Pr 2 22 








492 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Zinoviev—Continued. ; 
Editor of ‘The Communist International.” 
Greetings to W. P. from C. I., signed. 
Lauds Workers’ Party. 

Speech at 4th Congress on American Party. 
States object of Com. International. 


EXCERPTS FROM THE COMMUNIST. PrEss, 1922-19238 
CONTENTS 


1. Extracts Showing Relations of the Workers’ Party of America with the 
Communist International. 
2. Extracts from— 
1. The Communist. 
2. Red Labor International. 
. Bulletin of the Communist International Executive Committee. 
. The Liberator. 
Workers’ Challenge. 
. The Toiler. (1922.) 
3. Extracts from the Worker. (1922.) 
4. Extracts from the Worker. (1923.) 
3. Extracts from the Foreign Language Communist Press in the United 
“tates. (1922.) 
6. Extracts from the Foreign Language Communist Press in the United 
States. (1923.) 
7. Extracts from ‘ The Communist International.” 
S. Official Leaflets. 


> Or oo 


EXTRACTS SHOWING RELATION OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY OF 
AMERICA TO THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 


The “ International Press Correspondence,” from which the ex- 
tracts immediately following are taken, is a publication, of which 
there is an edition in English. It is published in Berlin. It is made 
up of unpublished manuscripts intended for general reprint in the 
Communist press of the world. Its contributors are leading Com- 
munists, in America as well as in Europe, and the contents are widely 
reprinted in the foreign-language press, as well as in English. 

The November 13, 1922, issue of the “ International Press Corre- 
spondence ” contained an article entitled “America,” in which the 
status of the Workers’ Party of America is defined in Section V, 
page 782, as follows. The writer is George Grove. 


The Workers’ Party is a Communist organization. It works in the light and 
spirit of the Communist International and has already gained an influence 
among the working masses. * * * It advocates the principles of the Red 
Labor Union International and, as a consequence, is making itself felt keenly 
by its policy of “ boring from within” the existent labor unions. Its members 
are active in the Trade Union Educational League. It takes a militant attitude 
in all political situations and was very active in the strike period. f 

Guided by the revolutionary tactics of the Communist International, the 
Workers’ Party is destined to play a significant part in the approaching labor 
struggles in the United States. 

The formation of the Workers’ Party, in which the Communists parti¢ipated, 
enabled them to carry out their policy of reaching the masses in a most effi- : 
cacious manner. Although the Workers’ Party can not adopt a full Communist 
program and otherwise, as an open party in a country that persecutes workers’ 
and sends them to prison for mere membership in the Communist Party, is 
somewhat circumscribed in its activities, the Communists have found it an 
excelent medium for carrying on their at present most essential work. That 
they will be forced to continue to do till the American working masses have 
gathered sufficient revolutionary strength to force the Government to allow the | 


| 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 493 


Communist Party to come out into the open, to lead the revolutionary struggle 
of the working class against the capitalist State. 

* * The effect of the Russian Revolution and. the revolutionary out- 
breaks in Europe, together with the tremendous. and growing strength 
that the Communist International has evinced, has filled the capitalist class 
of America with dread. Experience has demonstrated that the American 
working masses. «wre fighters. Armed battles are not unknown occurrences. 
Accustonied to using force against a virile working class, the capitalist gov- 
ernment lias provoked a tendency to the use of counter-force that is becoming 
axiomatic. It veeognized that, the influence of European politics would be 
felt in America, especially among the foreign born, and therefore early took 
Steps to throttie all revolutionary activities. 

The Communists have led in the work of relief for Soviet Russia and have 
gained great support. from the labor organizations. The Communists have 
penetrated numerous working-class fraternal and_ beneficial organizations, 
and have exerted tremendous influence on their policies and activities. 

The Communist press is an important factor. There are nine Communist 
dailies and a darge number of weeklies and biweeklies. The large part of 
these publications is in foreign languages. The inauguration of a Communist 
daily in English will be of great assistance in bringing over the American 
worker to the Communist cause and in welding together the language federa- 
tions composing the Communist Party. 

America, on the other hand, has refused to recognize the Soviet Govern- 
ment or entertain trade relations with her. This the American Government 
can do only because of the relatively firm position in which American industry 
is. For it is obvious that every penny of trade with the Soviet Government 

will help to stabilize it and assist it in bridging over the period till the 
' Russian workers and peasants become self-sustaining. 

The bankers. of Wall Street, however, are a shrewd group; they have the 
assistance of experts and statisticians who compile reports on conditions in 
the country. 

They are fortifying themselves for the coming years. Their aim is to 

erush the revolutionary movement now while it is but in its nascence. Ex- 
perience has shown them that the American workers will fight—fight with 
more bitterness, more fierceness than the workers of perhaps any other 
country—this being due to the tradition of the frontier and pioneer life that 
still obtains in America—each man for himself—and to the physical virility 
of the immigrants to America. 

With good leadership, proper strategy and tactics, with active and devoted 
participation of the membership in the coming struggles, the Communist Party 
bids fair to become a mass party in a short time. 


C. E. Ruthenberg in the “ International Press Correspondence ” 
(Berlin), February 22, 1923, page 108, “The Workers’ Party of 
America: Its Second Convention,” writes: 


A little over three years ago the words “ Soviets” and “ Dictatorship of the 
Proletariat ~ appeared for the first time in the program of a political party in 
this country, when the Communist Party of America was born in Chicago in 
September, 1919. For three years the ideas for which these words stand have 
been taboo so far as open. expression in the. program of a political party is 
concerned. They came to life in the open again in the program adopted by the 
‘second convention of the Workers’ Party of America, held in New York City, 
beginning December 24th. 

* * * * * * * 

The Communist Party of 1919 came to life on the wave of enthusiasm in- 
spired by the Russian Revolution. It was a spontaneous outburst in this 
country of the forces generated by the first proletarian revolution. The 1919 
convention was satisfied to make its declaration of Communist faith. It did 
that with fervor and enthusiasm, but the practical application of the Com- 
munist principles to the life of the American workers was not dealt with. The 
movement was too young and too much under the influence of the great events 
in Europe to consider the necessity of planning the slow, difficult, painful 
process through which the American workers would be educated to the neces- 
sity of acting upon the Communist principles. 

*e os * * * * * 





494 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


In the three years that have passed since the open Communist convention of 
1919 the Communist movement in this country has undergone a transformation. 
It is no longer a spontaneous outburst of enthusiasm. It has not lost its en- 
thusiasm, but it has learned during these three years to direct this enthusiasm 
into the task of creating support for Communist principles among the working 
masses of this country. While it again publicly announces its faith that the 
Soviets and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat are the instruments through 
which the Proletarian Revolution will achieve its ends in this country as well as 
elsewhere in the world, it does not expect to convert the workers toa belief in the 
Soviets and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat by holding up the example of 
European experience. It proposes to teach the necessity of Soviets and the 
Proletarian Dictatorship to the workers through their own experience in their 
struggles against the capitalists. and its campaigns and programs of action are 
therefore based upon the actualities of the life of the workers in the United 
States. 

* % %: * % % * 

The program adopted, as has already been pointed out, is a glear statement 
of the principles of Communism. It has the additional merit of being written 
in the terms of Americal life, all its illustrations being drawn from the ex- 
periences of the workers of this country. It states in unmistakable terms 
the sympathy of the Workers’ Party with the Communist International and 
its acceptance of the leadership of that body. 

* * * * * aie . x 


The delegates went from the convention with new courage in their hearts. 
They expressed this in the last act of the convention, a cablegr am to the Com- 
munist International, the vote being given by the singing of ‘The Interna- 
tionale.” The cablegram reads: 

“Second National Convention Workers’ Party sends greetings to Comintern. 
Convention reports with joy absence of all factionalism. Conyention devoted 
itself to constructive work of building a powerful revolutionary movement 
in America. All reports indicate greater influence of Party in actual struggles 
of workers. We go forward with new strength: and boast samme Long len 
Communism and the International.” . 


Although in direct reference to the I. W. W., a statement ‘of, the 
Peacitine. Committee of the Communist International directed to 
the 1. W. W. in Chicago is published in: the International Press 
Correspondence of March 20, 1923. It was likewise published in the 
Communist press of America. Even here it will be noted that: the 
counsel given includes “all class organizations of the American 
working "alasd™ ” ~The’ message follows 


To the I. W. W. in Chicago: | Ht: ey 


The Comintern congratulates the members of your .organizi ation upon their © 
bravery in the struggle against capitalism, and against the Labia is by ie 
government on the Pacifie Coast. 

The persecutions in Portland and Sacramento, and the general arrests in 
St. Pedro and California, are an honor to the militant members of the I. W. W. _ 

We welcome the appeal issued by the I. W. W., calling upon all workers 
to join in forming a united front. . 

The Comintern has frequently appealed to all the workers of all countries 
to join forces in a common fight against capitalism. : 

The united front of ali class organizations of the American working class | 
against every description of exploitation and persecution must be formed. 
It is with the greatest satisfaction that we observe the great efforts heingl 
made by the Workers’ Party for the attainment of this aim. . | 

Fraternal greetings to all the revolutionary workers languishing in Amer-_ 
ican prisons. | 

Long live the unity and class solidarity of the American working class. i. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 


In the “ International Press Correspondence ” of January 5, 1923, 
there are published two reports delivered at the Moscow Convention 
by two American negro Communists, Billings and McKay, “ guests ” 


j 
=} 
ut 
i 
8 


: 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSTA 495 


of the Communist, International, on the. negro situation in the 
United States with especial reference to the negro as a field for 
Communist Propaganda. From these reports the following quota- 
tions will show not only this recognition upon the part of the Com- 
munist International of the negro in America as a fruitful field of 
endeavor, but also that this work among the negroes has begun, 
other evidence to this effect not being pertinent in this place. 

From the Billings speech referred to above the following is quoted : 


Moreover, the war, the Russian Revolution, and the great movements of 
revolt against imperialism on the part of the Asiatic and Musselman nation- 
alities have aroused the consciousness of the millions of the Negro race whom 
capitalism has oppressed and degraded beyond all others for hundreds of 
years, not only in Africa, but perhaps even more in America, where the move- 
ment of revolt has grown more and more intense, with a reflex effect on the 
whole Negro race. Consequently the Negro problem, on subjective no less 
than objective grounds, has become a vital question of the world revolution, 
and the Third International, which has already recognized what valuable aid 
can be rendered to the proletarian revolution by colored. Asiatic peoples in 
semicapitalist countries, likewise regards the cooperation of our oppressed 
black fellowmen as essential in the revolution of the proletarian masses and 
the destruction of capitalist power. The Fourth Congress accordingly de- 
clares it to be a special duty of communists to apply the “'Thesis on Colonial 
Questions’ to the Negro problems. 

1. The Fourth Congress recognizes the necessity of supporting every. form 
of Negro movement which tends to undermine or weaken capitalism or im- 
perialism,. cr to impede its further penetration. 

2. Negro workers should everywhere be organized, and if and when Negro 
and white working masses coexist a United Front should be formed at every 
opportunity. : 

3. Work among the Negroes should be carried on more particularly by 
Negroes. 

4. Immediate steps should be taken to hold a Negro conference or® congress 
in Moscow. 

Well, comrades, in closing I want just to make this remark, that I hope 
the comrades who come from the various sections of thé Communist Interna- 
tional where there are Negro workers will take cognizance of the Negro prob- 
lem as it exists to-day, and that they will carry on, not in the form of a New 
Year’s resolution, but—actually and directly—this work in order to arouse 
the consciousness of the Negro masses. so that we may be able to link them 
up for the proletarian revolution. 


From the McKay speech the following quotations are taken: 


In 1918 when the Third International published its Manifesto and included 
that part referring to the exploited colonies there were several groups of 
Negro radicals in America that sent this propaganda out among their people. 
When in 1920 the American government started to investigate and to suppress 
radical propaganda among the Negroes the small radical Negro groups in 
America retaliated by publishing the fact that the socialists stood for the 
emancipation of the Negroes and that reformist America could do nothing 
for them. Then, I think, for the first time in American history the American 
Negroes found that Karl Marx had been interested in their emancipation and 
had fought valiantly for it. 

% * * * * : * * 

Tf the Workers Party in America were really a Workers Party that in- 
cluded the Negroes, it would, for instance in the South, have to be illegal, and 
I would inform the American Comrades that there is a branch of the Workers 
Party in the South—in Richmond, Virginia—that is illegal; illegal because it 
includes colored members. There we have a very small group of white and 
colored comrades working together, and the fact that they have laws in Vir- 
ginia and most of the Southern States discriminating against whites and 
blacks assembling together means that the Workers Party in the South must 
be illegal. To get around these laws of Virginia the comrades have to meet 
separately, according to color, and about once a month they assemble behind 
closed doors. 


496 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


This is just an indication of the work that will have to be done in the 
South. The work among the negroes of the South will have to be carried 
on by some legal propaganda organized in the North, because we find at the 
present time in America that the situation in the Southern States (where 
nine million out of ten million of the negro population live) is that even the 
liberal bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie among the negroes can not get 
their own papers of a reformist propaganda type into the South on account 
of the laws that there discriminate against them. 


From the “ International Press Correspondence ” of April 12,1923, 
may be quoted the following statement by C. KE. Ruthenberg, Execu- 
tive Secretary of the Workers’ Party, as to the status of that Party. 
It is from an article, “American Democracy on Trial,” and reads: 


The Communists are now fighting for the right to work in the open in the 
United States. At the last convention of the Workers’ Party a clear-cut Com- 
munist program was adopted and fraternal affiliation with the Communist 
Tnternational was announced. The Workers’ Party is now the Communist 
larty in everything but name, that change being referred to a later date. 
It was decided by the Central Executive Committee of the Workers, Party, 
to make the trial in the Michigan case part of the struggle for an. open ex- 
istence of the party, by a bold announcement of Communist principles during 
the trial, and the denial that those principles are criminal. 


Israel Amter, an official of the Workers’ Party and one of the 
delegates to Moscow, writes in the “ International Press Correspond- 
ence”? of April 19, "1923. on the Workers’ Party of America, and 
states In part: 


The program of this year is fully in keeping with the requirements of the 
Communist International, and contains a keen analysis of American “ democ- 
racy,” the greatest fraud in any country of the world. It is a realistic docu- 
ment and deals with the problems confronting the workers. 

The Communist International recognizes but,one section in any country. 
The Workers’ Party of America is that section in America. The Workers’ 
erty left no doubt in the mind of friend or foe as to its relation to the Cl. 
Its program states. clearly: “The leadership in the international struggle 
which inspires hope in the hearts of the workers of the world and arouses 
fear in the capitalists of every country, is the leadership of the Communist 
International. The Workers’ Party declares its sympathy with the principles 
of the Communist International and enters the struggle against American 
eapitalism, the most powerful of the national groups, under the inspiration 
of the leadership of the Communist International.” 

This was a program that could not but weld together all the revolutionary 
groups in the country. The Executive Committee of the Workers’ Party had 
sent delegates to the IV Congress, who were recognized by the Communist 
International. The WP was taking its place among the communist parties 
of the world. 

* * * * * * * 

The convention emphasized the necessity of permeating the trade-unions 
with Communist ideas. The trade-unions of America are to a great extent 
under reactionary leadership. Not only are the leaders men of no perspective, 
but like all reactionaries they are bureaucrats, who seek power but refuse to 
lead the workers into the struggle against the capitalists, because it means 
suffering. The fight for control of the trade-unions is on. The Workers’ 
Party endorses the principles of the Red International of Labor Unions and 
cooperates very closely with the Trade Union Educational League. 


Also in this issue there appears a telegram by Lozovsky to the I. 
W. W. in the United States in which he assures them that “the 
dauntless revolutionists in militant minority of American Federation 
of Labor and in Workers’ Party will rally to their aid.” 

The May 3, 1923, issue of the “ International Press Corvespond- | 
ence” contained the following definite statement concerning the ~ 
Workers’ Party: 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 497 


WORKERS’ PARTY—THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN UNITED STATES 


The National Office of the Workers’ Party has received the following com- 


munication from the Communist Party of America: 


New York Ciry, April’ 11, 1923. 

CoMRADES: The Communist Party of America at its Third National Con- 
vention, held in New York City on April 7th, at which were present delegates 
from all parts of the country, after thorough debate, went on record unani- 
mously as recognizing the fact that the Workers’ Party of America, of which 
the members of the Communist Party of America were a component part, 
has developed into a Communist Party. 

The Convention, therefore, decided by unanimous vote to dissolve the Com- 


munist Party of America, leaving the Workers’ Party of America, which is 
already fraternally affiliated with the Communist International, as the only 
organization carrying on the struggle for Communist principles in the United 


States. The Workers’ Party of America is authorized, when it deems it de- 


‘sirable, to adopt the name ‘‘ Communist Party of America.” 


The June 22, 1923, issue of the “ International Press Correspond- 


‘ence ” contains a speech made by Trachtenberg, as an American dele- 
gate, at the Moscow convention: 


He was pleased to hear the references made by Zinoviev to the splendid 
strides made by the American Party in the past year. If the American Party 
has improved it is due to the action adopted at the last International Congress. 

He wished to deal with the application to America of the new slogan of u 


‘Workers’ and Peasants’ Government issued by the International. America, un- 
like Europe, has no large peasant population. But there was a large farmer 
-papulation, the position of whom had recently come to resemble that of the 


European peasants. Many of them are gradually losing possession of the 
land they got freely 25 years ago. They were sinking to the position of Jand- 
less tenant farmers. Statistics collected last year showed that 75% of farms 
were mortgaged, and the indebtedness of the farmers had increased 130% 
over 1910. The farmer population had decreased because many had left the 
country for the cities. The temporary war prosperity of the farmers has since 
been snatched away by the railroads, elevator companies, and other inter- 
mediaries. 

This position of the farmers has induced them to organize their own political 
party. In the few years of its existence the Non-Partisan League has gained 
considerable political successes. It was advocating the nationalization of the 
railroads, storage houses, elevators, ete. 

The Workers’ Party had taken note of this position and had issued the 
slogan of the Workers’ and the Working Farmers’ Government. But the slogan 


was not without its dangers. The. American Socialist Party had also gone 


amongst the farming population, but it had been ill-advised to fuse with the Non- 


Partisan League and similar political parties, with the result that in many 


; 





States it became, as a party, completely lost. It is important that when the 
slogan is issued by the Party in America this danger be understood and that it 
be interpreted as working along with the working farmers and not with the 
farmers’ political parties. 


Also, this same issue of the “ International Press Correspondence ” 
quotes "Israel Amter, another delegate from the United States, as 


saying: 


* * * * * * * 
He believed that in America the slogan of the Workers’ and Farmers’ Goy- 


ernment was necessary, but in common with the British comrades he was cf 


the opinion that it should be so framed that the poor and working farmer 
would be got to understand that there was a cleavage between him and the 


. exploiting farmer. To secure such a cleavage would be a victory for us. There 


was no danger that the peasant farmer would be a danger to the proletarian 
dictatorship. 


498 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


In the “ International Press Correspondence” of June 28, 1923, 
Trachtenberg, U. S. delegate to the Moscow Convention, is reported 
as saying: ¢ 


Speaking for the American delegation, he was of the opinion that Comrade 
Radek had not covered the whole field. He had left out American imperialism. 
It was the duty of the International to take American imperialism into 
account. Radek dealt with American imperialism only in relation to Europe, 
but American imperialism extended to the Pacific Ocean, the Caribbean Sea, 
and Central and South America. American Imperialism was young; but, like 
everything American, it grew rapidly and was very brutal. 

The revolutions in South and Central America were engineered by American 
imperialism. The National City Bank of New York, which represented big 
interests in American finance, was extending its activities into South America. 
Mexico was also a sore point. These places are small, but they are suffering 
from exploitation as much as the big Asiatic peoples. And they are fighting 
alone. Recent revelations of the brutal excesses of American capital in the 
colonies had at last aroused the interest of the American workers. The Amer- 
ican Federation of Labor was obliged to summon two congresses on the sub- 
ject; but Gompers, instead of offering the support of labor, lauded the action 
of American capital. 

It was time for the Comintern to devise ways and means for exposing 
American imperialism. .Our Comrades should be got to take greater interest 
in the matter. A conference of parties of the countries involved should be 
summoned. Profintern, too, could perform important work. 


In the “ International Press Correspondence ” of July 11, 1923, the 
views of Communists of various countries are given regarding the 
influence of the Communist International. Israel Amter expresses 
himself as to the influence of the Communist International in the 
consolidating of the factions in the Communist Party of America 
into the present party, i. e., The Workers’ Party of America. He 
states: 

* *« * It was owing to the interference of the International with a strong 
hand after two years of persuasion that the two American Parties were forced 
to coalesce and an end was put to the state of disruption that existed in the 
American movement. It was also the firm demand of the International which, 
although the initial steps were taken by the American Party, finally forced it 
to come out into the open, with the result that in 1923 we have a consolidated 
Party which is a unit. ; 

Also pertinent are the remarks of a French Communist as to the 
identity of the Russian Revolution and the International. To quote: 

The International is a tool in the hands of the Russian Revolution; Trotsky 
has already disposed of this poor argument. The Russian Revolution and 
the International are one; the defeat of the former would be the undoing of 
the latter, and vice versa. 

And a Finnish Communist is quoted in the same “ International 
Press Correspondence ” article to this effect: 

Let us take the latest intervention in the internal affairs of the American 
Party. After a few months the two factions, which were hitherto at logger- 


heads, informed us that at last they had created a united Party, thanks to 
the intervention of the Executive. 


And Bukharin is quoted as saying: 


* *« * The discussion which has taken place here has shown that the 
Executive of the Communist International was a skillful leader of the move- 
ment of the world proletariat * * 

As to the commencement of a revolution, Trotsky, in the “ Inter- 
national Press Correspondence” of October 11, 1923, discusses 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 499 


_ academically the possibility or impossibility of fixing any definite 
time therefor. His concluding paragraphs, however, read: 


* * * The work of military preparation proceeds parallel with that of the 
most definitely dated performance. In this way the Party has its military 
apparatus under complete control. To be sure, a revolution always brings much 
that is entirely unexpected, unforseen, elemental; we have, of course, to allow 
for the occurrence of all these “ accidents ” and adapt ourselves to them; but we 
ean do this with the greater success and certainty if our conspiracy is thoroughly 
worked out. 

Revolution possesses a mighty power of improvisation, but it never improvises 
anything good for fatalists, idlers, and fools. Victory demands: correct politi- 
eal orientation, organization, and the will to deal the decisive blow. 


THE COMMUNIST 


The paragraphs from an article in the February-March, 1922, 
“ Communist,” organ of the Majority, which supported the forma- 
tion of the Workers’ Party of America, on “ Legal and Illegal Ac- 
tivities,” were as follows: 


The ruling of the Communist International must be accepted as obligating 
every member of the ©. P. A., minority or majority, to work diligently in the 
immediate construction of a legal political party. 

The order of the Comintern must not be misunderstood as minimizing the role 
of the Communist Party itself. On the contrary, it assures us that the funda- 
mental task is now (as we know it always has been) the organization and train- 
ing of the Communist Party as leaders of the revolutionary movement. It 
further states that it must always be remembered that the real revolutionary 
party— the American section of the Communist International—is the Communist 
Party of America, and that such a legal party would be but an instrument which 
it would use to better carry on its work among the masses. Only through mem- 
bership in the American Section—the Communist Party of America—can Ameri- 
can workers become members of the Communist International. 


RED LABOR INTERNATIONAL 


In the “ Red Labor Union International” Bulletin No. 7 (English 
language issue) published at Moscow, October 15, 1921, there ap- 
peared two commands, the first to save Sacco and Vanzetti, the second 
addressed to the American Railway men, both signed by Lozovsky as 
general secretary of the Red Labor International. From the former 
the following is quoted: 


It is again up to the workers of the world to get into action and save our 
two comrades. The capitalist court has already done its dirty job of convicting 
and sentencing them, and now proletarian solidarity must wrench them from 
the claws of American’s plutocracy. 

The workers of all countries must rise as one man to save these victims of 
the class hatred displayed by American employers who have come down in all 
their fury on the best champions of the working class. 

The Red Labor International appeals to the solidarity of the toilers and calis 
upon them to use all their energy for saving from death and poison the un- 
fortunate victims of the devilish police conspiracy. 

Toilers of the world, come out at once, firmly and solidly, against this 
dastardly crime of the court. Rise at last to make the American, the tool 
of the capitalist class, feel that the working ciass will not stand any further 
butchery, any more cases of judicial slaughter of its best workers on trumped- 
up charges. 

On to the fight! We will save Sacco and Vanzetti. 

Long live international solidarity! 

Down with the hangmen hirelings of American capitalists. 


500 . RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


The “ Red Labor Union International,” No. 8 (Moscow, November 
15, 1921), dealt with the Washington Conference. The article is 
signed by Lozovsky, secretary general of the Red Trade Union Inter- 
national. Its concluding paragraph reads: 


Workers, the sole method of obtaining actual disarmament is the disarma- 
ment of the capitalists as a class, As long as this class is in power wars will 
continue. Individual exasperated clashes between the workers and employers, 
Such as that which is taking place now in West Virginia, will continue unless 
the risen masses of the proletariat overthrow the power of capital. The dic- 
tatorship of capital must be substituted with that of labor organizations. Only 
the dictatorship of labor is able to bring about complete disarmament and 
secure actual peace. 


BULLETIN OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 


The Bulletin of the Communist International Executive Com- 
mittee (December 23, 1921) had another appeal by Zinoviev respect- 
ing Sacco and Vanzetti. It closes its more than usual vehemence 
in the following words: | 


Only a mass manifestation of anger and indignation can compel the capitalist 
class to release these victims from its clutch. The Communist International 
calls upon the workers of the world, whether they be Communists, Socialists, 
Anarchists, Syndicalists, or merely labor-union members, -to unite their forces 
for mass demonstrations in order to save the lives of Sacco and Vanzetti. 


WORKERS’ CHALLENGE 


Although the “Workers’ Challenge,” English-language organ of the 
Minority faction in the Communist Party of America, has since been 
discontinued because of the smoothing out of the Majority-Minority 
differences (differences without. vital distinction at any time) and 
its supporting ranks have become actively merged in the Workers’ 
Party, one excerpt is given here from the August 19, 1922, issue. It 
is on the Daugherty Injunction: 


It is always a comical spectacle to see creatures of the Daugherty type refer- 
ring to “ government of the fathers” and similar rubbish, considering the fact 
that government as visualized by the so-called founders of this republic has 
long ago ceased to exist, in response to the material needs of capitalist devel- 
opment. The so-called liberties proclaimed by the Declaration of Independence 
are merely historical reminiscences to be resurrected and trotted out onto the 
stage as trappings for Fourth of July celebrations, but they have no applica- 
tion to conditions as they exist to-day. Forces over which lawyers have no 
control have rendered the principles obsolete upon which the government was 
founded, and the working class, as it is able to penetrate the veil of hypocrisy 
behind which the government now tries to conceal its character as the execu- 
tive committee of the capitalist class, substitutes for the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence of Paine and Jefferson the Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels. 


THE TOILER 


The “ Toler,” English-language Communist, of Cleveland, imme- 
diate precursor of “The Worker,” the latter the official organ of the 
Workers’ Party of America, in the December 24, 1921, issue pub- 
lished an article by Zinoviev, “The Tactics of the Communists,” 
which contained the following: | | 

The resolutions of the Third Congress of the Communist International have 
been very diversely interpreted. Certain of our friends have not yet grasped 


their actual scope. It is, moreover, necessary for Communists to have a clear 
understanding of them. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 501 





: The outstanding feature of the Third Congress is the adaptation of the Inter- 
national to new situations. Neither the aims nor the methods of the Communist 
_ International have changed. But facing new obstacles, the International 
slackens its pace where that seems necessary, skirts the pits, even falls back 
in order to advance the better to-morrow, and holds up its advance guards, the 
bulk of its troops being too much in retard. 
' ‘The new tactics of the Commun’'st International can be summed up in the 
| following imperatives: 
Go to the masses! Penetrate the proletarian and semiproletarian masses. 
| Participate in all the daily struggles of the proletariat, however secondary they 
| may be, with a view of ameliorating its present condition. Extend the Com- 
munist activity to all proletarian organizations, from Soviets down to sporting 
| and musical societies. Let the propaganda for the proletarian dictatorship 
| penetrate everywhere. Neglect no opportunity to win over to communism a 
majority of the proletariat. Be persevering, systematic, and prepare the work- 
_ing masses for the coming battles. With every requisite precaution form the 
illegal organization needed for victory. Be tireless and patient in this task of 
preparation and armament. Form powerful Communist parties, independent 
and purged of all reformist elements. But, above all, without losing a moment, 
set to work conquering the unions. 


From “ The Toiler” of January 14, 1922, may be quoted an article 
by a correspondent, “A Program of Action,” thus referring to the 
program of the new Worker’s Party. 


The expression “ Workers’ Republic” is calculated to respond to the tempo 

of the class struggle in America. The first task before the Workers’ Party is to 
disillusion the masses about the blessings of capitalist democracy, to get them 
-(o act and fight as workers, and to establish a government by their class and 
for their class. In Europe the laboring masses are not so politically back- 
ward. There the revolutionary parties are of considerable strength. In 
America the situation is entirely different. It would be a crime against the 
working class for a revolutionary political party to tamper with the oppor- 
tunities for open struggle in the foolish desire to maintain pure theoretical 
working. No revolutionary party, no Marxian can sacrifice the substance to the 
phrase. Under present conditions it would be criminal foolhardiness to pur- 
sue a policy which would play into the hands of our enemy and estrange us 
from the workers. The program of the Workers’ Party is, therefore, far more 
conducive to the development of a revolutionary movement in America than 
acres of revolutionary bombastic phraseology of the theoretically abstract and 
correct sort could ever be. Any other policy would not only fail to help the 
revolution but would actually hinder it. 


From “The Toiler,” January 7, 1922, page 4: 


The tactics and organization plan of the Workers’ Party portrays a most 
worthy source of inspiration—the Communist International. More than that, 
all the proposed moves of the Workers’ Party are in direct harmony with the 
needs of the laboring masses in America. By pursuing such a policy the 
Workers’ Party is far more revolutionary and renders far more service to the 
Communist International than if it were to flower its dg IS te with a nest 
of revolutionary phrases and oaths. The spirit of the Third Congress of the 
Communist International is the spirit of the Workers Party of America. 


THE WORKER 


“The Worker ” of February 11, 1922, published remarks by Trotzky 
in his “Terrorism and Communism,” on the uses of the general 
strike in the revolutionary process. An extract follows: 


The general strike is only a mobilization for the proletariat and its setting up 
against its enemy, the State; but the strike in itself can not produce the 
solution of the problem, because it exhausts the forces of the proletariat sooner 
than those of its enemies, and this forces the workers to return to the fac- 
tories. The general strike acquires a decisive importance only as a preliminary 
to a conflict between the proletariat and the armed forces of the opposition, 
i. e., to the open revolutionary rising of the workers. Only by breaking the 


502 RECOGNITION. OF RUSSIA 


will of the armies thrown against it can the revolutionary class solve the 
problem. of power—the. root problem of every revolution. ) 

The general strike produces the mobilization of both sides and gives the first 
serious estimate of the powers of resistance of the counter revolutionists. But 
only in the future stages of the struggle, after the transition to the path 
of armed insurrection, can that bloody. price be fixed which the revolutionary 
class has to pay for power. But that it will bave to pay with blood, that, in 
the struggle for the conquest of power and for its consolidation, the prole- 
‘tariat w ill have not only to be killed but also to kii—of Keak no serious TeVO- 
lutionary ever had any doubt. 


From “The Worker” of February 18, 1922, the *oAdwing state- 
ments of the Communist International showing that body’s active 
influence, not to say control, of the labor forces of other countries: 


The Communist International has always demanded that the workers who 
stand on the platform of the dictatership of the proletariat and the Soviets 
join together in independent parties. It retracts not a word. of what it said 
at the time of the foundation and of the building of independent Communist 
Parties. It is convinced that each day greater and greater masses will real- 
ize how much it was right in all its actions. But in spite of all that separates 
us, it calls, ‘‘ Working men and women of all countries, close your ranks in 
the batile for the cause that unites you, in the battle for that which all of you 
recognize as a common goal.” 

The Communist International demands of all Communist workers, demands 
of all sincere workers, everywhere, in the entire world, in the shop and in 
the meeting-hall, that they unite in one family of workers, who will stand 
together against: capital in all the questions of the day. Create an iron will 
for proletarian unity, on which all attempts to separate the proletariat wiil 
shatter, come they from whatever side they may. Only when you, proletarians, 
in shop and factory so unite, will all parties which rest upon the proletariat 
and wish to be heeded by it, be compelled to unite for a common defensive 
fight against capitalism. Only then will they be forced to break their alliance 
with the capitalist parties. 

In the iron conviction that you will go the way that your elite have marked 
with their blood, the way for which hundreds of thousands of Russian workers, 
for which Rosa Luxemburg, Leo Jogisches, Karl Liebknecht and hundreds of 
other unknown fighters have fallen, for which tens of thousands suffer in 
prisons, in the firm conviction that the fighting proletariat will be compelled to 
follow the path of Communism, we call to you, “ Workers of the world, unite.” 

Long live the common battle front of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie! 

For the counterattack against the offensive of capitalism! 

For the struggle for the control of production ! 

Down with capitalist armaments and plots! 

Away with the chains of slavery for laboring Germany! 

Hands off Soviet Russia! 

Bread and machines for the Russian proletariat! 

Long live proletarian solidarity in every country and in the whole world! 


THE EXECUTIVE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAT., 
THE EXECUTIVE OF THE RED TRADE UNION INTERNATIONAL. 


Moscow, January Ist, 1922. 
“The Worker ” of March 4, 1922, thus enlisted itself under the 
banner of the Third International: 


In order to win the final victory in the struggle against world capitalism the 
- working class of the world must be united under one leadership. 

he leadership in the international struggle which inspires hopes in the 
hearts of the workers of the world and arouses fear in the capitalists of every 
country is the leadership of the Communist (Third) International. 

The Workers’ Party endorses the principles and rules of the Communist In- 
ternational as adopted at its Third Congress and enters the struggle against 
American capitalism, the most powerful of the natienal groups of capitalists, 
under the inspiration and guidance of the Communist International. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 5038 


“The Worker ” of March 25, 1922, had an article “* The Workers’ 


Party and the United Front” by Noah London, in which the follow- 


ing admission as to the use of force occurred: 


It can include only those elements who are imbued with the spirit of re- 
bellion against the existing system, who have no more illusion as to the capi- 
talist democracy and its institutions, who know that the principle of capitalist 
rule is force and that it can be overthrown only by force. In this sense it can 
represent only a portion of the working class, its bottom layers. 


“The Worker” of March 18, 1922, in an editorial on “ Individual 
Acts of Terrorism,” quotes from the Communist International on this 


point as follows: 


With regard to acts of White Terror and the fury of bourgeois justice, the 


Communist Party must warn the workers not to be deceived during crises by 


an enemy appeal to their leniency, but to demonstrate proletarian morality by 
acts of proletarian justice, in settling with the oppressors of the workers. 
But in times when the workers are only preparing themselves, when they have 


to be mobilized by agitation, political campaigns, and strikes, armed force may 
be used solely to defend the masses from bourgeois outrages. 


Individual acts of terrorism, however, they may demonstrate the revolution- 


ary rancor of the masses, however justified they may be as acts of retribution 


against the lynch law of the bourgeoisie and its social democratic flunkeys, are 
in no way apt to raise the workers to a higher level of organization or make 


them better prepared to face the struggle. 


Acts of sabotage are only justified when they can [line missing] the dispatch 


of enemy troops against the workers and of conquering important strategic 


points from the enemy in direct combat. 

We publish this statement for the benefit of our readers. The capitalist 
press will not publish it the next time they launch an attack on the Communist 
movement. We do not expect the hell hounds of the system, commonly known 
as secret service operatives, to have brains enough to understand it. But the 
workers will learn and act accordingly. 


“The Worker” of July 8, 1922. in an editorial “ Court Upholds 
Counter Revolution ” refers to the Illinois Supreme Court’s decision 
in upholding the conviction of eighteen members of the former Com- 
munist Party. The “ Worker ” comments: 


Communists will agree with the Illinois Supreme Court in the stand that no 
ruling class will surrender without a struggle. But they do charge that, even 
as British oppression was guilty of the revolutionary war, even as Chattel 
Slavery was guilty of the Civil War, so upon the heads of the present ruling 
class rests all the crimes of capitalism, even the final counter-revolution that 
it will wage against the awakened workers in their struggle to’ achieve Com- 
munism. 

The Illinois Supreme Court, as an instrument of Capitalism, has placed its 
indorsement upon that final counter-revolution. This position will no doubt 
be upheld by the United States Supreme Court. 

But let the workers understand, that in making that ruling, the courts of 


to-day stand in the position of British misrule in 1776, they stand at the side 


of the Chattel Slave owners of 1861. 


* 3 ] 3 tk * * * 

Workers of America! You now see that Communist justice speaks your 
hopes! It seeks to realize your aspirations! It fights your battles! Ph 
Take your stand on the side of Communism and the revolution. 

“The Worker,” of August 5, 1922, published an editorial * Rights 
of Ownership ” as to the coal operator’s settlement with the Govern- 
ment. Asan instance of “ The Worker’s ” Americanism the editorial 
follows in full: 

Reports in the capitalist press state with few instances governors and coal 
operators have enthusiastically accepted the * Harding plan” for the settle- 
ment of the coal strike. 


504 RECOGNITION GF RUSSIA 


The flag of the United States of America therefore waves proudly above 
the coal properties stolen years ago from the community and now awaiting 
an influx of scabs who are to be encouraged and protected in their task of 
betraying the real producers of coal by the presence of armed forces of the 
state and nation. 

The good citizens may look with loathing upon this use of the flag and mili- 
tary, yet it is the proper function of both. 

The capitalists of the United States own this country, its people are their 
slaves, and part and parce! of their property is the flag and those who force 
obedience to their dictates. 

In the coal fields of Western Pennsylvania, flying from the coal sHupies, 
the flag is appropriately placed. 

Ownership of a firm or corporation carries with it the privilege of using 
its labels. The same holds true of government. Its owners can use its em- 
blems, its weapons, and it prestige for any purpose they care to. 

This is what the capitalists are doing now in the coal and railway strikes. 

Instead of voicing certain complaints the workers must prepare to, oust 
the present owners. Their privileges and powers will then pass to the workers, 
They can have the mines, the railways, and all the other resources of the 
nation. They can have their flag to symbolize their ownership and. their 
army with which to protect that ownership from the attempts of Baas dispos- 
sessed capitalists to wrest it from them. 


“The Worker” of October 21,' 1922, published frit Trotsky’%s 
“ Dictatorship vs. Democracy,” the followi ing paragraph: 


DICTATORSHIP IS NECESSARY 


The dictatorship is necessary because it is a case not of partial changes but 
of the very existence of the bourgeoisie. No agreement is possible on this: 
ground. Only force can be the deciding factor. The dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat does not exclude, of course, either separate agreements or considerable 
concessions, especially in, connection with the lower middle class and the 
peasantry. But the proletariat can only conclude these agreements after hay- 
ing gained possession of the apparatus of power and having guaranteed to 
itself the possibility of independently deciding on what points to yield a 
on which to stand firm in the interests of the general Socialist task: | 


“The Worker ” of October 21, 1922, on the general strike, expressed 
itself thus: 


We Communists know that a general strike wil! not bring the working class 
to Communism. After every strike the workers find themselves still under 
capitalism, faced with the necessity of conducting further strikes against the 
system. While we recognize the limitations of all strikes and even of a 
general strike, we realize that the strike is the only weapon that the working 
class can use against capital’sm. It is a demonstration of the mass power of 
the working class, and thru the mass strike the workers will become conscious 
of their power as a class, and when a revolutionary situation arises, if the 
working-class movement is directed by a revolutionary leadership the workers: 
can pass beyond a general strike to the seizure of political power, the destrue- 
tion of the capitalist state, and the establishment of the Dictatorship of the 
Proletariat. Only then wiil the working class have freed’ themselves from 
capitalism and face the future as masters of their own destiny. By this one 
revolutionary act they will have abolished capitalism, the basis of class war, 
and the future will be in their hands. Then, and then only, will the workers 
be in a position to reconstruct society and to lay the foundation stones of 
Communist civilization. 


“The Worker ” of November 18, 1922. commenting upon the eth. 
ing of delegates to the 4th Congress of the Communist International, 
stated : ’ 


The Workers’ Party of America is represented at the Fourth Convteds of the 
Communist International, which opened in Petrograd, Soviet Russia, Sunday, 
and is now under way in Moscow, bv three fraternal delegates. These dele- 
gates are Alexander Trachtenberg, "Max Bedacht, and James Cartwright. 


: RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 005 
' 


The Workers’ Party has, from its organization, carried on its work in harmony 
' with the principles of the Communist International, but up to this time has 
_ had no direct contact with the International. 

The send.ng of fraternal delegates to the Fourth Congress marks a_ step 
forward to closer relations of the party with the leadership of the Communist 
International. Previous to the sending of these delegates the Workers’ Party 
was not definitely on record as to its international affiliation, although its 
sympathies were well known. 

The new relations established between the Communist International and the 
Workers Party will establish in the American Labor Movement, an open politi- 
cal movement, giving fraternal support to the principles of the Communist 
International, something which has not existed in this country since the Com- 
munist Party was driven underground in 1919. 


- “The Worker” of November 25, 1922, also on the matter of. the 
Congress of the Communist International, issued the following: 


JOIN THE WORKERS PARTY 


Representatives of the Workers Party are sitting today as fraternal dele- 
gates to the Fourth World Congress of the Communist International. They 
are bringing to this great gathering of the militant spokesmen of labor the 
world over, reports on the activities of enlightened labor in this country, fune- 
tioning through the Workers Party still in its birth year. 

These are days of international action, both on the part of the workers and 
their exploiters, and the Workers Party draws its inspiration from and gives 
its adherence to the Communist International, the driving force behind the 
developing world social revolution. . 


“The Worker ” of December 2, 1922, had an article by Louis J. 
Engdahl, in which the Communists’ use of parliamentary action is 
thus stated : 


The Communist Party takes part in elections in order to put the whole 
issue to a practical test. 

The majority of the workers at present ‘“ believe in” Parliament and see 
no necessity for the disciplined, planned, and purposeful struggle which will 
be necessary if they are ever to be freed. To cure them of this illusion is im- 
possible without a practical test. Therefore the Communist Party promotes 
candidatures, and urges the support of others of such a character as will test 
definitely the question whether Parliament can be used as an instrument of 
working-class emancipation or whether it must be scrapped as an instrument 
designed for oppression and capable of nothing else. f 

Developments in all capitalist countries are furnishing the workers with rich 
experience gained thru the electoral campaigns and thru the parliamentary 
activities. 

More and more they understand why the Russian Communists disbanded the 
Constituent Assembly, in the words of Mussolini, as one of the “rights of the 
revolution.” 


From “ The Worker ” of April 22, 1922: 


The aim of the Workers Party in participating in the elections and in its 
work to revolutionize the unions is to organize the workers to bring. mass 
pressure to bear upon the capitalist state. 

This mass pressure manifests itself in the form of demonstration and strikes 
involving political demands. 

Mass action is generated in those movements of unrest which the oppression 
and exploitation of the workers develops. 

The Workers Party will use all such movements to start the workers on 
the march. 

It will enter every struggle involving the interests of the workers and 
through slogans and programs of action endeavor to give these struggles 
definite purpose. 

Unemployment and the Open Shop campaign against the organized workers 
have created such situations as must be utilized to develop the mass action of 
the workers. The Workers Party will formuiate programs to unite the un- 
employed for the struggle for relief from the suffering and misery which the 


506 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


denial of the right to work brings upon them and arouse them to mass demon- 
strations to compel the government to grant them relief. 

It will endeavor to unite the labor Unions in a common struggle against 
the “American Plan” of industrial slavery. | 

Mass action also develops out of the strike of the workers and the Workers 
Party will seek to unite the now isolated struggles of sections of the workers. 

It will endeavor to give these strikes political significance by injecting 
demands upon the capitalist state, such as demands for the release of men in 
prison for their part in the class struggle, relief for the unemployed, protests 
against the use of courts and injunctions against the workers. 


The April 29, 1922, issue of the “ Worker ” contained the Procla- 
mation of the Workers’ Party for May Day. The third section reads. 
in part as follows: 


Perhaps, you, American workingmen and women, do not believe in the ideals 
and aspirations of this First of May. You do not believe in the necessity of 
overthrowing the capitalist system, of revolutionizing the working class. 

You, perhaps, believe that the workers, if they will but unite and use their 
legal powers, will succeed in forcing the employing class to recognize their 
just demands. 


Instances are thereinafter cited of the use of force and violence 
by the capitalists, persecution of the I. W. W., imprisonment of 
radicals, unemployment, etc., and it is asked “ What Does It All 
Mean?” Its answer follows: 


It means that the methods the American workers have hitherto employed 
have made them the helpless victims of capitalistic exploitation. 

It means that their steadfast refusal to unite politically against their 
enemy has made the ruling powers, from the President and Congress to the 
most obscure board of aldermen, the willing tools of the owning class. 

It means that strikes will be lost because the workingmen have neither 
organizations that can fight nor the courage to win. It means that in Hurope 
as in America capitalist oppression will increase and intensify until the 
oppressors are shorn of their power by a victorious perfection. 

The Russian revolution in this respect fulfilled the position that Marx and 
his followers have always taken. 


MUST LEARN: THRU EXPERIENCE 


It, too, after the first gloriously victorious attacks, suffered defeat after 
defeat. It could not be otherwise so long as a strong bourgeoisie at home and 
in other countries, still retains the power to rally its forces for renewed attacks. 

But every new struggle fastens the hold of the revolution upon the masses, 
teaches new lessons, adds to. its assurance of self-confidence. 

This has been the experience of the European working class. It is the path 
along which the American working class will have to go. It, too, will grow 
in might and power, in the number and the strength of its adherents as it 
becomes consciously proletarian, anticapitalistic, revolutionary in character. 

On this First of May the class-conscious proletariat of America and its 
representative, The Workers’ Party, will muster its forces and measure its 
power that it may gather new strength for the coming struggle. 

The crisis thru which we are passing, the danger of a general lowering of 
the standard of life of the masses that continued unemployment will infallibly 
bring, puts the American working class force square before the alternative: 
Capitalism and chains, or social revolution and freedom! 


HXTRACTS FROM THE COMMUNIST PRHSS, 1923 


“The Communist,” volume 2, No. 18, 1923 (about January), con- 
tained a reply to the Communist International as to the foreign ele- 
ment in this country. The last section of that reply is of importance 
as defining the opinion of “ The Communist ” as to the new open or 
above-ground party. 


10. The crganization of the L. P. P. (Legal Political Party) gave the Party 
an opportunity to do open work as never before. The unification of the moyve- 


} f RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA | 507 


: 


ment in America during the past few months and the imparting of a more 

| and more Communist character to the L. P. P. have widened the field of 

' activity and inereased Communist influence in this country. We are cdnvinced 

_ that the inauguration of an open C. P.. with its obvious simplification and 
directness, will broaden and extend Communist activities manyfold and make 

' the open party a powerful factor in the labor movement and political life of 
the United States and the revolutionary movement of the world. 


Also, from the same publication: 


The L. P: P. has demonstrated that most of the work of the Party can be 
_€arried on openly. The L. P. P. is publicly recognized by the authorities as 
the “ legal” Communist Party in America. It is fraternally affiliated with the 
Third International. At its last convention it adopted a Communist program. 


THE WORKER 


“"The Worker,” English-language official organ of the Workers’ 
_ Party of America, published in the January 20, 1923, issue an article 
_by Israel Amter, official of the Workers’ Party and one of the dele- 
_ gates to the Communist International, in which it was asserted: 


The membership of the Workers’ Party is the same as that of the other 
Communist parties of the world. Perhaps in many respects it is superior; 
through the past three years it has suffered from the brutal persecutions of 
the Government and the extralegal agencies operating in the interests of the 
_ capitalist class. The membership of the Workers’ Party has made untold 
sacrifices for the Communist movement of America; it is composed of elements 
ready to make the supreme sacrifice for the cause. In conformity with the 
situation in this country, the Workers’ Party has worked with the same revo- 
lutionary zeal as the Communist parties in other countries. 

In all respects but one, therefore, the Workers’ Party is a Communist Party. 
It is not yet directly affiliated with the Communist International. It still has 
to feel its way into the revolutionary channels. Economic and political condi- 

tions, the ever greater oppression of the Government, the greater cohesion and 
solidarity of the working class, and the growth of the revolutionary spirit 
of the American workers, under the leadership of the Workers’ Party, will 
result in ever greater clarification of methods of work. 

The rising class struggle will demand ever clearer definition; what distin- 
guishes the Workers’ Party from the other Communist parties will one day be 
obliterated and the Party will take its place beside the other Communist Par- 
ties, squarely, fearlessly, directly, and clearly flying the banner of the Com- 
munist International. 


“The Worker ” of January 27, 1923, published the following: 


History will decide the World Class Struggle in Favor of Communism, says 
Communist International in Message to Workers’ Party. 

The Communist International has accepted the Workers’ Party as a sympa- 
thizing party, calling upon it to work energetically and with all the necessary 
enthusiasm and unity. The message is contained in a letter from the Executive 
Committee of the Communist International to the Second National Convention 
of the Workers’ Party. It is dated Dec. 25th, but it has only now arrived in 
this country. It is signed by Bucharin, and.is as follows: 


To the Convention of the Workers’ Party: 

DEAR ComRADES: The Communist International has decided to accept your 
party only as a sympathizing party. This does not, however, diminish the 
importance of the task before the Workers’ Party. 

The Communist International considers the most important task of the 
Labor Movement in America to be, to unite the greatest number of workers 
possible under the banner of the mass struggle against aggressive capitalism. 
For this reason, the primary task of your party should be to close up the 
proletarian ranks to unite all those elements, not merely on paper, but in 
fact, not merely by resolutions, but by active struggle put up a resistance to 
capitalism and be prepared to carry the fight further. To win over the 


82825-—24—pr 2-28 | 





508 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


masses, to liberate them from the influence of capitalism and its loyal armor 
bearers like Gompers and Hillquist, are the elementary tasks which you must 
fulfill before all else. You must, and you will be able to fulfill these tasks 
only to the extent that your press becomes the sounding board of the every- 
day needs and everyday struggles of the working class, generalizing and en- 
lightening the struggle from the point of view of the fundamental ideas of 
the emancipation of the proletariat from the burden of capitalism. | 

It is particularly important properly to apply the tactics of the United 
Front. The curse and the tragedy of the proletariat lies in the fact that the 
bourgeoisie has at its disposal loyal servants and agents in the persons of 
the Yellow reformists in the Trade-Unions and the Socialist Parties basing 
themselves on the aristocracy of labor. The curse and the tragedy of the labor 
movement lies in the fact that the bourgeoise has been able to exploit the 
differences between the skilled and unskilled workers, and between the workers 
of various nationalities and races. Your young party must, at all costs, 
learn to unite the masses over the heads and in spite of the Yellow leaders. 
These leaders at the present moment desire to split the movement. This 
was foretold by Jack London in his “Iron Heel.” For that reason your 
party must systematically expose this betrayal of the Cause of Labor by 
calling upon it to conduct a common struggle for the fundamental needs of 
the working classes and to unite around these demands broader and broader 
masses of the workers. 

The question of working in the Trade-Unions becomes particularly im- 
portant. Here you must systematically win position after position, constantly 
putting forward our demands for the unity of the movement. 

Your struggle will be protracted, difficult, and stubborn. But history will 
decide this struggle in our favor, if you, comrades, will conduct it energeti- 
cally with all the necessary enthusiasm and unity in your own ranks. 

Long live the young Workers’ Party! Long live the American Working 
Class! 

In the name of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


(Signed) BUKHARIN. 


In “ The Worker ” for January 6, 1923, J. Louis Engdahl, official of 
the Workers’ Party, commenting on the Second National Convention 
of the Workers Party and referring to the instructions received 
from the Communist International at Moscow, writes as follows: 


Go to the masses! That was the slogan given to the world communist move- 
ment by the Third Congress of the Communist International, held in July, 
1921, at Moscow. It has taken the communist movement in America a little 
time to respond to that slogan of “'The International.” It first had to organize 
an instrument for that effort. That was achieved at the First National Con- 
vention of, the Workers Party, in December, 1921. The Second National Con- 
vention of the Workers Party, just held in New York City, shows that the 
American Communist movement has developed that contact with the millions 
of America’s workers demanded by the slogan of ‘The International,” that it 
has gone to the masses, and that the masses are beginning to listen to its 
message. For the first time in the history of the American revolutionary 
movement, a labor vanguard is really in action, ready to fight the everyday 
battles of the workers, as well as lead the way to the ultimate emancipation of 
oppressed toiling humanity. 


In the same paper C. E. Ruthenberg, executive secretary of the 
Workers’ Party, in discussing the Second Convention of that organi- 
zation, also writes as follows: 

The party program adopted by the convention is a clear-cut statement of 
communist principles and at the same time is a propaganda document which 
sets forth those principles in convincing form. The relations of the party with 
the Communist International was a special point on the agenda and was thor- 
oughly discussed and a resolution establishing fraternal relations adopted. 

“The Worker ” of February 17, 1923, contained an editorial on the 
Bridgeman raid from. which is quoted the following admission: — 


From what we know of the Convention in Michigan it was a Communist con- 
vention. In spite of all the agents of Burns it carried out its legitimate work. 


| RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 509 


t) 

| It was arranged not by spies, but in spite of them. Its documents were not 
| written by spies, but in defiance of them. And all the insinuations of all the 
‘capitalist papers, including The Call, will not be able to decorate Burns with the 
achievement of having framed a convention on the Communists out of which 
the prosecutors at St. Joseph, Mich., are to spin a rope to hang the Com- 
‘munists on. 


“The Worker ” of February 24, 1923, stated in an article by James 
P. Cannon: 


We aspire to make out of The Workers’ Party a genuine Communist Party 
in the true sense of the word. That is, a party which faithfully and unfalter- 
ingly defends the interests of the working class at every turn of the road; a 
party that is at once flexible and rigid—realistic enough to bend and shape its 
tactics to the requirements of the given situation, yet ever firm in principle; never 
losing sight of the final aim of revolution; a party good enough to elaim the 
right to be an integral section of the Communist International and strong 
enough—having its roots deep in the labor movement—to defend that right in 
the face of all persecution. 


“The Worker ” of February 24, 1923, declares editorially through 
~H. M. Wicks that— 


The Daugherty injunction and other judicial assaults upon Labor have ex- 
posed the democracy of the United States Government as a fraud, and con- 
vinced thousands of workers that the only solution for these ills is the path of 
revolution, the overthrow of the government of capitalism, and the creation of 
a government of the working class. 


“The Worker,” issue of March 17, 1923, contained the following: 


Communist International Urges Unity against Persecution of U. S. Radicals. 

The Workers’ Party has received a cablegram from the Communist Interna- 
tional as follows: 

Sent following cable to Industrial Workers of the World, Chicago. Give 
widest publicity: 

Communist International greets brave members of your organization who are 
fighting against capitalism and government oppression on Pacific Coast. 

The recent Portland and Sacramento convictions and wholesale arrests in 
San Pedro, Calif., do honor to the courageous I. W. W. 

The appeal of the I. W. W. of that region for a united front of all workers 
is to be commended. The Communist International has called upon all militant 
workers everywhere to unite in the struggle against capitalism and oppression. 
There should be a united front of all class-conscious working-class organizations 
in America against all exploitation and oppression, and we note with pleasure 
the splendid efforts of the Workers’ Party towards this end. 

Fraternal greetings to all revolutionary workers in American prisons. 

Long live the unity and class solidarity of the American working class. 


“ The Worker,” issue of March 31, 1923, contained the following : 


There is no longer any valid reason why the people who claim to work in the 
spirit of the Communist International in this country should not be united 
under the banner of the Workers Party of America. Our representatives were 
seated as fraternal delegates at the Fourth Congress of the Communist Inter- 
national. We are to-day fraternally afiiliated with the Communist Interna- 
tional, and the leaders of the World Revolution consider the Workers Party 
as the one party of Communism in this country. 

-Qur program is the best Communist program ever issued in this country. 
There is no Marxist who can possibly criticize one line of it. If there be any 
who vainly imagine they can pick flaws in it, we are ready to dispel the illusion 
at any time and any place. 

Our work in the trade-union movement is in complete harmony with the 
principles of the Red Trade Union International, which is the one organization 
‘on the face of the earth capable of saving the trade-union movement of the 
world from disaster on the rocks of capitalist reaction, the one organization 
that fights the opportunist treachery of the vicious reactionaries in the Amster- 
dam International and those unaffiliated scoundrels who work in the spirit of 
Amsterdam. 


510 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


* The Worker ” of April 7, 1923, carried a demand from the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist International to the Proletarian 
Party of America to join forces with the Workers Party. In this 
letter of demand it is stated: 


The Executive Committee of the Communist International approaches you 
in the name of the Unity of all the revolutionary class-conscious forces in the 
United States. The Labor Movement in America is very weak, and it is an 
urgent task for the few militant forces of it to unite. * * #* 

it is tragic that members of your party—who are only small in numbers 
and are scattered all over the United States, so that their influence is not as 
vast as it might be—remain isolated from the bigger movement. This can but 
lead to misunderstanding, friction, and conflict. The revolutionary movement 
demands unity. 

The whole Proletarian Party must join the Workers Party of America. All 
who accept the leadership of the Communist International must be inside the 
ranks. The Proletarian Party, as the last detached organized remnant to-day 
asserting communist principles and adhering to the ideas of the Gommunist 
International, must no longer delay in becoming part of the unified revolution- 
ary working-class movement of America. 

Long live the Unity of Revolutionary Labor in America! 

THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST: INTERNATIONAL, 
(Signed ) O. W. KusiInen, Secretary General. 


“The Worker ” of April 14, 1923, carried greetings from the Com- 
munist International to the Jewish “ Freiheit” (see under foreign 
language publications) on its, first. anniversary. This statement 
reads: 


Calling upon the militant Jewish workers of America to increase the circula- 
tion of the Jewish Communist daily, Freiheit, to 100,000 for its second anni- 
versity, the Communist, International sent greetings to the First Annual Jubilee 
of the “‘ Freiheit,” held in New York City, Sunday, as follows: ; 

“The Communist International congratulates, The Freiheit on its first birth- 
day. The Jewish workers of America have long needed a militant organ like 
The Freiheit to lead the struggle against the bourgeoisie and the reactionary 
labor oflicialdom and the yellow, Socialists. The Communist Freiheit is con- 
ducting a splendid fight against the treacherous “ Forward” andis consolidating 
the “left wing” forees for the emancipation of the American workers. The 
Communist International calls upon the militant Jewish workers to support 
The Freiheit and bring its circulation to the 100,000 mark for its second anni- 
versity.” 


“The Worker,” April 28, 1923, carried the following statement: 
WorKERS’ Party ONLY COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE UNITED STATES 


The National Office of the Workers’ Party has received the following com- 
munication from the Communist Party of America: 


New York City, April 11, 1923. 
Central Hxecutive Committee, Workers’ Party of America, Room. 405, 

799 Broadway, New York City. 

ComMRADES: The Communist Party of America at its Third National Gon- 
vention, held in New York City on April 7, at which were present delegates 
from all parts of the country, after thorough debate, went on record unan- 
imously as recognizing the fact that the Workers’ Party of America, of which 
the members of the Communist Party of America were a component part, has 
developed into a Communist Party. . 

The Convention, therefore, decided by unanimous vote to dissolve the Gom- 
munist Party of America, leaving the Workers’ Party of America, which is. 
already fraternally affiliated with the Communist International, as the only, 
organization carrying on the struggle for communist principles in the United 
States. The Workers’ Party of America is authorized, when it deems desirable, 
to adopt the name “ Communist Party of America.” ott min 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 511 


We call the attention ‘of the workers of the United States to ‘the fact that 


no other organization in the United States has any relation with the Com- 


munist International except the Workers’ Party of America. Any other organi- 


' gation using the name “Communist” and pretending to represent the Com- 
‘munist International is an impostor and an enemy of the Communist Inter- 


national, and should be exposed. as such by every Communist and every class 


conscious worker. 


- We believe that the support. which, the Workers’. Party of America has 
already won among the working masses, will enable it openly and, publicly to 
carry on the struggle for Communism in the United States. We call upon 
ali Communists to accept the discipline of the Workers’ Party of America as 


‘a sacred duty. 


Long live the Workers’ Party—the party of Communism in the United 


 Statess 


Long live the Communist International! 
In the name of the Third National Convention and the Central Executive 
Committee of the Communist Party of America. 
With Communist. greetings. 
J. Minter, Heecutive Secretary. 


In an article entitled “ It is their Move,” appearing in The Worker 


for May 5, 1923, H. M. Wicks, who discusses the differences existing 


between the Workers Party and the Proletarian Party, refers to 
the Communist International in the following words: 


The communication addressed by the Communist International to the execu- 
tive committee and members of the Proletarian Patty removes the very last 
objection from that source against unity of all avowed communist elements in 
the United States. The Communist International, the leader of the world 
revolutionary forces, has placed the stamp of approval upon the program and 
tactics of the Workers Party and had invited all sincere communists in the 
Proletarian Party to join the Workers Party and accept its program and 


_ tactics. 


Later in the same article, in discussing the failure of the members 
of the Proletarian party to become members of the Workers’ Party 
after the Second Convention of that party, he states as follows: 


But the excuse them was that the Communist International had never recog- 
nized the existence of their party (the Proletarian Party), which was proof 
that the C. I. was not particularly ‘interested in their isolation.. Now that the 
Communist International has officially invited them to prove their communism 
by entering the ranks of the Workers Party, this last. excuse is removed. 
The next move is up to them. 


John Pepper contributes an article entitled “ Problems of our 
Party,” which appears in the “ Worker” for May 19, 1923, and, in 
general, states the necessity for its members becoming active in other 
organizations, and continues as follows: 


The members of the Workers Party are at the same time members of a whole 
series of other organizations. They are members of various trade unions, they 
work in the Technical Aid Society, they help along in the work of the Friends 
of Soviet Russia, they are active in other relief organizations. They lend their 
aid to the Labor. Defense Council, they participate in the various Workmen’s 
Circle and Benefit Societies. That is, of course, all as it should be. What is 
more, the Workers Party would not be a Communist Party if its members be- 
longed only to the Workers Party. The only way that a revolutionary party 
can become a real workers’ party and not remain a small sect, is for its mem- 
bers to be within the laboring masses, that is, they must be members of all 
existing labor organizations. The Communists must not remain ordinary 
members of these workers’ organizations. They must be the heart and soul 
of these organizations, 


512 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


“ The Worker ” of July 7th, 1923, carried the following: 


The Communist International Greets the Workers’ Party. ; 
The Workers’ Party has received the following communication from Gregory 
Zinoviev, chairman of the Executive Committee of the Communist International: 


To the Workers’ Party of America and All its Language Federations: 


Dear ComranbEs: It is with great pleasure that the Communist Internationa] 
has learned of the progress that the Workers’ Party has made in the past few 
months. We are especially gratified at the militant spirit that has manifested 
itself in the Party since the Second Convention in December, 1922. The unity 
of spirit, the determination to work, and the understanding of the path to be 
trodden and the general tactics to be applied augur that in the near future 
the Workers’ Party will mature to one of the truly Communist mass parties of 
the world. 4 

With Communist Greetings, 


‘ 


(Signed) G. ZINOVIEV. 


“The Worker ” for July 21, 1923, published a long statement by 
C. EK. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary of the Central Executive 
Committee of the Workers’ Party, on the duties of the party toward 
the recently organized Federated Farmer-Labor Party, in which 
it was said: , | 


ComRADES: Now that the Federated Farmer-Labor Party has been born an 
even greater task, than the work of agitation and organization lies before us. 
* * * * * * * 


We must put flesh and muscles upon the structure which has been created. 
We must rally, not only the six hundred thousand workers and farmers whose 
representatives were at Chicago but even: greater masses to support the new 
party. 

Our party must devote itself to this task as energetically as it did to the 
task of agitation and education. For the immediate future the greater part of 
our energies, our organizational strength must go into the work of building the 
Federated Farmer-Labor Party. 4 

Our party has proven itself a real Communist party in its work for the 
Federated Farm-Labor Party. It has proven its strength and discipline. 
Every party member who saw the party at work in Chicago was proud of his 
party. ‘ 

Let us prove that we are worthy of the name Communists even more defi- 
nitely in the new great task that lies ahead of us. 

Let every party member, every party unit, go to work at once to build the 
Federated Farmer-Labor Party. o 

* * * * * * e 

Comrades: There never was such an opportunity to make labor count in the 
United States. The hopes and aspirations which have inspired tens of thou- 
sands of workers who have suffered and sacrificed in the interest of the labor, 
movement in this country can be realized. " 

Labor, the giant challenging the rule of the exploiters, is coming into being. 
The mighty strength of the masses of industrial workers and farmers is being 
mobilized. 


* The Worker” of August 5, 1923, published an Appeal of the Com- 
munist International to the Workers of All Countries on the thi 
anniversary of the Treaty of Versailles in which it was urged: . 

* * ** * * * * 


Long live the common fight against the common oppressor ! 
Dewn with the Peace Treaty of Versailles! 

Down with counter-revolution in every country! 

Down with the bourgeois governments! 

Long live the Workers’ Government! 

The Executive Committee of the Communist International. 


“The Worker” of August 18, 1923, published speeches made by 
American delegates to the Executive Committee meeting of the Com 







RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 513 


junist International at Moscow in which Alexander Trachtenberg 
delegate) is quoted as having said that: 


‘He was pleased to hear the references made by Zinoviev to the splendid 
trides made by the American Party in the past year. If the American Party 
‘as improved it is due to the action adopted at the last International Congress. 


“The Worker” of August 18, 1923, had an article on organizing 
he negroes, in which it was stated: 


~The African Blood Brotherhood is carrying on an intensive educational and 
rganizational campaign among the Negro workers in the nation’s great indus- 
rial centers. This is an important effort. It should be given every support 
iot only by the Negro workers themselves but by both political and economic 
wrganizations of the white workers. All labor, both black and white, must 
imite, on the broad basis of common class interests. 


“The Worker,” issue of September 15, 1923, contained the follow- 
ng: 


ZINOVIEV LAUDS WORKERS’ PARTY 


And surely, as Zinoviev pointed out in his report, the interference and de- 
-ision of the Communist International in the American question at the Fourth 
Jongress, to the effect that the Communist Party of America, in obedience to 
the conditions prevailing in the country, must come out into the open, were 
based on the idea of democratic centralism; on the right and duty of the Com- 
munist International to interfere in what appears to be purely national ques- 
tions, when a settlement can not be effected by comrades themselves. The 
American delegates to the Enlarged Executive could only confirm and applaud 
the fact that the decision of the Communist International had reinforced and 
solidified the party, which to-day is working as a unit. Zinoviev praised the 
activity of the Workers’ Party of America, which showed that it had the 
insight and will to lead the workers. 


“The Worker” for September 8, 1923, reproduced a cablegram 
directed to Ruthenberg from Zinoviev at Moscow which reads: 


Know no more important task American workers than establishment militant 
daily. This should be rallying point for concentration all forces present time. 
Only after foundation daily will Comintern consider we have real mass party 
America. 


James P. Cannon, who was one of the delegates to Russia, wrote 
an article which appeared in “ The Worker” for September 1, 1928, 
entitled “The Workers Party To-day—and To-morrow.” In this 
article, as will be noted, he refers to his relationship with the Ex- 
ecutive Committee of the Communist International and writes as 
follows: 


After I returned from Moscow I started out on a cross-country speaking 
tour with two questions uppermost in my mind. They were: first, how 
quickly will the party be able to assimilate the decisions of the Fourth Con- 
gress; and second, how soon will the results begin to manifest themselves. 

My propaganda tour lasted nearly five months and took me to every section 
of the country where we have party connections. I had been pretty familiar 
with the party since it was organized in 1919, as well as with the Socialist 
and Syndicalist movements from which it sprang. Then the six months I 
spent on the Executive Committee of the Communist International, where 
the problems of the various affiliated parties were dealt with almost daily, 
enabled me to get a clearer understanding of what the great leaders mean by 
the term Communist Party. 

* * * * * * 1 


C. E. Ruthenberg, secretary of the Workers Party, openly avows 
the relationship of the party with the Communist International in 
an article appearing in “The Worker” for September 22, 1928, 
which appears under the title of “The Communists and the Trade 


514 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Unions.” This article is a reply on the part of Ruthenberg to’ an 
attack by the officials of the United Mine Workers of America rela- 
tive to communist activities in the United States. Referring to the 
existing relationship between the Communist International and the 
Workers Party, Ruthenberg says: i ‘ 

The Communists of the United States do not hide their relationship: with 
the Communist International; The Workers Party frankly declares’ in its 

rogram: 
¥ “The leadership in the international struggle which inspires hope in the 
hearts of the workers .of. the world and arouses fear in the capitalists. of 
every country is the leadership of the Communist International. 

“The Workers Party declares its sympathy with the principles of the Com- 
munist International and enters the struggle against American capitalism, 
the most powerful of the national groups, under the inspiration of the leader- 
ship of the Communist International.” 

Again, in the “ Worker” for October 20, 1923, the Central Execu- 
tive Committee of the Workers’ Party, by James P. Cannon, Wil- 
liam Z. Foster, and C. E. Ruthenberg for the Committee, also states 
the party’s affiliation with the Communist International in the 
following article: 

The Workers’ Party does not deny its fraternal affiliation with the Com- 
munist International. It is proud to acknowledge the leadership of that 
international organization which is the hope of the workers the world over 
in the fight against reaction, Fascism, and capitalism. It will go forward 
under the leadership of the Communist International until the workers of this 
country win their struggle against capitalism and establish the Workers’ 
and Farmers’ Government. ' 

Further evidence of the influential and dominant part played by 
the Communist International in the Communist movement in the 
United. States will be found in the extracts that follow, taken from 
official Communist. press organs. | 7 

Lest it be thought that the foreign-language Communist press of 
this country be a negligible quantity, the circulation of the publica- 
tions hereinafter quoted is given actually where known, approxi- 
mately when definite figures are wanting, as to the weeklies and 
monthlies. 

As to the vital importance of this press in the opinion of the Com- 
munist International itself repeated evidence exists concerning the 
value attached by that body to the Communist press of this country, 
English language and foreign language alike. | 

The figures of circulation follow. They are the figures sworn to 
by. the publishers in their semiannual statement of publication: 





Spravedinost_[U- U2 2 Vaio 3 9, 500 | Fretheitucs 90 2Ii8G 887 Die ae 
Sajmy Ludu (weekly; figures Laisvel/, (008 Wo Doge tas 8, 835. 

BDDYO SIMA ONT tasty | 9, 000 | Vilnis’ (weekly) 20 L217 be55™ 6, 000: 
The Worker (weekly; figures Czyn (weekly) & 23907) UGS S000 

approximate) LOO £6.) OW. ah 25, 000 | Glos Robotniezy_____2_ 21 26 
Htéeenpein 6 Oe bees T, 282. | Novy) Mir 2209700 Tau sore 10, 000 
N.Y: Volkszeitungt_ Jb outer 19, 344 | Russky Golos ~2_-o) 1) 9,445 
Uy tore srs 0 aes OSes ere 32,900 | Ukrainian Daily News________ 16, T60 
Alba Nuova’ (weekly) 22) 13, 000 | Liberator (monthly) )-2_ 41-2 _ 47, 655 


EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMUNIST FOREIGN LANGUAGE PRESS 
DURING 1922 ) 


(A few extracts are of December, 1921.) 
“Uj Elore,” Hungarian Communist daily, of New York, in its 
issues of January 10/11, and 12, 1922, published the following decla- 
ration of Trotzky: | 


1 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 515 


The task of revolution is similar to the task of war; namely, to break the will 
of the enemy and compel him to surrender and accept the terms of the victor. 
Instead of meetings, public debates, and congresses, the revolution reaches its 
aim by means of violence—although on a smaller scale than during war, but 
still by war or civil war. 


“Uj Elore” of December 21, 1921, speaking editorially of the 
newly-formed Workers’ Party, declared: 


The Workers’ Party will be based entirely upon the principles of the Third 
Internationale. The organization of the Workers” Party is the first step toward 
a big and strong revolutionary mass movement. * * #* 

* * * The working class looks with confidence into the future. It will be 
led by a political party that uses the well tried tactics of the Third Internationale, 


- a political party that knows no compromise. 


The January 2/3, 1922, issue of “Uj Elore” had an appeal from 
the American Hungarian Federation of Young Workers to Young 
Workers of Hungarian Nationality to organize local groups. The 


purpose of this organization is to accomplish that sort of Americani- 


zation so consistently striven for by the class of Hungarians rep- 


resented by “ Uj Elore.” and it is advocated in the following words: 
; J e 


UJ ELORE 


The revolutionary parties of America have united in the Workers’ Party. 


They have become connected with the International Labor movement. The revo- 


lutionary forces which were scattered up to now have united for the fight against 
capitalism. They carry on their fight with unity, with hundredfold strength, 
toward the overthrow of capitalism, for the regime of the proletariat. 


“Uj Elore” of January 3/4, 1922, published that same “ greeting 
irom Losovsky, as General Secretary of the International of Red 
Labor Unions, to the striking railway men of the United States” 
noted under the title Red Labor Union International. In this docu- 
ment the railway workers are admonished: 

* * * You will soon be convinced by your own experience that there can be 
no social peace as long as the class of the capitalists, as a class, is not destroyed. 
There can be no social peace as long as there is a capitalist class. 

“Uj Elore,” of July 5, 1922, editorially comments upon Fourth of 
July patriotism in this manner: 

The working class does not want this kind of freedom, the working class 
wants another Fourth of July when the proletariat, with a red flag, wil 
proclaim the democracy of labor. Humanity can become free by Sweeping 
away (doing away with) private property. 

The working class is preparing to disturb the dance of the bourgeoisie. 
The proletariat is preparing to make it dance only the way (the proletariat) 
whistles. . 

“Uj Elore,” of October 18, 1922, thus defines the purpose of the 
Workers’ Party: 

The aim: The Workers’ Republic. The road: To obtain absolute power. 


The means: Mass action. 
%* * * * * * % 


The Workers’ Party does not want to reach power through election, through 
ithe bourgeois parliament. 
38 * * * % * * 
The bourgeois parliament is not the aim but the workers must make use of 
that, too. We need every means fit to help the revolutionary movement; The 


‘Trade-union fight, the Workers’ press, communist propaganda, public meetings, 
just as well as the parliament. The Workers’ Party will serve the revolution 


516 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


in the hall of the Capitol just as well as at the party meetings or during wage 
struggles! 


“Uj Elore,” of October 23/24, 1922, editorially celebrating the 
fifth anniversary of Soviet Russia, urged: 3 
* * * ae we * 


Let us light the fire of the proletarian souls. Let us stir up the flame of 
the seething sentiments, let us spur on the energies for the revolutionary work, 


and let us put up the splendid results of the Russian Soviet Republic as a 
pattern. r 


_As to what Armistice Day stands for in the minds of the Commu- 
nists, “ Uj Elore,” of November 9, 1922, says, editorially: 


The “Armistice Day ” reminds us of Centralia, the persecutions and imprison- 
ments, the chain of crimes and assaults; it reminds us that capitalism dragged 
the young workers to the slaughterhouse to die the “ death of a hero” for the 
“democracy ”’ of exploitation or to be maimed for life. 

Armistice! There is no armistice, and there can not be any armistice. 
because bourgeois “ peace”” means a quieter (silent) war against the workers 
where sometimes even shots are fired, but prison and terror are steadily at 
work. 

In the fight between the classes there is no armistice, because to give up the 
fight for a moment means a victory for the oppressors of civilization and 
working humanity. 

On Armistice Day, we—communists—take up a new fight for the overthrow 
of American capitalism and capitalism of the whole world for the establish- 
ment of real world peace. 


Says “ Uj Elore,” of November 23, 1922. editorially : 


The workers can no longer be deceived. They know the future is in power, 
power is in revolution, and revolution can not be solved by dividing up, with 
music and pretty speeches, but only with blood, with the armed fists of the 
proletariat fighting for mutual production. 


OSZTALYHARC 


“ Osztalyhare,” Hungarian semimonthly Communist, of New 
York, in its July 15, 1922, issue had an editorial calling for organi- 
zation of the workers that they might “snatch the power out of the 
hands of the capitalist class” and “replace capitalist dictatorship 
with the dictatorship of the proletariat.” To quote: 

* * * * * * * 

If every worker able to think becomes organized in the manner shown by 
the Red Workers’ International, the working class will not only be able to 
withstand the attacks of capitalism but it will take up the offensive and snatch. 
the power out of the hand of the capitalist class; it will replace capitalist 
dictatorship with the dictatorship of the proletariat and introduce Communist 
social order where there will be no difference in classes. 

Let therefore every worker do his share in this direction! The workers: 
must go this road, because it leads toward the Communist social system. They 
either must do that or perish. There is no other way out. — 


ISKRA 


“Tskra,’ Russian Communist daily of New York, merged later into 
the reorganized Novy Mir as official organ of the Workers’ Party, 
in its December 31, 1921, issue contained the following remarks on 
Revolutionary Strategy. Though the admission has been repeat- 
edly made, it is important to bear it in mind: 


Revolutionary tactics should be pliant and elastic. They should be built with 
the view of the correlation of the social forces as a prime consideration and 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 517 


not be carried on on the basis of ready-made, hard-boiled phrases and fixed 
formulas. No one single policy can be applied to all countries, nor can it be 
made a permanent fixture. Circumstances, place, and time must be given the 
most scrupulous attention always. The tempo of the revolutionary movement 
has slowed down. Turmoil and commotion have given way to a comparative 
quiet—quiet before a new storm. The Communists in Russia have grasped 
the situation. The advice of the late Bebel, saying that workers parties should 
learn to change their tactics within twenty-four hours should it be necessary, 
has not been forgotten, and it should not be. 
* * * k * Lo 


The position of the Communists in countries ruled entirely by the bourgeoisis 
is even more difficult. To storm the imperialist strongholds just now is 
out of the question. But at the same time, one cannot sit with hands folded 
and wait until the sun shines. We must work, and work hard. We must 
mobilize the proletarian forces, weld them into the line of common proletariat 
interests. Through the course of the daily struggle the proletarian masses 
should be convinced that Communists are ‘their own people,’ the same sons 
of the working class that they are. This preparatory course is necessary in 
order to insure our future success when the time comes for the toilers to take 
their revenge on the bourgeoisie on the field of battle. 


And Zinoviev in “ Iskra” of March 11, 1922, writing on the same 
subject as the foregoing, states: 


Give us but time, gentlemen! When the world revolution has made a few 
more steps forward, when the Soviet rule has been established in two or 
three other countries, then, perhaps, you will understand the true world sig- 
nificance of the Communist International. 


“Tskra,” of April 6, 1922, carried that letter by Trotzky used as 
an introduction to Morizet’s book on Soviet Russia. The letter also 
appeared in “ Soviet Russia” for May 15, 1922.. From it may be 
quoted here: 


* * * There is no ground for maintaining that we are coming back to 
capitalism. We have only changed the methods of socialistic construction. 
Our experience and results along this road will be of greatest benefit to the 
working class of all countries. 

We have learned a great deal within the five years of revolution. But we 
have not given up anything. I do not think that the capitalist world, as it 
emerged from the blaze of war and in its present state, gives us any reason 
for revising our basic ideas. Historically, the fate of capitalism is sealed. 
The Future belongs to communism. 


NOVY MIR 


Though principally concerned with the internal differences of 
the Communist Party of America—since reconciled—‘ Novy Mir” 
of March, 1922, in a long editorial thus takes occasion to state the 
relation of the Communist International with the Communist move- 
ment in the United States. 


It is plainly apparent that the existence of Soviet Russia is closely depend- 
ent on the progress and the triumph of the Communist International in other 
countries, including the United States. Everything that promotes this progress 
may be counted as a revolutionary act. On the other hand everything that 
stands in the way of this progress must be listed with the counter-revolu- 
tionary activity. The ruination, the liquidation of the only organization ca- 
pable of driving into the heads of the backward working masses the necessity 
of the overthrow of capitalism by force, is a counter-revolutionary act. Eivery- 
one of those who in spite of their revolutionary phraseology are engaged in mud 
slinging against those who strive to direct the working masses under the con- 
trol of the Communist International, are the enemies of the Third Interna- 
tional, the enemies of Soviet Russia, in other words, they are counter-revolu- 
tionaries. 


518 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


UKRAINIAN DAILY NEWS RTEED SCIRUS 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News,” Communist; of New York, in the 
December 27, 1921, issue had an editorial on the duties of the Com- 
munist youth. Because of its subject, although antedating by a few 
days 1922, quotations from it are given here. The editorial quotes 
from a writer in the organ of the Young Communist International 
as follows: | 


What should the Communist youth do in the countries’ where the Communist 
movement is underground? It is not enough to carry on a small, limited, and 
exclusively illegal propaganda. * * * The Communist youth should strive 
to legalize its activity so that a wide strata of the proletarian youth could 
be drawn within its area; in the period of reaction it should combine its 
illegal activity with the legal, and harmonize it. FA bewy 

What is to be done in such cases and how? ‘The representative bodies 
of the young peoples’ Communist organizations in the reactionary countries, 
in countries where the Communist movement is of illegal existence, should 
according to the best means at hand and existing conditions form legal, educa- 
tional, cultural, and sport organizations. economic unions, courses for the illit- 
erate, and peoples’ libraries, while their management should be entrusted to 
tried workers for the Communist cause. In this way, a great part of the en- 
lightenment work as well as the economic struggle could be carried on legally, 
while the Communist propaganda could be carried on illegally. 


It may be pointed out in passing that by “ legal activities,” the 
Communist does not mean innocuous activity. What he means by 
the term is a safe way in which to accomplish his illegal ends. | Ex- 
plaining, the article goes on to say: 


Let us say that the union committee forms a young peoples’ educational so- 
ciety based on a strictly educational program, entrusting its management to the 
responsible members in its ranks. This society will publish its own periodical, 
pamphlets, ete. And apart from this, jointly with the trade-unions, it will wage 
fight for the material and spiritual interests of the proletarian youth. The 
duty of the illegal section of the group, on the other hand, would consist in the 
dissemination of the Communist propaganda and the popularization of the 
Slogans of the Young Communist International among the members, which is 
to be done with the aid of the loyal element in the ranks.. Doing this, the work 
could proceed successfully in both directions. And what is more, a strong, well- 
organized union would be ready for action at any time. stl 

Such would be the partial character (character in part) of the Young Peo- 
ples’ Communist group activity during the underground period. * * #* 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News” of January 25, 1922, published an 
appeal to the workers of all countries made by the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Communist International which, in its concluding 
paragraphs is extremely outspoken in its advocacy of military meas- 
ures. After a general discussion of the Washington Conference on 
Disarmament, the Appeal goes on to state: | i 


The working class must fight—working men and women! Only by advancing 
against the whole world capital with your ranks united and solid, only by 
warning the great masses of all countries from the parliament floor, through 
your press, and at your meetings of the threatening danger, only by urging them 
to battle against militarist tyranny will you be able to develop and muster the 
power that is necessary to make an end to the policy of armament and the 
plans of a new war. All the disarmament programs, all the demands for the. 
curtailment of armament costs, all the cries for the lessening of war burdens 
is but a waste of breath unless the workers of all countries mobilize their 
forces into a solid front against the bourgeoisie. * * * Only when they will 
Unite the military front against the bourgeoisie, each of their own country, 
only when they create an international fighting front of the proletariat will 
they be able to collect the productive forces of the world fit to remove the 
ruins of the world war and capable of universal reconstruction. * * # 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 519 


Down with the Washington Comedy of Peace! * * * Long live the Com- 
munist International, the vanguard of the international fighting ranks of the 
world proletariat! 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News” of February 20, 1922, states edi- 
torially : 


The question, therefore, is reduced to the following point: Can the working 
class gain control of production by way of individual social reforms, by painless 
and peaceful process, or by political and economic rule involving an open, sharp, 
and armed class conflict; that is, by civil war? The experience of long years 
of struggle has proven that there is not the slightest reason to believe in the 
possibility of a peaceful transition from capitalism to socialism. 


From another editorial in the same issue of the “ Ukrainian Daily 
News” ;, 
SHF IS COMING 


You are beginning to dread the thought of her (revolution), for you fear for 
your lives. But she is approaching, fearless, resolved. She will cut through 
the darkness with fire and sword and will cleanse the earth of suffering and 
pain. You, you bloody henchmen, you are trying to smother her best sons; you 
are murdering the fighters who champion her. You separate children from 
their parents. You carry ruin to their homes just to strangle her. 

But, no matter, she is coming, you bloody murderers, to seek a reckoning for 
her children’s blood you have spilled. She will carry revenge to henchmen and 
the enemies of light. She knows all, and she knows no mercy. She will not 
be deceived as she once was. No. Especially with you, the cause of all the 
human suffering and pain, she will be ruthless and merciless, 


UKRAINIAN CIRCULAR 


Under date of September 30, 1922, there appeared a circular in 
the Ukrainian language officially establishing the fusion of the Com- 
munist forces in America. 

* cs # * * * * 


Comrades and workers, we have a joyous message for you: The American 
Section Communist International is amalgamating all the Communist elements 
in the United States within its own ranks. 

* * * * * k 

An amalgamation was inevitable. The intervention of the Communist Inter- 
national gave the initiative and helped to facilitate and expedite the unifica- 
tion of the Communist forces. Every Communist was obliged to realize that 


he would be lost if he is cut from the giant body of the Communist Inter- 
national. 


RUSSKY GOLOS 


“ Russky Golos,” Russian daily, of New York, although it has 
not become an organ of the Workers’ Party of America, had in 
the January 2, 1922, issue an editorial from the Russian “ Pravda,” 
from which the following significant paragraphs are quoted here: 

In a recent issue of Pravda, the official organ of the Russian Communist 
Party, it is reported that active Communist agitation is going on in thirty-one 


different countries. 
* * * * * * x 


The only party which inspires the whole bourgeois world with fear is the 
Workers’ Party—a party consisting of workers who, having realized the inter- 
ests of their own class and resolved either to win or die, are pressing head on 
against the capitalist stronghold. 

Declaring then that the enemies the most to be feared are “ those 
who are just ‘in between’”—that is, the false labor leaders—the 
article continues: 


Now they are warning the workers against joining the international workers’ - 


520 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


organization, the Third International, because of the famous twenty-one points. 
They do not think that the workers should submit to an international labor 
organization. The acceptance of those points they consider a submission. 
- According to their point of view, the Third International demands too much 
and its policy is far too revolutionary. 

Its policy is revolutionary because it is an organization of the working class. 

And so the Communists in thirty-one different countries are doing all in their 
power to persuade the workers to join the Communist movement and the Third 
International in order to bring the final victory of the workers over the capi- 
talists to its speediest culmination. 


PRAVDA (MOSCOW ) 


“ Pravda,” official organ of the Russian Communist Party, is 
quoted by the Novoye Russkoye Slovo, of New York (non-Com- 
munist), of March 10. 1922, in an editorial on the Third Interna- 
tional, to this effect: 


Such is the aim of the Communist International. It has not renounced its 
principles. It has found but a new way which will be a better means of 
propaganda for the active fight. A battle most certainly other in spirit than 
that of the 2nd and 24 Internationals. 


It was the “ New Yorker Volkszeitung”’ of December 11, 1921, 


which, speaking editorially of the newly formed Workers’ Party, 
declared : 


It will stand entirely on the ground of the Third International. 
FREIHEIT 


“Freiheit,” Jewish Communist daily of New York, in the June 23, 
1922, issue, discussed editorially the action of the government toward 
the strikers of Marion and Herrin, under the title “ With Weapons 
in Their Hands.” The conclusion of the editorial reads: 


The workers behold all this and become furious. They regard the strike 
as their sacred right. They regard strike breaking as an abominable crime. 
They therefore gather courage and come out in defence of what others want 
to deprive them by force. ‘ 

And a war breaks out. 

It is not a revolutionary war in the proper sense of the word. It is merely 
a chapter of a gigantic strike. It is not a conscious attack upon the founda- 
tions of capitalism. It is a struggle for the right which the workers want to 
protect under the capitalist system. 

It proves however that the combative spirit lives within the working class. 
It proves that the working class is wrathful, embittered, and determined. 

The vital right of the miners was infringed upon. Nothing was able to stop 
them—even sacrifices. Like a violent torrent, they swept the obstacle from the 
road and intimidated both—the scabs and their protectors. 

Upon grasping their class interests in a broader and historical sense, they 
will not hesitate to start the great historical struggle against the entire 
capitalist system. 


So full was the Communist press at this time of material relative 
to the strike situation, the formation of the united front, the ex- 
piring quarrel of the majority and minority groups, the Federal in- 
junction, etc., to the exclusion of more general Communistie matter, 
that it might be well to consider one of these editorials, taken at 
random from a large number, that it may be noted how the Com- 
munist press reacts to the active affairs of the day. Such an edi- 
torial, for instance, is one in “ Freiheit.” of July 6, 1922, ** Perverted 
Words.” Being short, it is given in full: or 

Of what avail is freedom in America if man can deprive his neighbor of the 
right to work and to live by work? 





/ 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 59-5 


Who said these beautiful words? 

Of course, freedom is of no avail if the employer is allowed to lock out his 
workers because he wants larger profits. Of course, freedom does not avail 
if a group of manufacturers are allowed to lock out labor and to deprive it 
of the right to work and to live by work. 

Who said those beautiful words?—a Communist? A revolutionist? 

No. Warren G. Harding, President of the United States, said them. He 
said them in his solemn speech on the Fourth of July. Has Harding said it 
because he became a communist or revolutionist? Or, perhaps, he said these 
words fascinated with the recollection of the glorious American Revolution. 
No; Harding said them in defense of the scabs. Harding meant that a strike 
breaker, who is an outcast and traitor to his fellow workers, may break a 
strike and cause misfortune to the people of his own class. The right of tens 
of millions of American workers who aspire to make their earnings independent 
of the caprice of a clique of bourgeois is not regarded by Harding as the 
“right to work and to live by work.” The right to be a strike breaker is re- 
garded as the “right to work and to live by work,” by the President of the 
largest Republic in the world. 

The day when our laws will refiect the rule of a few will be ill-fated. 

Where did we hear those words? Who protested against the supremacy of a 
few? 

Of course, our legislation is dictated by group interests! Is not the right 
to strike restricted by our laws? Are not then our unions put in jeopardy by 
our laws? Do not our legislators turn a deaf ear to the millions of unemployed 
suffering hunger and want? Does not Congress do everything the trusts 
order it to do? 

Who has said the bold words about the rule of a few? A radical or a class- 
conscious agitator? No; Warren G. Harding said them, but he meant thereby 
not the capitalist groups but the labor unions. 

Thus spoke the President of a country glorifying its freedom. Thus, words 
denoting liberty and democracy are turned into instruments fighting the work- 
ing class. 

KOMMUNISTAS 


“ Kommunistas,” the Lithuanian official Communist underground 
publication for March, 1922, published an article by Bukharin on 
“ Offensive and Defensive Tactics,” from which is quoted the follow- 
ing confession of the violent character of the revolution that is 
urged: 

What is an uprising but a bayonet? What is a revolution but a bayonet? 
What is civil war but a bayonet? The kid glove Communism is good but for 
parlor use and a fit decoration for pink teas., It is utterly worthless in the 


struggle for existence or in a battle where people are suffering and dying for an 
TCR. aoe ic.” 


The Communist Manifesto says that the proletariat will conquer the world— 
and how? Through revolution. 


Likewise “ Der Kommunist,” the German monthly underground 


organ of the Communist Party of America, in its March, 1922, issue 


had a very similar article, which concluded thus: 


' Workers of America, prepare! * * * It is necessary to establish an army 
of the workers for the protection of the fighting workers. Only in that manner 
will we get ready for action, prepared for the fight, only so will the power of 
the workers become developed. For the execution of the death sentence over 
Capitalism! For the social revolution! For Communism! 


Another article on “ Daily Struggle” states: 


In the struggle for the disarmament of the bourgeoisie it must not be 
neglected to arm the workers, to organize them, and render them as complete 
as possibie. 

“ Laisve,” Lithuanian Communist daily for November 6, 1922, had 
the following to say editorially on the use of the ballot: 


The ballot is not the cure-all for the working class as the Socialists would 
have us believe. The ballot is not an expression of the public will as the 


522 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


pourgeois Republicans and Democrats would have us believe. The Workers’ 
Party points out that, under the present capitalist dictatorship, the ballot will 
not help the workers in their liberation from wage slavery. They will free 
themselves only by fighting, only by an encounter with the eapitalist class and 
its government. 

OBRANA 


“ Obrana,” Czechoslovak Communist weekly, of New York, im its 
April 27, 1922, issue thus called upon the workers in connection with 
May Day: 


Workers, let May Day spur you on to join the flag of the Third International 
which calls to the workers of the world. Proletariat of all ‘countries unite; 
establish the united labor front, join the Third International, so that our world, 
still a tragedy, should come to one final holiday. 

And to you, heroic comrades in Russia, our heartfelt greetings. 

Long live the Red May Day! 

Long live the fundamental idea of the first May day, the revolutionary inter- 
national organization—the Third International. 

“ Obrana,” of August 10, 1922, in an editorial on “ Rapacious Leg- 
islation,” comments upon the various “ soviets of capital in the 
United States Senate,” the “ wool senators, the sugar senators, the 
steel senators, etc., who are at all times at the service of their respec- 
tive industrial combinations,” and closes with the following para- 
graphs: 

And such is the very advanced system of bourgeois parliamentarism, with 
the help of which it is being attempted to hold the working class in perpetual 
bondage, to rule and dictate under the false mask of parliamentary democracy. 

However, sooner or later the people are bound to see through all this comedy 
that is going on at its expense, and then it will throw the parliamentary 
democracy to the rubbish heap, where it should have been long ago, and will 
replace it by a new order of its own, the true system of the people—that. is, 
by the dictatorship of the working class in place of the present dictatorship of 
a handful of the rich of the ruling class. 


GLOS ROBINTNICZY 


“Glos Robotniczy,” Polish Communist daily, of Detroit, in a 
lengthy May Day editorial, May 1, 1923, stated: 


Under these slogans the revolutionary working class rallies on the First of 
May to organize the United Proletarian front and to prepare for the last drive 
for the emancipation through the revolution of workers, overthrow of the 
capitalists, seizure of political power, establishment of a republic of labor and 
peasant councils, and substitution of the present system of exploitation and 
oppression with a just system of free organized labor and equal distribution— 
that is, Communism. 


And “ Glos Robotniczy,” of May 5, 1922, thus urged the American 
workers to advocate class war—that is, a real war: : 

Workers of America! It is up to yeu to put an end to preparations for a new 
slaughter in the name of capitalist interests. 1987 

Not a soldier, not a cent for imperialistic wars! Instead of imperialistic 


war we must advocate class war. Under these slogans we must start the drive 
for the conquest of political power by the proletariat. 


EXTRACTS FROM FOREIGN-LANGUAGH COMMUNIST PRESS IN THE 
UNITED STATES, 1923 KE ae 


UJ, ELORE 


“Uj Elore,” Hungarian Communist daily of New York, official organ 
of the Hungarian section of the Workers’ Party of America, stated 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 523 


editorially in its November 7, 1923, issue, while celebrating the No- 
vember 7 anniversary: 


The proletariat will suffer a whole lot yet before it can seize power. Barri- 
cades will be erected and the red soldiers will launch attacks. They will not 
be afraid of the machine guns of the counter-revolution. * * * To-day, on 
November 7, our hearts open up. The proletariat made the great burden of 
suffering its own. The proletariat made it its task to give humanity what 
is due—freedom. For this freedom we will go to the barricades. We shall 
be willing to die. 


In the November 4, 1923, issue, “* Uj Elore,” commenting upon the 
farmer situation in the United States, states editorially : 


* * * The situation is becoming ripe. The Communist class struggle is 
unfolding itself powerfully on the road where the slaves of the factory will meet 
the slaves of the field, marching to a common fight against a common enemy— 
against the greatest capitalist power in the world—the capitalist system of 
America. 


From “ Uj Elore” of September 4, 1923, an editorial: 


* * * It is certain that, regardless of the nice phrases, the exploiting 
class will always be strongly organized in order to repulse every effort of the 
toilers’ striving for better days. The better days must be fought out by the 
workers in expropriating the means of production and in establishing with 
their own dictatorship the Workers’ Republic. 


“Uj Elore” of July 4, 1923, closed an editorial entitled “ There is 
No Freedom—But there will Be,” with these words: 


To-day there is not freedom, life, and happiness in the United States for 
the workers. But there will be if we unite and insure it in the way prescribed 
in the Constitution, in case of necessity even through violence, through revo- 
lution. Not merely on paper, not through a mere declaration, but through 
the establishment of the United States Workers and Farmers’ Government, 
by concentrating power and the means of production into the hands of the 
American proletariat. 


“Uj Elore ” of July 29, 1923, expresses itself editorially on revolu- 
tionary tendencies in America as follows: 


* %* * Hven if we cannot say that the working masses are preparing 
for the time when accounts will also have to be settled with American capitalism, 
when millions of workers will have to be at the battle front in order to over- 
throw the strongest system of exploitation in the world which to-day not only 
means slavery to the proletariat of America but to that of the whole world, 
class struggle is not limited by boundaries and revolution does not stop at 
barricades either. * * * The working class can only rely on its own strength. 
This strength must, therefore, be increased. The revolutionary struggle is being 
earried on in an organized manner; therefore every worker must belong to 
his organization. He must not lack the sense of solidarity and cooperation. 
The class conscious worker finds his place in the camp of the Communists, in 
the Workers’ Party. where he can perform every day. the work upon which 
the fight is being built. The capitalists are preparing, the workers must also 
prepare in order to insure their victory. Join the revolutionary Workers’ 
Party. Up for the class struggle! 


And in the June 27, 1923, issue of “ Uj Elore ” another editorial. on 
the Workers’ Party states: 


In the city of Chicago the members of the Workers’ Party are carrying on an 
energetic agitation in every union. 

The questions of amalgamation with the Labor Party, training the working 
elass for direct political action are always on the program of the day. The 
members of the Workers’ Party are the first ones in the wage movement and 
in other kinds of activities of the unions. * * * The members of the Workers’ 
Party are known among the workers as militant industrial unionists. 


$23825—24-—pT 2 24 





524 | RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


“Uj Elore” of March 19, 1923, declared editorially: 


The indicted of Michigan are waving the flag of the above-ground Com- 
munist Party, and we cheerfully hurry under their red flag which is to-day 
in the front ranks, organizing the revolutionary troops; to-morrow it will 
lead the soldiers of the revolution to storm and beseige the fortress of the 
capitalists. 


“Uj Elore ” of March 16, 1923, states through a contributor: 


We don’t want to overthrow, with arms in our hands, the government by to- 
morrow, but we want to prepare tor the time when the masses will be sufficiently 
mature to set up such aims. 

We want to educate the masses. Revolutionary instruction does not consist 
only in making them familiar with the teachings of Marx and Lenin. This 
is only a small part of the educational work. * * * And if we state to-day 
that the Workers’ Party is an open Communist Party our tasks would be the 
same. If we should declare to-day that we are a Communist Labor Party we 
would not be more Communistie than we are. 


“Uj Elore” of March 5/6, 1923, stated editorially: 


The Senate and its laws are humbug. If and by accident they enact a law 
that is not direct against the interests of the workers there are thousands 
of twisting and distorting officers who take care that it can be employed 


against the workers 
The Senate went on a rest. A Spring, Summer, and fall rest. We sincerely 


wish it a deep and long sleep, or as Liebknecht would say: To Hell w:th the 
National Assembly! That would be its best resting place. 


UKRAINIAN DAILY NEWS 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News,” official organ of the U krainian sec- 
tion of the Workers’ Party of America, in ‘its October 27 , 1923, issue 
published an article by a contributor on “ Organization ” in which the 
statement was made: 


And the babblings about bloodless theories, and that conditions were always 
so and always will be so, is charlatanism pure and simple. Let us take a few 
facts from history. Let us read a few chapters from it and see that not a 
single social change came about without bloodshed. 


A contributor in the August 19, 1923, issue of the “ Ukrainian 
Daily News ” writes: 


The courts of the United States are the bulwark of the barbaric capitalist 
system. This bulwark of private property can be smashed only by the 
American working class. And in order that this may be accomplished and the 
rule of the reactionary autocratic bourgeois government bureaucrats and with 
them all the exploiters be abolished once and for all, the American working 
class must first of all organize a strong militant revolutionary political party. 


Sooner or later the change must come, and we are the only body competent 


to change the rotten for the new. 
The owners of wealth and their defenders are playing their last act, and. 
the pseudo-democracy must give way to the dictatorship of the proletariat. 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News” of July 23, 1923, discussing the doe- 
trines of revolution: by ballot and revolution by foree asks, “On 
Which Side is the Truth ” (this being the title of the editorial) and 
answers the question thus: 

Any worker with the least gleam of intelligence will readily see that there 
can be no “gradual” change of the capitalist system, nor will there ever be 
one, but the only remedy is a thorough smashing of the old order and the 


construction of a new one. We, Cemmunists, have held to this theory in the 
past and will hold to it in the future. It is the only true theory there is. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 525 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News” of August 6, 1923, editorially states 


that: . 


* %* * All workers who have declared a fight against the forces of ex- 
ploitation and oppression are going farther on the road of merciless struggle. 

In spite of the bourgeoisie’s inhuman efforts to return to “ quiet” times, to 
hecloud the awakened working masses by a belief in the ability of capitalism 
to satisfy all human wants, the heretofore humiliated, submissive, exploited, 
and oppressed working masses see clearer the final destruction of the capitalist 
system and the introduction of the workers’ and peasants’ rule. 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News” of June 27, 1928, speaks thus edi- 
torially of Soviet Russia with reference to the working class: 


Conscious of its interests, burdened with wars, crimes, injustice, exploita- 


tion, and poverty imposed on it by capital, the working class has set the task 


of liberating itself in spite of the insurmountable difficulties, prisons and 
death, because the star of the Soviet Republic will guide it and lead it to the 
final victory over the dying days of this earthly hell. 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News” of May 7, 1923, affirmed: 


The fight is not finished yet. Nor will it be finished with the conviction of 
Comrade Ruthenberg. * * * The fight will go on until the American prole- 
tariat has replaced the bourgeois dictatorship with a proletarian dictatorship. 


Under date of May 9, 1923, on this subject the same paper said: 
Our fight.is by no means ended. We shall yet get what we are after. We 


shall spare neither strength, energy, power, nor other means in this battle, the 


final victory of which we are perfectly convinced belongs to us. 
The “ Ukrainian Daily News ” of May 1, 1923, asserted editorially : 


The Workers’ Party, a Communist organization in the United States, has 
succeeded during the last year in becoming an important factor in the class 
war by working in the front ranks in every labor battle, in every fight waged 
by organized labor for a betterment of conditions. 

Let May Day sound the call of the international labor solidarity high and 
clear. Let it ring the doom of the world bourgeoisie on the one hand and the 
victory of the world proletariat on the other. 


The “ Ukrainian Daily News” of April 9, 1928, editorially sums up 
the situation of Communism in the United States as follows: 

Conditions during the last few years were anything but favorable for us. 
But now things have changed a great deal. A great part of our tasks have 


been made much easier of accomplishment. This is partly because we have 
learned a great deal and partly because of the more favorable conditions under 


which we work. But we must make use of these advantages. We must get 


to work with more energy and zeal. We need a jolt or two to get us out of the 


rut. * * * Tf we work with energy and zeal and faithfully fulfill the tasks 
that our historical mission demands of us, a year or two will see a great part 
of American labor under the Communist influence and the end of capitalism 


will be so much nearer. 


NOVY MIR 


“Novy Mir,” Russian Communist daily, of New York, official 
organ of the Russian Section of The Workers’ Party of America, m 
an editorial of November 7, 1923, states: 


Russian workers, living in America must at all costs establish close relations 
with the rest of the workers in this country. Russian workers in the seventh 
year should try to join the trade-unions and together with other workers to 
participate actively in the struggle not only against the yoke of American 
capitalism but also against the treacherous leaders now heading the trade- 


union movement. Russian workers must join the Workers’ Party of America 


and work together with other Communists of the country for social revolution 
and for the establishment of a Soviet system here in America. That is the 
direct duty of every Russian worker in America who is sympathizing with the 
First Soviet Republic in the world. 


526 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 


Also from * Novy Mir” of April 24, 1923, a May Day proclama- 
tion: 


Mobilize your forces for the last decisive battle for the institution of a 
government of the working class. 


“ Novy Mir ” of April 28, 1923, published a call by the Secretary of 
the Russian Federation of The Workers’ Party to the Russian Com- 
munists in the United States for unification. It is therein stated: 


We call upon the revolutionary vanguard to join the W. P. A. The prole- 
tariat will win its emancipation through dauntless revolutionary struggle led 
by the revolutionary vanguard. 

Comrades, the hour of the decisive clash between the proletariat and the 
bourgeoisie is approaching. Let us be ready to meet the foe well equipped. 


“ Novy Mir ” of March 10, 1923, through a contributor states: 


The party of American Communism—the W. P. A. and the Russian Federa- 
tion of the W. P. A., which is an integral part of the W. P. A., furnish a reply 
to this question—shall the Russian workers keep aloof as though the American 
labor movement were no concern of theirs? They say: A powerful revolution- 
ary movement im every country is the most effective aid to Soviet Russia. 
Consequently, our task is to strengthen the revolutionary movement. We shall 
be able to carry out our task not by keeping aloof, but by taking a direct part 
in the work of the trade-unions and of the party as members of those organi- 
zations. To claim that we are foreigners and that we are therefore unable 
to help the movement is a crime against the American workers, for the 
foreigners constitute 58 per cent of the workers employed in the various in- 
dustries of America. Side by: side with the American proletariat we shall 
fight for our emancipation. 


KOMMUNISTICHNY SVIT 


“ Kommunistichny Svit,” Ukrainian underground Communist pub- 
lication in the January, 1923, issue states: 

You can not wage revolution with a wooden sword. The road to Communism 
is covered with corpses and blood. This should be kept in mind. 

Also, discussing the Russian workers in America, this publication 
says: 

It shall also be noted that Communists have nothing in common with the 
old theory of pacifism, therefore the army affords them plenty of work. In- 


stead of the old-time pacifism the Communists bring forth revolution. And 
without the aid of the army revolution is impossible. 


NEW YORKER VOLKSZEITUNG 

The “New Yorker Volkszeitung,” German Communist daily, of 
New York, official organ of the German Federation of The Workers’ 
Party of America, in its July 6, 1923, issue stated editorially: 

The conflict between capital and labor drives the workers to resistance, to 
rebellion, the same way the economic contrasts between feudalism and the 
bourgeoisie led to revolution. And the working class which embodies progress 
will emerge victoriously from the present struggles the same way the bour- 
geoisie has been victorious in its fight against feudalism. It (the working 
class) will launch the deadly blow upon capitalism and level its bastilles. 

“New Yorker Volkszeitung ” of June 7, 1922, editorially states: 

The American Democracy is a farce, a lie, and a nursery tale which only 
small children or political fools believe in. 

The “ New Yorker Volkszeitung” of April 2, 1923, published a mes- 
sage from Zinoviev as to Freiheit, the Jewish Federation’s organ, in 
which he said: 

The Comunist International calls upon militant Jewish workers to support 


the Freiheit in every respect and to build up a circulation of 100,000 copies 
within the next year—Zinoviey. 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 5 


bo 
~l 


LAISVE 


“ Laisve,” Lithuanian Communist daily, of Brooklyn, N. Y., ofticial 
organ of the Lithuanian branch of the Workers’ Party of America, 
discussing editorially in the October 3, 1923, issue the Socialist claim 
that revolution may eventuate by legal process, states: 


But the class war during the last few years has shown that besides education 
and the ballot, compulsion and force against the ruling class is also necessary 
in the struggle for labor’s emancipation. 


* Laisve ” of September 28, 1923, asserted editorially : 


As for us, we are definitely against the bourgeois dictatorship and we organ- 
ize the workers against it, but at the same time we are for the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, for it is only with its aid that the proletarian emancipation 
from the capitalist yoke is possible. Led by this principle we are for the Rus- 
sian Soviet government * * #*, 


“ Laisve” of May 29, 1923, editorially urging organization of the 
‘workers, says: . 


* * * The ruling class has no consideration for Labor’s demands unless 
they are reinforced with a sufficient organized power. At the same time or- 
ganization will pave the way for the overthrow of the capitalist rule and the 
elimination of the unemployment crisis forever. 


“ Laisve ” of April 7, 1923, had an editorial on the Foster trial and 
the testimony at that trial as to the Communist idea of force and 
violence. “ Laisve’s” comment in part follows: 


In answer to this and similar questions the Communists say that the court 
is no place to settle an argument about the use of force because here very often 
‘the purely legal stand precedes and overshadows the political conviction. So 
that at the Foster trial it was thought sufficient to emphasize in a general form 
the historical and principal fact that the future class war is bound to lead to a 
civil war; that it always was so in the past and will be so in the future; that 
a class encounter in a civil war is not always based (as the Mensheviki would 
have us believe) on the constitutional methods of wartare, and that at such a 
time the rule “ballot and nothing but the ballot” may be sufficient for Judge 
White but will not be for the Communists. 

Class wars are not based on the letter of the law as the guiding point, and 
‘much less so with the capitalist class once its dictatorship is threatened by the 
rising revolutionary class. 


* Laisve ” of January 19, 1923, on the subject of the Negro, finds 

editorially that: . 

The only way out for the blacks is a common point with the white workers 
against the common enemy, the capitalist class. Nor will it be possible for the 

whites to overthrow the bourgeoisie without the aid of the blacks. 

td Instead of fostering hatred for the oppressed and down trodden negroes the 
white workers should call them into the common fold, should open to them the 

doors of their organizations. We must accept the negroes into our ranks in a 
spirit of friendship and brotherhood. 


Race hatred will not disappear until the voleano of the revolution sweeps 
down the existing system of exploitation. 


FREIHEIT 


“ Freiheit,” Jewish Communist daily, of New York, official organ 
of the Jewish Federation of the Workers’ Party of America, in its 
November 10, 1923, issue had an article by Bitelman, official of 
the Workers’ Party, upon the impelling effect of the Russian rev- 
olution upon American labor history. In it was made the follow- 
ing statement concerning recognition of the Soviet government: 


They (‘‘Gompers and his friends”) know that friendship to Russia means 
friendship to the Russian Revolution. And friendship to the Russian Re- 


528 RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA '* 


volution means friendship to the radical movement in America—and here is 
where the point lies. Gompers knows that when he fights against recognition 
of the Soviet Government he fights against the left wing of America. 


“ Freiheit ” of July 11, 1923, in an article urging the inculcation in 
the minds of the young of the doctrines of Communism states: 


*« * & We must make efforts to reorganize the Young Workers’ League 
on the shop nucleus basis. We must invade the factories, mills, and mines 
wherever young proletarians are employed and preach Communism there. 


“ Freiheit ” of January 31, 1923, published an appeal of the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Young ‘Communist International to the 
Young Workers of all countries for a ‘united front against war. 
In it are the following injunctions: 


Let us fight the looming imperialistic war. 

In case of war let us call a general strike. Down with armaments. 

Down with the pernicious theory and practice of defending the bourgeois 
fatherland. 

The first week of anti-war propaganda must assume the form of a powerful 
demonstration by the entire working class against the possibility of a new 
war of which you will be the first ‘victims. 


ALBA NUOVA 


“ Alba Nuova,’ Itahan Communist weekly, of New York, official 
organ of the Italian section of the Workers’ Party of America, in 


October 27, 1923, issue, published a contributed article from which 
is quoted the following: 


The bourgeois dominion can be overthrown by upsetting the State apparatus 
by means of the expropriation of the means of production and by changing 
the large banking wealth into national wealth. 

It is, therefore, indispensable to demolish all the institutions of the bour- 
geois government (bureaucracy, police, magistracy) and substitute the Soviet, 
with the Workers’ and Peasants’ commissaries and other Soviet institutions ; 
unmuster the old regular army and put in its place a workers’ army—that is, 
disarm the bourgeoisie by arming the workers’ and peasants’ masses—separate 
the church from the State, and free the schools from the church; finally, take 
the press away from the financial capitalism. 


And from the same article: 


the. abolition of the division of men into classes will be complete 
and the proletarian dictatorship will become a pacific socialistic society of 
workers—i. e., of all mankind—only when the civil war will embrace the 
whole of Europe, and the proletariat will be a victor ene where in this world © 
civil war. 


“Alba Nuova ” of October 13, 1923, in a contributed article predicts” 3 
that through international capitalism 5 


* %* * race hatred will appear, rebellions of slaves will be drowned in 
blood, the nationalistic spirit will rise until the mad race of the American 
imperialism will be precipitated into the abyss of a new var which undoubtedly 
the workers will ae 





*Alba Nuova ” of October 13, 1923, also states Shitaadtye 


It is important to enlighten those workers who are not as yet with us on 
the necessity of joining our Party. As long as our files are small our enemies 
will laugh at us. Capitalism will, rejoice at our miseries. The bailiffs will — 
tighten our wrists with handcuffs. The merchants will refuse bread to the 
children. The doors of the factories and mines will be closed to us. Yes, 
Comrades, the weak will never have the power to have their claims and rights 
respected. Force and force alone is the supreme victor of all the wrongs, of 
all the abuses, of all the infamies, of all the oppressions borne by our class. 
Foree enlightened by an idea of redemption and justice will be able to con- 


RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA ~ 529 


quer a brutal force aiming only at ealiehy lug the wishes of a small caste of 
parasites, thieves, usurpers * * 

Fellow workers! Our Party has sent forth an appeal to recruit ten thousand 
more members, ten thousand more workers disposed to cooperate with the Com- 
munist International on behalf of the unity of the workers, on behalf of the 
fight for =a 


“Alba Nuova ” of January 20, 1923, foreseeing coming war and the 
draft, editorially asserts: 


Yes, we will obey. We will march on to the battlefield. We will use our 
energies. We will suffer the severities of war. Yes, we will go on singing our 
hymns. We will raise our pow erful arms, leave our homes, children, mothers, 
and our parents. We will give them the last kiss, the last good-by, and then we 
will run and march under the standards of the Communist International, the 
standards of our faith, of our redemption, liberty, justice, life, and death. 
Yes, Yes, we will obey, but we will obey what our souls feel, what our faith 
inspires. 

ETEENPAIN 


* Eteenpain,” Finish Communist daily, of Worcester, Mass., official 
organ of the Finnish. Federation of the Workers’ Party of America, 
had an editorial in the April 1, 1923, issue on the Future Prospects 
of The Workers’ Party. It states that— 


Without any undue optimism we can join Scott Nearing in saying that the 
Workers’ Party is the basis of the present radical political movement in th¢ > 
United States. We shall go further and say that the Workers’ Party will max 
a success of the possibilities afforded it. 


“ Kteenpain ” of January 18, 1923, states editorially : 


The Workers’ Pary does the same work and wages the same fight in Americ a 
that the Communist Parties are doing in other countr‘es. 


GLOS ROBOTNICZY 


“Glos Robotniczy,” Polish Communist daily, of Detroit, official 
organ of the Polish ‘branch of The Workers’ Par ty of America, states 
through a correspondent in the June 14, 1923, issue, with reference to 
the women of Europe in particular: 


The class-conscious proletarian women do not recoil terror stricken before 
violence; nor do they faint at the sight of a drop of blood. They have ex- 
perienced so much poverty and violence that they realize that force can be 
broken by foree only. And in the class war they will take up their places 
in the ranks against the capitalists even with weapons in their hands should 
the occasion demand it. 


In a list of slogans given in the afore-mentioned editorial are in- 


| cluded: 


To disarm the bourgeoisie and to arm the proletariat. 

Forward to the struggle for the abolition of wrongs, for the institution of a 
régime of equal work and equal regard for all the workers in a commonwealth 
of producers only. 

Long live the proletariat of the Soviet Republic which is the vanguard oi 
the working class all the world over! ; 


From another May Day editorial in this same paper we read: 


The power of the proletariat is breaking the resistance through its forward 
march under the red symbol! to which the entire capitalist world must bow. 
On this day labor’s blood is being shed in many a place on earth for the free- 
dom of the entire society of workers. The blood calling for revenge finds new 
recruits ready for the battle. 

The day of the ultimate settlement is approaching, 


530 ' RECOGNITION OF RUSSIA 
OBRANA 


“ Obrana.” Czechoslovak Communist weekly, of New York, in its 
February 22, 1923, issue thus counsels the young soldiers in European 
uniforms: 

Workers, you visionaries in soldiers’ uniform, can’t you see, can’t you under-- 
stand? You have the guns, the poisonous gasses, and the tanks in yeur hands. 
Turn them on against those who order you to kill comrades. 

Turn them on and fire! And see that you aim well! Tear the tattars, the: 


-multicolored gangles, with their crosses, lions, eagles, and stars, and in their 
place hoist ie red blood flag of your power. 

“ Obrana ” of December 28, 1922, declared editorially ; 

We should bring up our children in the full realization that whatever they 
have is not a gift of some mystic Jesus or a disguised capitalist, but that it 
comes as a result of ceaseless toil and drudgery of their parents who are,. 
moreover, being robbed of the greater part of what their labor produces. We 
should also tell them. that unless the capitalist system is changed they will be: 
robbed in the same way as we are. Furthermore let us forget that peace and 
zood will has been the Christian creed for ages past, and let us teach our 
children insatiable hatred of all those who live on the life blood of their par- 
ents, who are even ready to live on child labor, and are ready to put the 
chains of industrial slavery on young children. 

Let us renounce the bourgeois sentimentality and let : us teach class warfare: 
to our children. Let us tell them what is awaiting them: when they grow up 
ynd become the victims of the capitalist monster. Let us teach them to know 
‘de man from another, to hate, and finally to fight. And once the equality of 
yi has been reached we will be the first to advocate ourselves peace and 
good will to men. In the meantime we have nothing left but fight, and fight 
With out stop or rest to which we must teach the youth who in, the near future: 
shall form our vanguard. 


It is believed that the evidence presented by the Department of 
State at this hearing has conclusively established three facts: First,,. 
the essential unity of the Bolshevik organization known as the Com- 
munist Party, so-called Soviet Government, and the Communist — 
International, all of which are controlled by a small group o indi- : 
viduals, technically known as the political bureau of the Russian 
Communist Party. Second, the spiritual and organic connection _ 
between this Moscow group and its agent in this country—the Amer- 
ican Communist Party and its legal counterpart, the Workers’ Party. 
Not only are these organizations the creation of Moscow, but the 
latter has also elaborated their program and controlled and super- 
vised their activities. While there may have existed in the United 
States individuals, and even groups, imbued with Marxist doctrines: 
prior to the advent. of the Communist International, the existence: 
of a disciplined party equipped with a program aiming at the over- 
throw of the institutions of this country by force and violence is due: 
to the intervention of the Bolshevik organizations into the domestic 
political life of the United States. 'The essential fact is the existence 
of an organization in the United States created by and completely 
subservient to a foreign organization striving to overthrow the 
existing social and political order of this country. Third, the sub- 
versive and perpicious activities of the American Corminist Party 
and the Workers’ Party and their subordinate and allied organs in. 
the United States are activities resulting from and flowing out of 
the program elaborated for them by the Moscow BEARD 


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